Redefining Leadership: The Role of Spirituality and Motherhood in Muslim Women’s Educational Leadership
Faculty of Arts & Social Sciences, School of Social Sciences & Global Studies, Geography, The Open University, Milton Keynes MK7 6AA, UK
Religions 2024, 15(12), 1565; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel15121565
Submission received: 16 July 2024
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Revised: 12 December 2024
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Accepted: 13 December 2024
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Published: 22 December 2024
(This article belongs to the Special Issue Islamic Education in Western Contexts: Visions, Goals and Practices)
Abstract
:This study explores the perspectives and experiences of three Muslim female headteachers in Islamic schools in England, each with over twenty years of experience, to understand how they perceive and negotiate their leadership roles. Using Allama Muhammad Iqbal’s theory of agency and structure, nine semi-structured interviews were conducted in three phases: 2010–2012, and 2018–2020. The rich longitudinal data, despite the limited sample size, provided an in-depth understanding of emerging themes around Muslim women’s leadership in British Islamic schooling. Analysis reveals that these headteachers conceptualise leadership through the Islamic principles of imāmah (spiritual leadership), qiwāmah (guardianship), and amānah (trusteeship), emphasising ethical responsibility, continuous learning, and service-oriented leadership. Their leadership within this framework is neither submissive to men’s authority nor rivalling it but acts as an autonomous agency through the Tawḥīdi (Oneness of God) theological framework and akhlāq (ethical framework), defending chosen values within the Ibādah (worship; acts of devotion to God alone) context. Motherhood is seen as intrinsic to their leadership, with nurturing, guiding, and supporting roles extending from home to school, challenging the dichotomy between private and public spheres. This paper contends that the current educational leadership models are predominantly Western, failing to capture the unique experiences and perspectives of female Muslim leaders who reject framing their perspectives within feminist parameters. Advocating a decolonised approach, centring these women’s coherent religious conceptual frameworks, the study suggests that these leaders’ practices offer a unique perspective on educational leadership, blending spiritual, ethical, and communal responsibilities, and calls for further research to explore the identified themes in broader contexts.
1. Introduction
Historically, leadership roles in Muslim communities in Western contexts, including educational leadership, have predominantly been subsumed by men. However, Nalborczyk (2016) describes a unique aspect of women’s leadership among Tatar Muslims in Poland and Lithuania. She (Nalborczyk 2016) reports that female community leaders are characteristic of Tatar Islam, with three out of eight religious communities of the Muslim Religious Union being led by women. Her (Nalborczyk 2016) study shows that women also hold significant positions in the Highest Council of the Muslim Religious Union and in other Muslim organisations. Nalborczyk (2016) emphasises that this level of women’s leadership is distinctive, particularly when compared to other European Muslim communities, and represents a specific type of European Islam. Nevertheless, Muslim women have been steadily making their mark in these realms. It is crucial to acknowledge the substantial, albeit less recognised roles that Muslim women occupy within religious and educational leadership (Bano 2017; Bano and Kalmbach 2012; Liberatore 2019). In Islamic education, the lexicon denoting authority and scholarship among Muslim women illuminates their roles and the respect they command within their communities. Female scholarship and leadership titles include ʿālimah1 (learned woman), hāfizah2 (female Quran memoriser), imāmah3 (a female prayer leader, but as a noun, it means spiritual leadership), murshidah4 (a female spiritual guide), shaykhah5 (a woman with religious knowledge), muʿallimah,6 mudarrisah7 (both denoting teacher), and ustādhah8 (a female teacher or lecturer). These appellations, rich in cultural and religious meanings, underscore the diversity of roles Muslim women occupy within their communities, highlighting their contributions to religious scholarship, education, and spiritual guidance. The significance of these roles cannot be fully appreciated without a rigorous examination of their contextual fluidity—the meanings of these roles evolve, influenced by time, space, migration patterns, and the dynamic interplay between religious interpretation and cultural norms.
Since their arrival in Britain, Muslim women have played significant roles in education through Quranic study circles (halaqahs9) provided to other Muslim women and children (Cheruvallil-Contractor 2020; Gilliat-Ray 2010). However, a 2009 BMG Research study for the UK Charity Commission found that only 15% of mosques10 in England and Wales listed women in management roles (Coleman 2009). Cultural norms and Hanafi jurisprudence among first-generation South Asian Muslim immigrants in Britain often discourage women from attending mosques, combined with early demographic shifts where mosques were constructed without providing female spaces due to financial constraints and families left behind abroad, which contributed to this early lack of female attendance (Rahman et al. 2006).
The evolution of Muslim advocacy in Britain fashioned by pivotal events, including the Rushdie Affair, 9/11, and 7/7, exposed tensions between religious sensitivities, security narratives, and civil rights, compelling Muslim organisations to address Islamophobia, surveillance, and extremist stereotypes while asserting equality and cultural recognition. Balancing external pressures with internal community diversity, these organisations shifted from reactive responses to proactive engagement in social justice, religious freedom, and coalition-building, navigating complex societal and political landscapes (Elshayyal 2018).
Accordingly, over time, Muslim women leadership began to emerge in other community spaces, as school founders, teachers, and community organisers. Their influence extended beyond religious education, with many pioneering progressive educational reforms in secular institutions (Lahmar 2023). For example, British Muslim women have served the community in professional religious roles such as chaplaincy in prisons, health services, and education (Gilliat-Ray 2010; Gilliat-Ray and Timol 2020). While numerous studies have focused on the development of Islamic schooling in the West (Brooks and Ezzani 2021; Lahmar 2020a; Scott-Baumann et al. 2019; Shah 2016), gaps remain in understanding the perspectives of Muslim women who adopt leadership roles within these institutions in the British context. The debate on how Muslim women’s educational leadership has been understood and theorised within Islamic schools in Britain requires elucidation.
This paper seeks to answer the following question: how do Muslim women headteachers perceive and negotiate their leadership in British Islamic schools?
Structured in five sections, the debate is contextualised within the current research literature on Muslim women’s educational leadership. The methodological foundations are outlined, adopting Allama Muhammad Iqbal’s theory of agency and structure. A deep analysis of the leaders’ accounts is offered. The identified insights are then discussed within the broader Islamic theoretical framework of leadership. Finally, the paper highlights the implications of these findings for understanding Muslim women’s leadership in education.11
2. Navigating Muslim Women’s Educational Leadership in Western Contexts
Educational leadership in Islamic schools in the West navigates complex intersections surrounding identity, culture, religion, gender, politics, and geography. In Britain, with its diverse immigration history, Islamic schools become crucial spaces where societal narratives of tradition and modernity, East and West, converge. For Muslim women leaders, this context presents both opportunities and challenges as they navigate religious identity, gender norms, cultural expectations, and prevalent stereotypes. Their leadership, rooted in historical heritage and contemporary context, offers a significant yet nuanced field of inquiry. Nonetheless, the current educational leadership models predominantly stem from Western paradigms. This hegemony has been challenged by studies advocating for diverse, non-Western perspectives in educational leadership (Abdalla et al. 2023; Arar and Haj-Yehia 2018; Arar and Sawalhi 2023; Brooks and Ezzani 2021; Lahmar 2023; Liberatore 2019; Shah 2016).
In Britain, research on the evolution of religious practice among Muslim women challenges the monolithic portrayal of their religious engagement (Akhtar 2014; Lahmar 2020a, 2023). For example, Liberatore (2019) discusses the recent rise of a new generation of publicly visible female Islamic teachers and scholars in the UK who have traditional Islamic training. Many of these female authorities present guidance as a distinctly female area of expertise. By navigating between different positions, these authorities are carving out legitimate spaces for themselves while also developing new forms of knowledge and ideals of pious female leadership. Liberatore (2019) argues that these female authorities are shaping new understandings of Islamic knowledge and leadership in the UK context, offering plural visions of pious female forms of leadership that are neither simply liberal nor orthodox, but based within the Islamic tradition while reworking it in the British context. This reveals a shift from cultural preservation to an empowered reclamation of religious identity and active leadership roles, highlighting the transformative power of literacy and access to religious knowledge.
In the context of American Islamic schools, Khalil and DeCuir (2018) conceptualise female Muslim leadership through the framework of ‘Islamic Feminist School Leadership’ (IFSL), signifying three main attributes: leading via modelling an equitable and just ethic, nurturing a communal culture, and promoting transformational resistance. They (Khalil and DeCuir 2018) conceptualise IFSL, grounded in what is called ‘Islamic feminism’, as an asset-driven leadership framework centring the experiences and ethos of female Muslim school leaders, emphasising equity, community, and resistance in the context of leading American Islamic schools.
However, Islamic feminism is a complex concept that lacks a clear, agreed-upon definition due to the ambiguity surrounding both ‘feminism’ and ‘Islam’ in this context. It aims to analyse society, rectify injustices towards women, and reform social structures while grappling with the challenge of reconciling Islamic beliefs with feminist principles, leading to debates among scholars and activists about its validity and implementation (Grami 2013). Nevertheless, For Khalil and DeCuir (2018), such a framework provides insights into how school structures can enhance leadership agency when serving as an anti-imperialist, non-patriarchal schema for community development, liberation, and empowerment aimed at educating the next generation of global citizens.
