Journal Description
Genealogy
Genealogy
is an international, scholarly, peer-reviewed, open access journal devoted to the analysis of genealogical narratives (with applications for family, race/ethnic, gender, migration and science studies) and scholarship that uses genealogical theory and methodologies to examine historical processes. The journal is published quarterly online by MDPI.
- Open Access— free for readers, with article processing charges (APC) paid by authors or their institutions.
- High Visibility: indexed within Scopus, ESCI (Web of Science), and many other databases.
- Rapid Publication: manuscripts are peer-reviewed and a first decision is provided to authors approximately 26.9 days after submission; acceptance to publication is undertaken in 5.8 days (median values for papers published in this journal in the first half of 2024).
- Recognition of Reviewers: reviewers who provide timely, thorough peer-review reports receive vouchers entitling them to a discount on the APC of their next publication in any MDPI journal, in appreciation of the work done.
Impact Factor:
0.8 (2023)
Latest Articles
Adoption Agrafa, Parts “Unwritten” About Cold War Adoptions from Greece
Genealogy 2025, 9(1), 1; https://doi.org/10.3390/genealogy9010001 - 24 Dec 2024
Abstract
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This preliminary empirical study delves into the “agrafa”, the “unwritten” or “uncharted” parts of a Greek adoption phenomenon and Greek–American relations that may, however, still be accessed via archival investigations, mixed research methods, and efforts to hone life writing skills. At
[...] Read more.
This preliminary empirical study delves into the “agrafa”, the “unwritten” or “uncharted” parts of a Greek adoption phenomenon and Greek–American relations that may, however, still be accessed via archival investigations, mixed research methods, and efforts to hone life writing skills. At stake is the case of the post-WWII adoptions of some 4000 Greek children who were sent to the United States between the years 1950 and 1975. This study asks how the related negotiations were transacted, especially in the early years of the intercountry adoption phenomenon. It challenges the researcher today to create a life writing narrative out of scant snippets and dense allusions and to disclose the dynamics of overlooked interactions, such as the consumerist and occasionally racist attitudes of some, though certainly not all, prospective adoptive parents. Thus, this article highlights formerly dismissed interactions, not necessarily numerically representative interactions, given that the window of opportunity has passed to interview adoptive parents of Greek children who pursued these foreign adoptions in the 1950s–1960s and to quantify their actions and reactions more systematically. Many of the adoptive parents of the 1950s–1960s, however, left their impressions, demands, and frustrations in writing. Those writings have yet to be studied, and their more deliberate, explicit language must be acknowledged, even amid generally more positive depictions of postwar intercountry adoption. I show that the victorious post-WWII era saw a sense of American entitlement emerge among the prospective adoptive parents that has since been whitewashed. Waiving the banner of altruism or humanitarianism (as a couple or as a superpower, respectively), some adoptive parents embarked on adoptions from Greece from a position of cultural as well as political and economic superiority. Their expectation was that the “destitute” partner should comply, that the Greeks themselves should not “talk back” when “poor orphans” were about to be “saved” from “illegitimacy” and lack of prospects.
Full article
Open AccessArticle
Race, Labour, Law, and Capitalism: The Case of US Naturalization and Immigration Law from 1790 to 1965
by
Anita C. Butera
Genealogy 2024, 8(4), 150; https://doi.org/10.3390/genealogy8040150 - 23 Dec 2024
Abstract
The relationship between race and labour has been analyzed from different theoretical perspectives. Some have focused on the connection between race and the extraction of surplus from people of colour, Black people in particular Others have integrated race within the context of capitalism
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The relationship between race and labour has been analyzed from different theoretical perspectives. Some have focused on the connection between race and the extraction of surplus from people of colour, Black people in particular Others have integrated race within the context of capitalism as a world system or have focused on race as a category of exploitation that defines both feudalism and capitalism that is essential for the survival of capitalism. This paper argues that, to understand the relation between race and labour, race must be understood as legal status. Race is a set of legal rights given to or withheld from workers because of loosely defined and arbitrarily selected physical characteristics. By assigning different rights to workers based on race, their labour is racialized, and race becomes an important element to the functioning of capitalism because it defines the value of labour. As legal status, race is defined and enforced by the state. In addition, this paper analyses the development of US naturalization and immigration law from 1790 to 1964, selected as an example of the process of racialization of labour. Specifically, it discusses the process of racialization of labour by connecting it to the concept of Westphalian sovereignty and the differentiation between natural and political rights. It concludes that, between 1790 and 1965, race supported the development and stability of US capitalism through the development of three distinct highly racialized labour markets: the Northeast, mostly defined by the racialization of European workers along a scale of whiteness; the West, determined by the racialization of Asian and, later, Latino workers; and the South, characterized by the racialization of African Americans and selected southern European workers, Italians in particular, and, later, Latino workers. These three markets operated in symbiosis with each other and featured different forms of racialization of labour, as defined by different forms of enforcement of race as legal status, ranging from the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 on the West Coast to the Jim Crow System that emerged in the southern states after the Compromise of 1877 and the Immigration Act of 1924 that dramatically limited immigration from southern and Eastern Europe.
Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue Racialization, Racial /Ethnic Identity, and the Integration of Immigrants)
Open AccessArticle
Does Rhetoric Drive Conspiracy Theory Beliefs?
by
Casey Klofstad and Joseph Uscinski
Genealogy 2024, 8(4), 149; https://doi.org/10.3390/genealogy8040149 - 23 Dec 2024
Abstract
What leads people to believe in conspiracy theories? While scholars have learned much about both the psychological, social, and political factors associated with individuals’ receptivity to conspiracy theories, and the rhetoric with which these ideas are communicated, these two lines of research have
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What leads people to believe in conspiracy theories? While scholars have learned much about both the psychological, social, and political factors associated with individuals’ receptivity to conspiracy theories, and the rhetoric with which these ideas are communicated, these two lines of research have often proceeded in isolation, leaving scholars not fully understanding if rhetoric persuades audiences of conspiracy theories. Employing two U.S. national survey experiments, we test the effect of six rhetorical devices on respondents’ endorsements of eleven different conspiracy theories. Across both studies, we fail to find evidence showing that these rhetorical devices increased the endorsement of any of the eleven conspiracy theories. These findings suggest that conspiracy theory beliefs are more the product of worldviews and group identities than of leaders’ communication styles.
Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue Conspiracy Theories: Genealogies and Political Uses)
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Open AccessArticle
Analyzing Multi-Generational Gathering and Dispersion to and from Ten 19th-Century American Cities
by
Samuel M. Otterstrom, Jane Selander and Rafael Deo
Genealogy 2024, 8(4), 148; https://doi.org/10.3390/genealogy8040148 - 17 Dec 2024
Abstract
Genealogy, with its tying of people to places, allows for the study of migration over multiple generations. In this paper we use family history data from FamilySearch.org to analyze the migration of the ancestors of those born between 1865 and 1875 in ten
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Genealogy, with its tying of people to places, allows for the study of migration over multiple generations. In this paper we use family history data from FamilySearch.org to analyze the migration of the ancestors of those born between 1865 and 1875 in ten United States cities followed by the migration of descendants of people born in the same city during that same decade. Other work has followed the ancestors for multiple generations, and we have added in an examination of the migration of descendants from city origins. We calculate a number of statistics and indices and use maps to illustrate the main spatial themes of these migrations and how they vary among the cities. We find that cities have their own unique mixes of migrants that lead to differences in how often the generations were stable in a community; that descendants of those born in our study cities tended to stay close to the city for some time; that the ancestors of migration funneling into a city were more spread out than the descendants of those born in the city; that migration generally proceeded from east to west from the great-great-grandparents to the children, but that the center of migration was more random for the descendants; and that the distance of migration between ancestral generations was highly affected by the share of European ancestors and the regional location of the city. The value of this approach is that genealogical migration research can examine a large number of historical migration questions within one unified framework, which has not been carried out in other studies.
Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue Tracing the History and Intergenerational Relations of Immigrant Families)
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Figure 1
Figure 1
<p>Generational hourglass (after Otterstrom and Bunker 2013, p. 547).</p> Full article ">Figure 2
<p>Birthplaces of children of those born in Atlanta, GA (1865–1875). Each dot includes the number of children born in that vicinity. For example, the circle northwest of Washington, D.C. represents where two of the children were born (specifically, Gerrardstown, West Virginia). If desired, one can zoom in on the map to see the numbers more clearly, if they are viewing the map online.</p> Full article ">Figure 3
<p>Generational hourglass for Atlanta, GA. The horizontal bar is the standard distance in each generation. (Root births 1865–1875) (Root is base city, P = parents, GP = grandparents, GGP = great-grandparents, GGGP = great-great-grandparents, C = children