Similarly, DeCuir (2019) employs a critical feminist methodology to critique social, cultural, and political influences on human behaviour, particularly how these influences shape the leadership experiences of Muslim women in American Islamic schools. By making the private political and interpreting the expressions of private, emotional feelings, DeCuir (2019) aims to articulate the larger structures and social relations of power and control that influence emotionality, thereby linking emotions as sites for social justice work within the realm of school leadership. Conversely, Brooks and Ezzani’s (2021) study deeply explores one female leadership practice at a progressive American Islamic school, focusing on how the principal’s adherence to what they conceptualised as ‘critical spirituality’—defined by elements of critical consciousness, resistance, and love—guides her leadership. Accordingly, they (Brooks and Ezzani 2021) contend that a leader’s critical spirituality can inform and shape their practices, fostering a school culture that encourages critical questioning, discernment, and action. In Islamic schools in the Greater Toronto Area (GTA), Canada, Amatullah (2024) examines Muslim women leaders who define educational leadership through community and service orientation, collaboration, and teamwork. She (Amatullah 2024) reveals that one participant explicitly distanced herself from a feminist framework when discussing her leadership perspective. Her (Amatullah 2024) research concludes that their approach is rooted in the Islamic principles of justice and service, not in feminism.
In Denmark, Femimam, essentially meaning ‘female imam’, was an initiative that laid the groundwork for the Mariam Mosque, established in 2015. A feminist advocacy framework arose which culminated in the mosque’s establishment, aligned together under the shared mission of redefining Islamic female leadership (Mariam Mosque 2022a). The Mariam Mosque in Denmark is said to be Scandinavia’s first female-led mosque, where Friday prayers are exclusively for women and led by female imams. Open to men at other times, the mosque operates under the principles outlined in its manifesto. It emphasises women’s rights through female-liberated readings of the Quran and aims to strengthen global Islamic feminist networks. Central to its mission is the education of female imams via its Islamic Academy. Annual conferences debate ‘Islamic feminism’. The manifesto incorporates Sufi spirituality and supports interfaith marriage and pluralistic Quranic interpretation. Empathy and tolerance promote and challenge Islamophobia (Mariam Mosque 2022c). Such principles reflect the leaders’ redefinitions of the mosque as a space of ‘equality’, shaped by a feminist framework, extending beyond worship and departing from classical Islamic hermeneutic frameworks and mainstream scholarship (Mariam Mosque 2022a). Core to the mosque’s board are Sherin Khankan and Hasib Nasiri, whose academic pursuits and commitments lie at the intersection of Islamic theology and feminism (Mariam Mosque 2022b). Petersen’s (2022) analysis of Femimam and the Mariam Mosque highlights how their development was propelled by media attention and serendipitous events rather than the founders’ intentions or community demands. This dynamic led to organisational challenges and membership loss within Denmark’s complex geopolitical framing of Islam. Despite becoming a significant topic in Danish political discourse on Muslim issues in 2019, the mosque received minimal support. Petersen (2022) attributes this to received perceptions that women-only Friday prayers are viewed as too traditional to align with the Danish notions of progressiveness.
Accordingly, important questions centre on power dynamics: Who defines what is considered progressive? Are definitions shaped internally within Muslim communities or transfigured by external pressures? How do progressive approaches interact with classical Islamic scholarship and long-established religious practices?
The term ‘progressive’ is inherently biassed, implying that those who disagree with the direction taken are deficient, backwards, or resistant to self-improvement. This may compromise Islam’s ontological coherence when prioritising alignment with external ‘progressive’ narratives. It also underscores the tension between Muslim agency and the influence of non-Muslim socio-political actors, prompting inquiries about the authenticity of bypassing classical Islamic scholarship. Femimam positions its discourse within a narrative aligned with Western progressiveness, juxtaposing its ‘modern’ and ‘dynamic’ trajectory with mainstream Islamic scholarship, represented as static and resistant to modernity (Petersen 2022). This framing aligns with Said’s (1978, 1997) critique of Orientalism and how the media and the experts determine how Islam is perceived. He (Said 1978, 1997) argues that Western knowledge of the Orient is inseparable from power dynamics that assert its superiority. The West is constructed as rational, progressive, and innovative, while the Orient is deemed irrational, exotic, and backwards, frequently depicted as static and requiring Western intervention. This dichotomy highlights how pejorative narratives perpetuate domination through the disparagement of non-Western traditions. In this regard, Said’s (1978, 1997) critique of the Western redefinition of non-Western traditions resonates with this knowledge power dynamics, exposing how Femimam’s alignment with external ‘progressive’ narratives risks severing its practices from Islam’s ontological coherence.
The synthesis of Islamic principles, feminist theories, and educational leadership models aims to create comprehensive frameworks, like IFSL (Khalil and DeCuir 2018). However, this integration, though creative, may gloss over inherent tensions and contradictions which can manifest in several areas, including ontological divergence, epistemological contradictions, methodological bricolage, and practical implications for leadership. For example, feminist ontology and epistemology conceptualise ‘the body’ as a cultural and social construct, a site of disputed meanings and experiences shaped by cultural discourses. In this framework, the body is dynamic and evolving, and its significance is constantly reconstituted through social interactions and institutional regulations. Hence, bodily experiences and identities are constructed through cultural norms and practices (Stanley and Wise 1993; Thompson 2001). In contrast, Islamic ontology and epistemology perceive the body as part of a divinely ordained creation, with inherent purposes and meanings defined by religious texts (Qur’an and Hadith). The body is viewed through the lens of spiritual and moral significance, in which physical existence is intertwined with spiritual responsibilities and ethical conduct, (Quran, 24: 30–31), (Şentürk 2020).
Moreover, feminist epistemology emphasises that knowledge is socially situated, meaning that it is influenced by social positions and power relations. This perspective prioritises understanding how social factors, such as gender and oppression, impact the process of knowing, and it integrates ethical considerations into epistemic evaluations (Grasswick 2014). Conversely, Usul al-Fiqh (principles of Islamic jurisprudence), for instance, is rooted in a divine framework, emphasising the derivation of legal and ethical norms based on the Quran, Sunnah (traditions of the Prophet), ijmā’ (consensus), and qiyas (analogical reasoning). It seeks objective truth derived from sacred texts and classical scholarship via established methodologies, maintaining a clear distinction between ethical and epistemic normativity, even though they may be related in some aspects (Al-Ghazali 1992; Auda 2008; Ibn-Āshūr 2011). Islamically, this separation aims to maintain clarity in how beliefs are formed and justified based on sacred texts and mainstream classical scholarship without conflating these processes with subjective moral evaluations. Also, the feminist approach’s integration of social and ethical considerations potentially conflicts with Usūl al-Fiqh’s more structured and classical methods, which seek to maintain consistency and universality in Islamic legal and epistemological principles.
However, Sirri (2021) contends that Islamic feminism critically responds to both Orientalist Western feminism and fundamentalist Islamic discourses, advocating for gender equality through ‘ijtihad’ (independent reasoning) of reinterpreting religious texts within an Islamic framework. This, she (Sirri 2021) claims, challenges patriarchal interpretations and aims to reshape power relations using egalitarian principles from the Qur’an and Hadith. While distorted interpretations theorising women’s oppression exist within Islamic classical sources, critical responses using the same frameworks also exist. Alternatively, Hallaq (2019) and Abderrahmane (2006) advocate for an intellectual revival rooted in Islamic epistemology, engaging with modernity on its own terms while preserving the integrity of the Islamic scholarship system. Using feminist conceptual frameworks remains problematic as it imposes Western concepts onto an Islamic paradigm, which operates on different ontological and epistemological grounds. Labelling this as ‘ijtihad’ challenges the classical Islamic ‘ijtihad’ framework, which facilitates critical engagement within its scholarly system without positioning gender dynamics as adversarial.
Moreover, Sirri’s proposal does not meet the Islamic scholarly conditions of ‘ijtihad’ as conceptualised by the established Usul al-Fiqh (Al-Ghazali 1992), potentially leading to either deconstructing Islamic classical scholarship ijtihad system or creating an incoherent conceptual bricolage lacking Islamic rootedness. Furthermore, Islamic feminism’s use of terms like patriarchy, rooted in Western feminist thought, risks marginalising those women using Islamic classical scholarship who view gender relations as cooperative and rooted in shared spiritual and ethical responsibilities. Thus, while aiming for inclusivity, Islamic feminism’s conceptualisation risks alienating a segment of Muslim women who find these external concepts incongruent with their religious worldview and lived experiences. These fundamental differences can lead to tensions and misalignment in understanding Muslim women’s accounts of authority, knowledge, roles, spaces, devotion, and ethics within educational leadership. These tensions may further manifest in various aspects of school leadership, including curriculum decisions, gender roles, and community engagement, potentially leading to conflict and confusion within school communities.
Incorporating Fanon’s analysis reframes the discourse on Islamic scholarship, situating it within a broader struggle for cultural autonomy and identity in a post-colonial world. Colonisation, as Fanon (1986) notes, fosters a psychological dynamic in which the colonised internalise the coloniser’s values, measuring progress against external frameworks that devalue indigenous knowledge systems. This process not only erodes cultural dignity but also undermines the self-worth of the colonised, as their identity is shaped by a relationship of domination and dehumanisation. Misalignment may erode a rooted Islamic identity and autonomy in Islamic-based educational leadership, reinforcing dependency on what Bennabi (2006) terms ‘Colonising Ideas’ rather than fostering authentic intellectual and spiritual growth. In Bennabi’s framework, ‘Colonising Ideas’ refer to the imposition and uncritical adoption of foreign concepts that erode indigenous cultural and intellectual autonomy, leading to a loss of identity and self-reliance. Instead, Bennabi (2006) emphasises the need for societies to cultivate ‘living ideas’ that are dynamic, innovative, and reflective of their cultural, historical, and spiritual heritage. For Muslims in Western contexts, leadership models must handle internal and external pressures, resist colonisation, and contribute to the renaissance of Muslim thought, authenticity, and active participation in society. Educational leadership should be a catalyst for intellectual and cultural renewal and creativity, not a conduit for ‘Colonizing Ideas’ that lead to imitation, stagnation, and subordination, or a process that Freire (1993) conceptualised as ‘alienation’. Alienation, for Freire (1993), refers to the disconnection and estrangement of individuals from their potential, social reality, and broader socio-political context. For Bennabi (2006), this alienation deactivates agents via dead ideas and, more dangerously, by internalising lethal colonial ideas. Developing critical consciousness, as Freire (1993) advocates, is essential for leaders from colonised communities to awaken to their oppression and gain the tools to surmount their subjugation. Imposing colonial frameworks to explain Muslim women’s experiences can be a form of oppressive alienation for those who do not find these frameworks liberating.
In a Western context of prevalent Islamophobia and racism, which encourage ignorance, inequality, and xenophobia, studies on educational leadership from an Islamic perspective face the possibility of being discounted (Arar and Sawalhi 2023; Waghid 2014). To encourage nuanced understanding and critical reflection among educators, potentially mitigating Islamophobic biases, Arar and Sawalhi (2023) introduce ‘Islamic-Based Educational Leadership’, distinguishing between the aspirational Islamic ideals and practical implementations. However, greater conceptual clarity is still needed. The current body of research lacks a thorough conceptualisation of spiritual and faith-based educational leadership (Arar and Sawalhi 2023). In this regard, Arar and Sawalhi (2023) rightly call for future research exploring grounded epistemologies and paradigms.
For Muslim women educational leaders who may not identify with feminist ideologies but seek empowerment, an Islamic-based leadership framework offers an alternative rooted in Islamic scholarship, morality, and ethics. This framework draws strength and guidance from faith, inspiring a transformative and inclusive leadership approach that aligns with their beliefs and leadership styles within an Islamic coherent system of conceptualisation and Ijtihad.
3. Methodology
The roles of Muslim women in Britain are diverse and not encapsulated within a singular image. This paper explores the perspectives and experiences of three Muslim Sunni women headteachers in Islamic schools in England, who, by 2020, each retain at least 20 years of educational experience. The analysis was based on data from nine one-hour semi-structured interviews conducted across three Islamic schools. The interviews occurred in three phases: initially between 2010 and 2012; followed by revisits between 2018 and 2020, and a review of this paper in 2024.
Nuha, the headteacher of Message Primary School (Message-PS), founded the school in the 1980s and initially began homeschooling her child because of concerns about state school provision. This effort expanded with the support of other parents and the local Muslim community, leading to the establishment of Message-PS as an independent Muslim school in the 1990s with a long waiting list. Bushrah, the headteacher of London Primary School (London-PS), a female leader instrumental in its establishment in the early 2000s, has been pivotal in shaping its inclusive culture, which encourages professional collaboration irrespective of gender. Since its founding in the 2000s, the school has prioritised Quranic and Arabic learning, served both its diverse student body and the wider community, and promoted respect for all jurisprudential schools. Karimah, the headteacher of the Vision Secondary School (Vision-SS), who had been with the school since its establishment in the 1990s, played a key role in creating the city’s first independent Muslim girls’ school. Under her leadership, the school has developed a strong ethos of spiritual and social empowerment, academic excellence, and fostering self-esteem, aligning with its mission to nurture well-rounded British Muslim citizens. All three headteachers in this study were professional educators interested in the Islamic education of their own children.
Informed consent was obtained from all the subjects involved in the study. All the interviews were audio-recorded and transcribed verbatim. All the data were anonymised to protect subjects’ privacy using pseudonyms instead of actual names. Additionally, the subjects’ ethnic backgrounds were withheld to safeguard their identities.12 The data were managed and thematically analysed using the NVivo 12 software. ChatGPT-4o was used to assist with language editing. Nonetheless, acknowledging the limitations of both tools is important. I acknowledge that the analysis and write-up remain my own and are original. While the study focuses on a small sample size, the qualitative approach allows for an in-depth exploration of the headteachers’ extensive experiences and nuanced perspectives. Their long-term leadership roles provide a rich, detailed understanding of the complexities and challenges they face. The goal of this study is not to generalise but to deeply understand the unique experiences of these leaders and how they navigate and conceptualise their roles within the context of British Islamic schools. Their perspectives offer valuable insights into the theoretical underpinnings of this sample of Muslim women leaders and raise questions for future researchers on female Muslim leadership.
Analytically, this paper adopts Allama Muhammad Iqbal’s (2013) theory of the dynamic interplay between agency and structure, where individuals are shaped by but can also reshape their cultural and religious environments. Thus, agency and structure are viewed as interconnected rather than mutually exclusive. This interaction plays a crucial role in cultural development, where individuals, influenced by the existing structures, have the agency to reshape them, as exemplified by Islam’s revolutionary stance against Greek thought. The headteachers in this study are seen as active agents who shape and reshape their environments guided by Islamic values and teachings. Their agency is not isolated but embedded within the broader framework of Islamic sources—the Qur’an and hadith. Understanding their actions requires engaging with these sources to avoid epistemic oppression and acknowledge their meaning-making processes. In Iqbal’s view, human agency is pivotal to shaping spiritual and intellectual journeys. He rightly argues the following:
The ultimate spiritual basis of all life, as conceived by Islam, is eternal and reveals itself in variety and change. A society based on such a conception of Reality must reconcile, in its life, the categories of permanence and change. It must possess eternal principles to regulate its collective life, for the eternal gives us a foothold in the world of perpetual change. But eternal principles when they are understood to exclude all possibilities of change which, according to the Qur’an, is one of the greatest “signs” of God, tend to immobilize what is essentially mobile in its nature.
While Iqbal’s (2013) analysis of agency and structure dynamics apparently resembles Giddens’ ‘double hermeneutic’ (Giddens 1984), their theories diverge ontologically. Iqbal’s (2013) discourse on Human Ego—Freedom and Immortality presents a philosophically rich vision of selfhood’s role in individual and leadership development within an Islamic framework. The ego, as a divine trustee on earth (Khalīfah13), embodies the potential for moral and spiritual growth, reflecting divine attributes.
This paper posits the ego as a conduit for action, emphasising its role in decision making, affecting change, and leading others. The evolving ego moves from finite to infinite, shaped by the spatio-temporal order, recognising and transcending limitations. This process, mirroring divine attributes, resonates with the Islamic concept of becoming one’s best self (Ihsān14). The ego’s growth is akin to a leader’s journey toward developing skills, abilities, and wisdom. This immortality, achieved through disciplined action and respect for self and others, echoes the Islamic concept of Taqwa (piety), a guiding principle for leadership. Personal immortality in Iqbal’s (2013) context suggests an enduring influence or legacy, an essential aspect of impactful leadership.
4. From Home to School: The Dual Leadership Roles of Muslim Women
For me, leadership is a responsibility to God before it’s to the people.(Bushrah, London-PS)
4.1. Leadership as a Form of Imāmah
Muslim women involved in educational leadership not only act as professional educational leaders, but also formulate interpretations and applications to key Islamic concepts linked to their educational practices and values. A key concept that emerges from these Muslim women’s accounts is ‘imāmah’15 (leadership). The leader is not merely a figurehead but a guide whose actions directly impact others, implying a shared existence and interconnectedness within a community:
Leading people, oh my Lord, is like an imāmah (a congregational prayer leader); when you lead in prayer, you must be very careful because people follow your mistakes. […] I’ll need to be nominated by people to be a leader for whatever qualities, it is a great amānah16 (trusteeship), a heavy responsibility on your shoulders, and you have to do it properly.(Karimah, Vision-SS)
This perspective underscores the holistic and deeply moral nature of leadership. The applied concept of imāmah encapsulates a profound understanding of leadership within an Islamic framework. It emphasises the meticulous care, ethical responsibility, and accountability that define both an imām’s17 role in leading prayers and leaders’ roles in guiding a community. This perspective also challenges the limited view that the concept of imāmah, as a verbal noun (maṣdar) encompassing abstract leadership, is confined to Muslim men who lead mixed-gender congregational prayers. Instead, it opens the door to understanding imāmah as a form of leadership in broader terms, where both men and women fulfil their religious roles across various contexts beyond the mixed-gender prayer setting, without challenging classical scholarship rulings on congregational prayer leadership, imāmah. This type of abstract imāmah fits within the ‘Fiqh of Khidmah’ (service), which Siddiqui (2019) rightly considers an urgent need to explore and develop for Muslim communities in Europe. Moreover, this headteacher emphasises that her leadership is based on qualities and capabilities rather than gender as part of the communal trust and nomination process, which fosters inclusive leadership.
The headteacher conceptualised leadership as a trusteeship (amānah), viewing it as more demanding than a professional position. Her personal conduct outside the school is part of this heavy ‘trust’, reflecting her sense of accountability in the hereafter. She sees this as an obligation (wājib):
I see my leadership role as my life, my day-to-day practice. In Islam, it is not a paid job but something I have to do, wājib (duty). If I lead a Muslim organisation, I have to lead by example. […] I hope, inshāa-Allāh (If God wills18), to be a good role model for pupils, staff, and the wider community. Al-ḥamdullilāh (thanks to God), I always see the fruit of that on students, staff, and parents, […] which makes you realise to what effect your leadership means.(Karimah, Vision-SS)
For Karimah, effective leadership, as an imāmah (spiritual leader) in her community, demands empowerment with different forms of knowledge, including learning about Islam to fulfil her responsibilities of ‘guidance and support’ considering the ‘constant change’ in her context, which is part of being an imāmah, and leading by role modelling:
[…] It’s a challenge, and that’s constant. I learn every day from my colleagues, pupils, and the wider community. I deepen my understanding of Islam by reading the Quran, Sunnah, and literature […] and this is a constant change. I always need to be a bit further than my staff, pupils and the people that I lead to be able to provide guidance and support.(Karimah, Vision-SS)
This reflects a commitment to align leadership practices with Islamic principles, ensuring that decisions and actions are rooted in religious and ethical values based on key Islamic sources. The ultimate goal of this continuous learning, contextualisation, and striving to stay ahead is to ‘provide guidance and support’. This highlights the service-oriented nature of leadership from Karimah’s perspective. Leadership is seen not as a position of power but as a role that involves lifelong learning, humility, a proactive and forward-thinking approach to change, ethical guidance, and nurturing and supporting others.
Similarly, Bushrah conceptualised her leadership as a form of worship and service ‘for the sake of Allah’; thus, it is well embedded within the Tawḥīdi19 (monotheism in Islam) framework:
It is a passion, an act of worship, self-sacrifice, love and service, not a job. When I first entered the school, I was being paid the very low pay in Muslim schools then, but I’ve never gone into working actually ever for money […]. Coming from a poorer background, it still didn’t trigger the equation for me; it was about using my time for something really great and good for the sake of Allah. I don’t care about money; Allah knows our intentions. […] Yes, al-ḥamdulillāh, I can say it has been a labour of love, and it encompasses everything I do and breathe.(Bushrah, London-PS)
Bushrah articulates a vision of leadership that transcends financial compensation and is deeply intertwined with spiritual, personal, and communal values. Her commitment to her leadership role is driven by passion, faith, a sense of altruism, and a desire to serve, highlighting a holistic approach to leadership duties and work, where every action is an expression of worship and dedication to a greater good. Describing her work as a ‘labour of love’ indicates that her leadership is not just a part of her career or women’s empowerment, per se, but an integral aspect of her identity and existence. Moreover, the phrase ‘encompasses everything I do and breathe’ illustrates the total immersion in and commitment to her leadership role. Her perspective challenges the conventional notions of self-success and empowerment, or gender struggle per se, emphasising the importance of faith, intention, service, and spiritual alignment in one’s leadership role.
However, for Karimah, Islamic-based Imāmah leadership is guided by the values of istikhlāf,20 a stewardship ontology, in which humans are seen as the trustees and caretakers of the world and all forms of life are perceived as interconnected and worthy of care and respect. This is beyond the concept’s limited political connotations of ‘khilāfah’:21
We’ll be accountable for it in the hereafter and must recognise that children are representatives on this earth, (khulafāh22), with the responsibility to care for every human being, it doesn’t matter who they’re… animals, plants, or humans. It’s important to produce children who will be active members of the community and society, so it’s hard.(Karimah, Vision-SS)
The idea of divine accountability provides a moral and ethical framework that guides imāmah leadership behaviour; it promotes a broader sense of duty that transcends human-centric concerns and encourages stewardship (istikhlāf) of the entire planet. It is this approach that Ezzat (2015) conceptualised as al-tamaddun (civilisation or refinement of culture) within the scope of al-‘alāmin (the worlds) by identifying Islamic values of civilisation that are relevant to the broader spectrum of human beings and life on earth. The headteachers’ commitment to their leadership roles is deeply interwoven with psychological fulfilment, social responsibility, religious values, and spiritual devotion.
4.2. Leadership as a Form of Qiwāmah
The term qiwāmah23 in Arabic literally means ‘guardianship’, ‘maintenance’, or ‘stewardship’. It derives from the root word ‘q-w-m’, which means ‘to stand up’ or ‘to be in charge’ (Ibn-Mandhur 2010). The concept implies a position of responsibility and authority, where the guardian or steward is tasked with providing for, protecting, and making decisions for those under their care. In Islamic contexts, qiwāmah often refers to men as the providers and protectors of their families. In his pivotal tafsir, Ibn-Āshūr (1984) states in the interpretation of (Quran, 04: 34) that ‘the guardianship (qiyām) of men over women is a guardianship of protection and defence, and a guardianship of earning and financial production’. The term qiyām24 also carries connotations of moral and ethical leadership, requiring the guardian to act justly and compassionately (Ibn-Mandhur 2010).
The three interviewed female leaders explicitly cited qiwāmah when redefining motherhood responsibilities, women’s leadership spaces, and gender engagement tensions. However, Bushrah further questioned attributing some gender engagement problems during her leadership to the conflation of family and public roles when viewed through the lens of qiwāmah:
[…] that’s the other weird thing that goes on with some Muslim people, that they can’t seem to understand the difference between a woman’s role being a wife in her home with her husband, qiwāmah, having family leadership, subservient to some degree, and that is a really alien concept to some degree to liberal progressive Western society […].(Bushrah, London-PS)
Bushrah underscores that despite men’s primary leadership and responsibility at home, successful relationships depend on mutual understanding and flexibility rather than dominance. This reflects the idea that within the framework of qiwāmah, each marriage finds its balance, which may not necessarily conform to rigid patriarchal or matriarchal cultural norms.
[…] but in practice actually is very interesting, because it’s all to do with a husband and wife; so you’ve got some who really know how the synchrony works, […] it is not all patriarchal, and it’s not all matriarchal; it is whatever works for those people and if it doesn’t work it will end into divorce anyway […].(Bushrah, London-PS)
She distinguishes between private and public roles for women. Within the home, qiwāmah may establish the husband as a leader, but this does not extend to societal interactions, where women should not be expected to be universally subservient. She then contrasts this private dynamic with societal expectations:
[…] but that’s completely different to a Muslim woman’s place in society. She doesn’t have to obey every man she sees and always takes a step back and be quiet, because she is not married to the whole society and every Muslim man! […].(Bushrah, London-PS)
This powerful statement challenges the misapplication of qiwāmah within and beyond the family unit, emphasising that women’s public roles should not be dictated by the same dynamics that govern their private relationships.
[…] And that’s what makes me angry…don’t you see the implication of how you are expecting women to behave as this!? Excuse me! I’m not married to all of you.(Bushrah, London-PS)
Her emphasis underscores the importance of recognising Muslim women’s autonomy outside of their marital roles, aligning with Ezzat’s (1995, 1999) perspective on the Islamic view of ‘qiwāmah’ that women should have the freedom to engage actively and equally in public life. For Bushrah, any cultural expectation that women should be submissive to all men in society is a distortion of the Islamic principles that fundamentally support justice and individual agency. This latter view is emphasised by all three headteachers in this study.
When you think that a woman’s place is at home, understanding of qiwāmah, they can’t do other things, I disagree with this statement. Yes, a mother’s duty is first and foremost to her family, but they can give elsewhere.(Karimah, Vision-SS)
Nuha’s experience underscores the dynamic nature of qiwāmah, illustrating how qiwāmah, when understood as a partnership and a source of empowerment, can facilitate women’s public leadership.
I was always brought up to believe a woman has an equally important role as a man, equal but different, […] but when I went beyond my Islamic worldview, I missed that. The school children came from many other Islamic cultures, so different. I was uncomfortable as a leader, a Muslim, and a woman until my husband got involved. Then, I negotiated my way, and always think about how to have those conversations.(Nuha, Message-PS)
Nuha’s husband’s support extended beyond parental community engagement to facilitate scholarly discussions, helping negotiate emerging issues to keep the school aligned with Islamic values and rulings:
[…] when I was trying to get things clear in my head and meet up with scholars, it was the first time I became aware that I am a female (laughter)! I never thought this would be difficult, […], I was supported by my husband; he played an important role because I told him I find it difficult!(Nuha, Message-PS)
To handle tensions and dilemmas, these women are developing strategies sensitive to their communities’ cultural contexts. In doing so, they are also holding devoted Muslim men accountable to their own sources of belief and Islamic conceptual framework.
Women culturally could be oppressed if misinterpretations of the Quran and the teaching of the Prophet, peace be upon him, […] People use Islam…, this is haram [forbidden] for a woman to do; why is it haram [forbidden]? Where does it say it is haram?(Karimah, Vision-SS)
While these women challenge certain social norms, they also defend their primary roles as mothers and uphold gender relationships within the ‘brothers and sisters’/’sons’ and ‘uncles’ framework.
I have developed a sense of humour that I always used, and that’s also because of age. Now, being a lot older than I was many years ago, many young men are like sons rather than uncles. The respect level, experience, and life’s dilemmas make things a lot easier now.(Nuha, Message-PS)
The three Muslim women headteachers in this study are certainly critical of some cultural beliefs and practices or interpretations that treat women as inferior to men. However, they all distanced themselves from labels such as ‘Islamic feminism’. Their agency transcends what Mahmood (2005) described as the simplistic binaries of subordination and resistance. Bushrah explicitly objects to using feminist conceptualisation to critique gender-patronising behaviour that could be regarded as ‘misogynistic’:
[…] I don’t like to use the word misogynist, simply because when you start to use the word feminism misogyny, its own nuances and its own understanding within the Western academic frameworks. […] The point is we [Muslim women] are becoming more vocal, but at the same time, there’s slipping back from the din (religion) that’s happening as well at the same time.(Bushrah, London-PS)
This illustrates the complexity of translating concepts across frameworks to facilitate rational communication as advocated by Habermas (2006). Bushrah critiques cultural assumptions about outspoken women and expresses concern over reverting to non-Islamic frameworks by ‘slipping back from the din’. For her and the other leaders in this study, such questioning and revisiting of concepts should occur within an Islamic framework that respects their ontological and epistemological values:
My vision is to be authentically and 100% Islamic, understanding the role of women in society as it can correctly and rightfully exist in a Western environment; this includes being very spiritual and close to God, and understanding that our positions in the family and marriage are different from our positions in society.(Bushrah, London-PS)
These leaders’ positions resemble Ezzat’s (1995, 1999) argument that the Islamic framework supports women’s involvement in various societal roles, provided these roles do not conflict with their primary responsibilities within the family. These headteachers are part of a new generation of publicly visible teachers and scholars in the UK who are learning about their religion and working to apply rooted Islamic knowledge in a renewal approach within the British context.
4.3. Leadership as Reconciliation (Ṣulḥ) and Bridge-Building Endeavour
There is no good in most of their secret talk, only in commanding charity, or good, or reconciliation between people. To anyone who does these things, seeking to please God, We shall give a rich reward.(Quran, 04: 114)
The theme of leadership as reconciliation (ṣulḥ25) or constructive reform (Iṣlāḥ26) and a bridge-building endeavour emerges powerfully, suggesting that leadership, for these women, is not an exercise of power but an art of connection, reconciliation, and synthesis. To fully understand this theme, it becomes essential to explore the multi-dimensional nature of this bridge-building: Bridging with what? Bridging with whom? Bridging at what level(s)?
Firstly, the participants explore ‘the ethical foundations of bridging’ by examining the aspect of ‘bridging with what’? As Bushrah perceived leadership, “my role is not to dominate but to guide. Just like when I teach my children patience, I must practice it in the community. There are challenges, but with patience and prayer, we can foster understanding” (Bushrah, London-PS).
Here, bridging is between two essential facets of leadership: ‘dominion’ and ‘guidance’. For her, this role demands interweaving personal spiritual ethics with communal responsibilities, ensuring that leadership becomes a balanced act between authority and understanding.
Secondly, the bridging with whom question shows a ‘vertical’ and ‘horizontal’ aspect of leadership connections: one with ‘the divine’ and the other a ‘communal connect’, ensuring leadership is both spiritually anchored and socially engaged. As Nuha stated, “you are the bridge between Islamic scholarship heritage and the aspirations of the younger generation […]. You hold onto the rope of Allah, and you extend the other hand to your communities” (Nuha, Message-PS).
Bushrah reveals the complexity of leadership in community dynamics; the leader mediates between the past’s roots and the future’s goals and aspirations.
I’m not ashamed of being a very Western woman; that’s where I’ve grown up, but at the same time, I have grown up as a very conservative mainstream Muslim, and I’ve been very very conscious of my relationship with Allah, and my connections with human beings, I’m not ashamed for being quite critical and quite open.(Bushrah, London-PS)
These educators, having grown up and been educated in Britain, have naturally navigated their identities as Muslims within the British cultural framework.
[…] having been brought up in this country, I probably had negotiated my position as a Muslim and as a woman and… true it becomes a second nature, so when I came across hurdles in the main stream, for example, I had developed skills and techniques and strategies of dealing with them; because it was that part of the culture that I grew up with […] that woman has just an important role as man and equal but different, that education was just as important for females as it was for males […].(Nuha, Message-PS)
The headteacher’s account portrays ‘bridging’ as an ontological negotiation, where identity is shaped through the interplay of cultural equity and societal constraints. This dynamic process transcends adaptation, embodying a lived dialectic that redefines gendered agency within pluralistic contexts.
Thirdly, the question of the levels of bridging reveals the ‘socio-spiritual layers’ of leadership as perceived by these leaders in their daily practice. The portrayal of ‘holding onto the rope of Allah’, dense with symbolism, positions leadership as a bridge between the divine and the human; which paints a leader grounded in faith, yet always ready to uplift her community. This connects spiritual Islamic mandates with societal needs, ensuring actions in the physical realm are underpinned by akhlāq27 (Islamic ethics). Fourthly, the concept of ‘bridging’ also emerges as a process of ‘reconciliation and unity’ in ‘bridging divisions’ within communities. As Nuha noted: “I’ve witnessed divisions in our community […]; it’s a reminder of our shared duty [within the school environment] to bring people together and do ṣulḥ [reconciliation], to listen, understand, and work towards our shared higher goals” (Nuha, Message-PS).
Here, divisions emerge as opportunities to develop understanding, dialogue, and shared purpose. These divisions, whether theological, jurisprudent, generational, or otherwise, become working points for developing understanding, doing reconciliation (ṣulḥ), and ensuring that the community’s fabric remains intact. This includes handling gender tensions critically, but with wisdom and understanding via the Islamic akhlāq framework:
We thought all was said and done and couldn’t understand why brothers keep treating us like this? Where’s akhlāq? [Laughs], because they are on the ḥaq (truth) and the din (religion)! It took me some time to realise that’s because they are inheriting values, they claim are Islamic but are not. […] We need to understand we’re all tarnished by the environment we grow up in.(Bushrah, London-PS)
Leadership, as depicted in this section, is fluid, adaptable, and reciprocal; leaders transition between roles, staying aligned with faith principles and in sync with the community’s needs, tensions, and rhythms.
4.4. Motherhood: Bridging Private and Public Leadership
The interviewees’ perspectives reflect the intertwined nature of motherhood and leadership, highlighting the inherent responsibilities, challenges, and strengths associated with both roles. These two roles often intersect and inform one another meaningfully in the lives of women’s educational leadership.
Nuha presents a case study of female Muslim leadership evolving from the family’s educational needs, as a mother, towards serving (Khidmah) within her broader community space: ‘[…] the intention was never to set up a school […]’. Although Nuha held a middle-leadership role in mainstream schooling, she did not initially perceive her new educational activity within the Muslim community as a form of leadership: ‘so, rather than seeing myself as somebody who is a head, it was very much a mother who was trying to educate her daughter’ (Nuha, Message-PS).
Nuha’s identity and purpose are perceived as rooted in her role as a mother, highlighting an ontology of care and personalised education. This underscores the relational and authentic nature of her actions, in contrast to the more formal, hierarchical identity associated with running a school. However, for Karimah, motherhood was redefined as a form of leadership per se:
A mother is a leader. Khadijah, may Allah be pleased with her, was a businesswoman; she supported the Prophet in Mecca, and lots of saḥābiyahs [female companions] were all leaders. So, we’re all leaders before we even step outside the home.(Karimah, Vision-SS)
The underlying assumption is that the skills, qualities, and values inherent in motherhood serve as foundational attributes for leadership in broader capacities. Hence, ontologically, motherhood is perceived as an innate form of leadership, and leadership is perceived as an intrinsic motherhood quality rather than merely public actions or achievements.
By invoking powerful figures such as the Prophet’s first wife Khadijah and female companions (saḥābiyahs), Karimah situates women’s leadership within a historical and Islamic framework. This connects her being to an Islamic heritage that validates her authentic leadership roles and contributions. Karimah’s statement challenges the dichotomy between the private (domestic) and public spheres, suggesting that leadership is present and valid within both realms: ‘before even we step outside the home’. For example, by referencing Khadijah’s dual roles as a supportive wife to the Prophet and a businesswoman, Karimah highlights that leadership within the domestic sphere can naturally extend to leadership in societal or business contexts. She highlights Muslim women’s influential roles in their families, communities and historical contexts.
Moreover, leadership is perceived as both an internal attribute and an external, observable practice. Karimah indicates that the development of leadership qualities is influenced by various environments and relationships, both private and public, ‘at home and outside home’. Also, in Karimah’s perspective, motherhood motivates broader leadership in public spaces.
[…] how do we expect our girls, the young future generation, to be the future leaders if we don’t demonstrate this leadership to them, not just at home! At home and outside home! I think it’s very important, and I would love to see more Muslim females who are developing leadership qualities.(Karimah, Vision-SS)
Karimah’s emphasis on demonstrating leadership to young girls suggests that the Islamic role of a mother extends beyond nurturing the immediate family. She also highlights the epistemological role of mentoring in knowledge transmission about leadership, where knowledge is not merely theoretical, but also embodied and practised. The focus on the ‘young future generation’ introduces a temporal dimension to the ontology of leadership where the present actions of demonstrating leadership have future implications for the identity and capabilities of the next generation.
For Bushrah, motherhood becomes a source of empathy and insight for her leadership role. Ontologically, she presents a complex identity in which personal experiences, particularly those involving struggle and resilience, shape her professional being and leadership: ‘being a parent, being a mum, and going through all the sort of difficulties I went through, my personal life has really helped me understand families and children’ (Bushrah, London-PS).
Here, the interconnectedness of the personal and professional realms suggests that a leader’s vision and ethos are influenced by their personal experiences and insights. Her understanding of families, children, and emotional health is deeply rooted in personal hardships, illustrating that profound and empathetic knowledge often comes from lived experiences:
[…] because I had to learn the hard way [with her children] and I’ve got two failed marriages behind me; so, I’ve got domestic violence and dysfunctional families and children with emotional mental health needs and all sorts of things that come with family life.(Bushrah, London-PS)
This knowledge is then applied to create an emotionally competent and aware educational environment, demonstrating the integration of personal insights into professional practice:
It is so important to make a school that is emotionally competent and aware; because as the leader, you set the curriculum, ethos, and vision. If you have a greater vision of what your school is about and how to nurture children and work with families, then you’ve got a much better chance of being on the right track.(Bushrah, London-PS)
In essence, her experiences in motherhood empower her leadership, enabling a deeper understanding and a holistic approach to addressing the needs of families and children. Bushrah’s account also demonstrates how motherhood can form a source of resilience and strength for these women leaders. Their accounts reveal the ontological interconnection between the private self (as mothers within homes) and the public self (as leaders/imāms outside). This dual existence experienced by the female Muslim leadership hints at the multiplex nature of their being, where one’s identity is not perceived as singular, but as a harmonious (or sometimes conflicting) amalgamation of multiple roles.
For example, Nuha’s view of her leadership role in bridging gaps and providing platforms for diverse perspectives highlights the ethics of leadership. It involves offering a credible platform and fostering a safe environment for grounded scholarship aimed at renewal within the British context.
[…] we create an environment where it is important for everybody to know that we need to go back to sources, and we need our scholars to help us to make sure that our understanding is correct… and it needs to be more than one type of scholars; […] otherwise you can compart-mentalise ourselves quite easily […].(Nuha, Message-PS)
Scholarly engagement requires an Islamic epistemological stance, an internal pluralistic approach to Islamic scholarship, dialectical engagement, hermeneutical exploration, ethical responsibility, and a pragmatic focus on the real-world application of emerging ideas. Nuha further believes that leadership involves ‘creating opportunities’, ‘embracing challenges’, and being ‘brave’ enough to confront difficult questions and foster progress. All the headteachers emphasised the importance of opening such channels of scholarly discussions within their schools, highlighting the significance of primary texts as key points of reference.
5. Discussion: Re-Envisioning Muslim Women’s Leadership in Western Islamic Schools
Re-envisioning Muslim women’s agency is not about reinterpreting Islamic sources through Western secular feminist frameworks, but about reorienting the discussion towards a post-Western era. This approach avoids reinforcing the hegemony of Western women’s cultural history over that rooted in or influenced by non-Western heritage. While feminist conceptual analyses may be useful to some extent in understanding some Muslim women’s experiences, limitations emerge for Muslim women who seek coherence with the concepts of worship and submission to God within the Quranic ontological and epistemological dimensions. They prefer to address emerging tensions within the Islamic Akhlaq framework, where reconciliation (ṣulḥ) is encouraged among brothers and sisters, alongside the values of piety (Taqwa) and excellence (Ihsan). In Islam, Akhlaq corresponds to the concept of ethics and is often equated with morality (Şentürk 2022). Unlike the Western distinction between ‘ethics’ (Greek ethos) and ‘morals’ (Latin mores), which separates what is ‘appropriate and rational’ from what is ‘commonly felt and done’, Islamic thought does not maintain this distinction. Instead, Islamic ethics (ilm-ul-Akhlaq) integrates these aspects into a unified framework based on the Qur’an and Hadith. This framework encompasses four key levels: Iman (faith), Islam (submission), Taqwa (piety), and Ihsan (excellence) (Siddiqui 1997). In this regard, I argue that the analyses in this research:
… have to be defended vis-à-vis those whose activities they cover, and others also; but this is primarily an ethical/political issue, because of the claim to ‘know better’ than lay agents themselves why things happen as they do.
These women’s leadership journeys highlight the centrality of the identity questions in their praxis. Their experiences illustrate efforts to establish roles as equal citizens in a Western British context without assimilation, inferiority, or segregation, drawing on Islamic concepts such as tawḥīd, ʿibādah, imāmah, qiwāmah, and amānah. Understanding their leadership vision and practice requires recognising the ontological and epistemological foundations that underpin these concepts.
While female leadership types and spaces remain a contested area in mainstream Islamic scholarship (Jalajel 2016), this study’s women leaders revisit controversial concepts like qiwāmah (family guardianship), imāmah (spiritual leadership), and motherhood to challenge the prevailing cultural understandings and interrogate cultural dispositions regarding devoted Muslim women’s roles, spaces, and duties. Leadership in their tawḥīdi framework is ontologically and epistemologically linked to debates on human nature, roles, and sources of knowledge, rooted in the concept of tawḥīd (Şentürk 2020). Quranic concepts like ʿibādah (worship), istikhlāf (stewardship), and ʿilm (knowledge) form the foundation for understanding the Islamic worldview of human existence on earth (Quran, 2: 30–33) and are fundamental to Islamic education and leadership.
In his theory of good governance, Ibn Khaldaun (1334–1406 CE) (2005) describes three models of governance: al-mulk al-ṭabīʿī (‘natural dominion’ or ‘natural sovereignty’), based on natural rule and motivated by self-desire; rational governance, which uses human-made laws for worldly benefits; and khilāfah (stewardship), governance based on a religious framework that preserves religion and governs worldly affairs within Sharia. The holistic ontological view of stewardship leadership (istikhlāf) implies that humans (insān) are instructed to treat the universe as an amānah (trusteeship) and are accountable in the hereafter.
The concept of istikhlāf is linked to religious leadership (imāmah). The concept of imāmah has various meanings in the Arabic lexicon (Ibn-Mandhur 2010). This can signify a prominent title in religious or scholarly fields, indicating established leadership. In the Quran, an imām is a role model or leader followed by people (Quran, 25: 74) and can refer to the chief of people regardless of faith (Quran, 17: 71). It also means a register of one’s acts (Quran, 36: 12) or a ‘wide and clear path’ (Quran, 15: 79). Ibn Khaldaun (2005) considers khilāfah and imāmah synonymous, with khilāfah being a significant imāmah28 within the ummah (Muslim community), similar to the imāmah of prayer. Other leadership concepts include wilayah (assistance, friendship, devotion, and authority), qiwāmah (leadership and guardianship), and imārah (leadership, from the root amr, command).
In this study, the Muslim women leaders review the concept of imāmah (leadership and remodelling) as striving for iṣlāḥ29 (constructive reform). Based on the Quranic verse, the servants of the Lord of Mercy are
[…] those who pray, ‘Our Lord, give us joy in our spouses and offspring. Make us good examples (Imām) to those who are aware of You.(Quran, 25: 74)
As imāms in faith, they aspired to such profound obedience to Allah that their lives would become exemplary models, guiding others and embodying a respected standard of faith, service, and virtue through their educational leadership. The Quran and the Prophet’s tradition form the foundational sources for these women’s critique of both internal Muslim and external non-Muslim assumptions about Muslim women’s roles and spaces. The interviewees’ perspectives reveal the interconnectedness of motherhood and leadership, emphasising the inherent responsibilities, challenges, and strengths that accompany both roles. In this respect, motherhood has become a form of domestic imāmah leadership, extending its educational responsibilities into public spaces.
The Quranic description of the Prophet’s leadership, as the best example of istikhlāf, emphasises being ‘a servant’ to His Lord (ʿabd) and having ‘mercy and compassion’ (raḥmah) as core elements of his character: ‘And We have not sent you, [O Muhammad], except as a mercy to the worlds’ (Quran, 21: 107) and (Quran, 9: 128). This concept of ‘raḥmah’ is linked to ‘raḥim’ (womb), relating to motherhood, family, and kinship, as the Prophet Muhammad stated:
Allah, Most High, said: ‘I am Ar-Raḥmān, and this is Ar-Raḥim (the womb, or the bonds of kinship). I have extracted for it a name from My Names. I will bond with those who nurture it, and break away from those who severe it’.(Abu Dawud 2008, p. 317, Hadith: 1694)
Accordingly, family and kinship are crucial units in Muslim communities, with motherhood being a core element of these networks. However, the nature and scope of ‘motherhood’ as a leadership responsibility are closely tied to the controversial discussions on Muslim women’s roles and spaces.
The Quran presents two women as positive role models for believers (Quran, 66: 11–12). Beyond the theological debate over the prophethood of women, their role modelling of qiwāmah—standing firm in justice—can be seen as a form of imāmah in faith (dīn). The first example is Pharaoh’s wife (Asiya, daughter of Muzāhim),30 who maintained her principles and opposed her tyrannical husband. The second example is Mary, Jesus’ mother, who demonstrated devotion, chastity, and spirituality in a culture that elevated males over females in devoted religious services (Quran, 3: 35–48; 19: 16–32). These two models, along with the Prophet’s first wife Khadijah, derive from different backgrounds and contexts but exemplify female faith-based leadership that extends from the family to society. Their leadership is neither what Ibn Khaldaun (2005) termed al-mulk al-ṭabīʿī, exemplified by Pharaoh, nor secular-based leadership founded solely on rational reasoning, nor a struggle of women for power against men. Instead, these women’s agencies opposed oppression through their faith principles and spirituality. Additionally, Surah al-Mujādila is named after ‘the Woman who disputes’ with the Prophet concerning her husband’s oppressive marital separation; she was directly heard and supported by her Lord (Quran, 58: 1–4). Thus, women’s leadership within this framework is neither submissive to men’s authority nor rivalling it but acts as an autonomous agency through the Tawḥīdi theological framework and akhlāq ethical framework, defending chosen values within the worship context. It is within these frameworks that the concepts referred to by women leaders in this study are to be understood.
In their pursuit of iṣlāḥ (constructive reform), these Muslim women leaders also review the concept of qiwāmah (guardianship) as a part of their roles as guiding imāms in their communities. Examining the controversy surrounding the qiwāmah concept within the family space is beyond this paper’s scope (Jalajel 2016; Omar 2017). However, I adopt Ezzat’s (1995, 1999) argument that Muslim women’s leadership in the public domain can be seen as a form of qiwāmah on par with that of men. Broadening the concept to its Quranic meaning includes women’s roles and duties. The Quran commands all believers, regardless of gender, to uphold justice (qist31) and to bear witness (shahadah) to Him (Quran, 4: 135; 5: 8). Ibn-Āshūr (1984) explains the following:
From the combination of the two verses, the obligation (wujūb) [upon the believers] to do justice, to bear witness to it, and the obligation to stand up (qiyām) for God, and to bear witness (shahādah) to Him can be concluded.(Ibn-Āshūr 1984, Quran 4: 135)
Thus, interpreting qiwāmah as having a functional role within the family does not preclude Muslim women from holding leadership roles in society. Both men and women share the responsibility, under their individual (farḍ al-ʿayn) and communal (farḍ al-kifāyah) duties, to act as stewards (istikhlāf) and strive for constructive reform (iṣlāḥ) while preventing corruption (fasād32). This active qiwāmah (standing up for good) is part of their trusteeship (amānah) responsibilities (Quran, 33: 72).
As the women engage with and reinterpret their roles against the backdrop of stereotypes and cultural and religious traditions, they echo Iqbal’s (2013) vision of self-actualisation that does not sever ties with the collective but enriches it. The evolution of their roles, from the private to more public spheres of influence, exemplifies a living dialogue between ‘Khudi’33 and ‘Ummah’, underscoring the potential for a harmonious synthesis rather than a dichotomy. Their agency in juggling preservation and change fits within the dynamic interplay between the individual’s quest for self-realisation and the collective ethos of the Islamic community, and the wider British non-Muslim socio-political context.
However, focusing solely on an Islamic framework risks ‘othering’ by essentialising group identities. To counter this, Ezzat (2015) suggests the dimension of al-ʿālamīn, which identifies values shared with others regardless of their worldviews. Moreover, Ezzat’s (2015) concept of al-tamaddun (civilisation or refinement of culture) helps address the challenges these headteachers face, such as balancing Islamic values with human values, maintaining faith principles while engaging positively in the world, and navigating spaces versus responsibilities. In their efforts to meet their communities’ needs within a broader non-Muslim Western context, these headteachers strive (educational ijtihād) to contribute to Islamic education by embodying al-tamaddun (civilisation or refinement of culture) from within the classical Islamic conceptualisation framework. They examine moral ethics (akhlāq) for civilised communities, developing an aesthetic component to form an Islamic dhawq34 (taste) contextualised within their Western setting (Lahmar 2020b).
In this regard, they not only contribute to shaping the future of Islamic education within British and broader Western contexts, but also challenge embedded assumptions about Muslim women’s roles and spaces. They strive to find their authentic voices by navigating their Western cultural upbringing, family heritage, and Islamic worldview.
6. Conclusions
The analysis of the Muslim women leaders’ accounts reveals that leadership and the process of learning leadership are deeply interconnected and influenced by relationships, environments, and cultural contexts. Their experiences advocate for a comprehensive understanding of women’s capabilities and responsibilities, emphasising a ‘both–and’ approach rather than an ‘either–or’ scenario.
This paper advocates a decolonised approach to understanding Muslim women’s leadership beyond feminist conceptualisations, respecting and centring these women’s religious frameworks as they seek authenticity. In this study, the Muslim women leaders balance individual self-realisation and collective Islamic values within a Western context by drawing inspiration from Islamic principles and explicitly distancing themselves from feminist frameworks. They use concepts such as spiritual leadership (imāmah), trusteeship (amānah), service (khidmah), and guardianship (qiwāmah) to guide their actions and decisions, ensuring their leadership is rooted in both personal and communal obligations and Islamic ethical framework (akhlāq). Their leadership within this framework is neither submissive to men’s authority nor rivalling it but acts as an autonomous agency through the Tawḥīdi (Oneness of God) theological framework and akhlāq ethical framework, defending chosen values within the Ibādah (worship; acts of devotion to God alone) context.
In doing so, these leaders view guardianship (qiwāmah) not just within the family but as a broader responsibility to stand firm in justice, applicable to both men and women in the public sphere. Their leadership, as a form of imāmah, aspires to guide others and embody a respected standard of faith and virtue. They interpret their roles beyond career aspirations, seeing them as a part of their religious duties (fard al-ayn) and communal responsibilities (farḍ al-kifāyah) to strive for constructive reform (iṣlāḥ) and prevent corruption (fasād). This perspective emphasises stewardship, viewing humans as trustees and caretakers of the world, stressing interconnectedness and respect for all life. They find their authentic voices by navigating their Western cultural upbringing, families’ cultural heritage, and Islamic classical scholarship, challenging assumptions about Muslim women’s roles and spaces.
Accordingly, these Muslim women’s leadership practices emerge as a ‘bridging’ role, transcending mere authority to focus on constructing connections and fostering unity within their schools’ communities. The leaders perceive divisions as opportunities for understanding, dialogue, and shared purpose. Vertically, they connect with their Islamic classical scholarly heritage, grounding actions in spiritual (imān) and ethical foundations (akhlāq). Horizontally, they engage with their community, mediating diverse cultural traditions and evolving needs, ensuring contextually relevant and spiritually anchored leadership. This leadership approach is characterised by a commitment to understanding, excellence (Ihsan), ethical reconciliation (ṣulḥ), dynamic adaptability, and a deep connection to spiritual rootedness and community needs.
Funding
The first phase of the research (2010–2012) was part of a PhD funded by the University of Nottingham, UK. The follow-up research conducted between 2018 and 2020 received no external funding.
Institutional Review Board Statement
The first phase (2010–2012) received ethical approval from the University of Nottingham’s School of Education in 2009 as part of a PhD study. The Markfield Institute of Higher Education’s Research Ethics Committee approved the 2018–2020 research phase, which is a follow-up to the first phase.
Informed Consent Statement
Informed consent was obtained from all subjects involved in the study.
Data Availability Statement
The data supporting the findings of this study are not publicly available due to ethical considerations. The PhD thesis is archived at the University of Nottingham, but access is restricted at the author’s request. For further inquiries, interested parties may contact the corresponding author or the University of Nottingham’s repository administration.
Acknowledgments
I extend my gratitude to the anonymous reviewers for their constructive feedback and to the headteachers for their insightful contributions to this study.
Conflicts of Interest
The author declares no conflict of interest.
| 1 | ʿᾹlimah (a learned woman): The Arabic term ʿālim, derives from the Arabic root ʿi-l-m, meaning ‘to know’ or ‘to be aware’, denotes ‘one who possesses knowledge’. In Islamic terminology, an ʿālim refers to a scholar, deeply schooled in religious sciences including the Qur’an, Sunnah, and Islamic jurisprudence. The root embodies duality: knowledge and discernment, with ʿilm set in opposition to ignorance (jahl). The feminine form ʿālima applies specifically to a female scholar (Ibn-Mandhur 2010). |
| 2 | Hāfizah (female Quran memoriser): The term ḥāfiẓ (plural: ḥuffāẓ, ḥafāẓa) derives from the Arabic root ḥ-f-ẓ, meaning ‘to preserve’, ‘guard’, or ‘memorize’. In an Islamic context, it refers to: firstly, a protector, safeguarding property, secrets, or responsibilities; secondly, a Qur’an memoriser, ensuring its oral preservation across generations; and thirdly, a guardian of sacred knowledge, including those who memorise hadiths or other religious texts. The feminine form, ḥāfiẓah, is specific to women who fulfil the above roles, particularly as Qur’an preservers. The term embodies Islamic values of guardianship, vigilance, and devotion to knowledge, extended to entrusted duties (Ibn-Mandhur 2010), including angels recording human deeds (Qur’an, 82:10). |
| 3 | Imāmah (a verbal noun derived from the Arabic root aʾ-m-ma) signifies leadership, guidance, or precedence, without reference to gender. As a verbal noun (maṣdar), it encompasses abstract leadership in contexts such as prayer, governance, or serving as a role model. The term Imāmah also functions grammatically as the feminine of imām, denoting a female leader or guide in religious, social, or educational contexts. The term imam denotes a leader, guide, or example—and conveys alignment, intention, and direction in classical Arabic. In Islamic practice, imam typifies male congregational prayer leaders apparent in the Qurʾān signifying broader leadership roles, illustrative of Prophet Abraham’s model of guidance. Conceptualisations of the term imam diverge across Islamic traditions: in Sunnism, the title extends to prayer leaders, caliphs, and influential jurists; in Shiʿism, it denotes divinely appointed, infallible leaders instituted with ʿAlī ibn Abī Ṭālib and perpetuated by his descendants; and in Sufism, it signifies spiritual guides inculcating disciples with divine and esoteric knowledge. These diverse applications reflect theological, political, and spiritual dimensions emanating from the concept of imāmah and imam (Ibn-Mandhur 2010). |
| 4 | The term murshid (masculine: murshid; plural: murshidūn; feminine: murshidah) derives from the Arabic root r-sh-d, meaning ‘guidance’ or ‘right direction’. In Islamic and principally Sufi contexts, it references a spiritual guide who mentors disciples on the path to God. The feminine form, murshidah, denotes female guides, reflecting inclusivity. It embodies irshād (guidance), an Islamic concept central to personal and spiritual growth closely related to rashad and rushd which appear in the Quran to signify righteousness and correct guidance (Ibn-Mandhur 2010). |
| 5 | The term shaykh (masculine: shaykh; plural: shuyūkh or mashayikh; feminine: shaykha) derives from the Arabic root sh-y-kh, meaning ‘elder’ or ‘senior’. It traditionally refers to someone distinguished by age, experience, or wisdom. In Islamic contexts, shaykh denotes a spiritual or scholarly leader, such as a teacher of Islamic sciences, a Sufi guide, or an elder as a community advisor (Ibn-Mandhur 2010). The feminine form, shaykhah, applies to women with similar status, particularly as educators, spiritual mentors, or respected leaders. Both terms reflect revered status rooted in knowledge, experience, and moral integrity. |
| 6 | The term muʿallim (teacher) derives from the Arabic root ʿi-l-m, meaning knowledge, teaching, and learning. Islamically, it references someone who imparts knowledge, particularly in religious or educational contexts, an esteemed role which deemed the Prophet Muhammad as the exemplar muʿallim. The feminine form, muʿallimah, denotes a female teacher, mirroring the equal recognition of women’s contributions to knowledge (Ibn-Mandhur 2010). |
| 7 | Mudarrisah means a female teacher. Linguistically, it originates from the Arabic root d-r-s, which relates to studying, teaching, or learning. The word is derived from the verb darrasa, meaning ‘to teach’, and follows the feminine form of the active participle, mudarris (teacher), with the addition of the feminine suffix -ah. |
| 8 | Ustādh: An honorific title denoting a teacher or scholar, symbolising expertise and learning. It commonly represents school and university educators. |
| 9 | Halaqah linguistically references a circle or ring. In Islamic tradition, it denotes a circular formation gathered for learning, discussion, or spiritual engagement. In Islamic tradition, it describes a study group centred around a teacher, while in Sufism, it signifies a guided spiritual circle engaged in reflection, ritual, or devotion (Ibn-Mandhur 2010). |
| 10 | The results were based on responses from the 255 mosques. The four Sunni legal schools—Ḥanafī, Shāfiʿī, Mālikī, and Ḥanbalī—are named after their founders, who developed distinct methodologies for interpreting the relationship between sacred texts and practice. The Ḥanafī school is predominant in South Asia and Southeast Asia, and migration patterns have made it the most common in Britain. These schools differ in their rulings on women’s attendance at Jumuʿah prayers, reflecting varied levels of restrictiveness. The Ḥanafī school advises women to pray at home, considering Jumuʿah attendance neither obligatory nor encouraged. The Mālikī and Shāfiʿī schools are more restrictive, with specific conditions or discouragements, while the Ḥanbalī school is less restrictive, allowing attendance if modesty and propriety are observed. |
| 11 | In this study, Arabic serves as the primary reference point, reflecting its prevalence in the Islamic conceptual framework articulated by the headteachers. For linguistic consistency, I adopt the English pluralisation convention (e.g., imams as the plural of imam). However, for terms where this convention does not apply, I provide their original plural forms as transcriptions. For instance, khalifa is rendered as khalifas unless the headteachers explicitly use the term khulafāʾ. Additionally, Arabic words recognised in English dictionaries are written according to their standardised English spellings (e.g., Quran instead of Qurʾān), ensuring accessibility and alignment with commonly accepted usage. |
| 12 | For ethical standards’ compliance, the study adhered to the organisational ethical approvals, including information letters and signed consent forms, and followed BERA Ethical Guidelines for Educational Research throughout each phase. |
| 13 | Khilāfah originates from the root kh-l-f, conveying ‘to succeed’ or ‘come after’. It denotes stewardship or vicegerency, reflecting humanity’s role as Allah’s representatives on earth, tasked to promote justice, ethical leadership, and maintain trust. Khilāfah also references the governance system led by a khalīfah, which embodies collective moral accountability. Istikhlāf describes the process of appointing a khalīfah, centralising trust within stewardship (Ibn-Mandhur 2010). |
| 14 | Iḥsān derives from the root ḥ-s-n, meaning excellence, beauty, or goodness. It signifies actions performed with sincerity and excellence, pursuing perfection in worship and conduct. The Prophet Muhammad defined it as ‘worshiping Allah as if you see Him, and if you cannot see Him, knowing that He sees you’, encapsulating deep mindfulness (muraqabah) and moral integrity (Ibn-Mandhur 2010). |
| 15 | See previous definitions for more details on imāmah. |
| 16 | Amānah derives from the root a-m-n, relating trust, security, or faithfulness. Indicative of a moral responsibility to uphold trust, including fulfilling obligations, safeguarding rights, and being truthful. In Islamic teachings, amānah embodies integrity, reliability, and accountability, opposing betrayal (khiyānah), and forms a cornerstone of ethical conduct and social harmony (Ibn-Mandhur 2010). |
| 17 | A male congregational prayer leader, see previous definitions for more details on imāmah. |
| 18 | It reflects the belief that God’s will ultimately overrides human plans and desires, and it is frequently used in Muslim daily conversations. |
| 19 | Tawhid stands as the cornerstone of Islamic belief, declaring the absolute monotheism of God—the singularity and distinctiveness of God as the Creator and Sustainer of all existence. In Arabic, the term ‘Tawhid’ translates to ‘making one’ or ‘unifying’. Within the Qur’an, Tawhid possesses both a doctrinal and an ethical dimension. This fundamental concept of Islam is encapsulated in the first part of the Shahada, the testimony of faith: ‘There is no god but God’. Afzaal (2010). Tawhid (Oneness of God). In The Encyclopedia of Religion and Nature: Continuum. |
| 20 | See note 13. |
| 21 | Khalīfah, an Arabic status name or honorific title, means a steward or vicegerent, entrusted with responsibility and leadership on behalf of another, particularly in the context of humanity’s role as God’s representative on Earth. |
| 22 | khulafāh is the plural of khalifah. |
| 23 | Qiwāmah derives from the Arabic root q-w-m, implying standing, maintaining, managing, or assuming responsibility. Linguistically, it conveys preservation, vigilance, and rectitude. Qiwāmah in Islamic discourse indicates the responsibility entrusted to men as protectors and carers of women, particularly related to marriage. It inculcates support, welfare, and safeguarding rights, based on financial capability, moral integrity, and accountability (Ibn-Mandhur 2010). Rooted in Quranic principles of justice and compassion, it signifies duty, not dominance (Quran, 4:34). |
| 24 | Qiyām derives from the Arabic root q-w-m, implying standing, maintaining, and managing. |
| 25 | Ṣulḥ (a verbal noun derived from derives from the root ṣ-l-ḥ, indicative of rectitude, reconciliation, or harmony. It denotes conflict resolution and restoring peace through reciprocity. Justice, cooperation, and goodwill transcend discord in social and legal contexts (Ibn-Mandhur 2010). |
| 26 | Iṣlāḥ is a verbal noun (maṣdar) derived from the root ṣ-l-ḥ, which relates to rectitude, goodness, or making something right. It signifies the act or process of reforming, improving, or restoring, aiming to improve or rectify something to its proper state (Ibn-Mandhur 2010). |
| 27 | Akhlāq, the plural of khuluq, derives from the root kh-l-q, meaning ‘to create’ or ‘to shape’, referring to a person’s inner state or disposition. It encompasses moral character and ethical behaviour, guides interactions and adheres to values. Rooted in the Quran and personified by the Prophet Muhammad’s behaviour and teachings, akhlāq emphasises virtues including honesty, humility, and kindness requisite to an exemplary character (Ibn-Mandhur 2010). |
| 28 | It is worth noting that the term ‘imāmah’ has other theological definitions and debates within Shīʿī thought, which lie beyond the scope of this paper. |
| 29 | See note 26. |
| 30 | There is debate among Quranic scholars on whether Pharaoh’s wife Asiya was the one who adopted and saved Moses as a baby. |
| 31 | Qist originates from the Arabic root q-s-t, denoting fairness, equity, and proportion. Linguistically, qasata implies injustice, while aqsata expresses justice and equity. Conceptually, qist conveys justice and balance in interpersonal and societal dealings, ensuring fair judgement and the just distribution of rights. Rooted in the Quran, it emphasises impartiality and adherence to ethical fairness (qist) (Quran, 57:25). This reflects both a divine attribute and a human obligation to uphold equity (Ibn-Mandhur 2010). |
| 32 | Fasād, linguistically, derives from the Arabic root f-s-d, meaning to spoil or ruin. Grammatically, it is a verbal noun (maṣdar), signifying the state or act of corruption, moral degradation, decay, or disorder. |
| 33 | The word khudi originates from Urdu and Persian. It is commonly associated with Urdu due to its prominence in the philosophical poetry of Allama Muhammad Iqbal. In Iqbal’s philosophy, khudi represents an elevated sense of selfhood, integrating spiritual awareness, creative action, and the realisation of divine potential, driving personal and societal transformation (Iqbal 2013). |
| 34 | Dhawq means taste, perception, or refined appreciation, often used metaphorically to describe spiritual discernment or aesthetic sensitivity. Linguistically, it derives from the Arabic root dh-w-q, which pertains to tasting or experiencing. The term is commonly used in both physical and metaphorical contexts, particularly in Sufi thought to describe a direct, experiential understanding of spiritual realities (Ibn-Mandhur 2010). |
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Lahmar, F. Redefining Leadership: The Role of Spirituality and Motherhood in Muslim Women’s Educational Leadership. Religions 2024, 15, 1565. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel15121565
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Lahmar F. Redefining Leadership: The Role of Spirituality and Motherhood in Muslim Women’s Educational Leadership. Religions. 2024; 15(12):1565. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel15121565
Chicago/Turabian StyleLahmar, Fella. 2024. "Redefining Leadership: The Role of Spirituality and Motherhood in Muslim Women’s Educational Leadership" Religions 15, no. 12: 1565. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel15121565
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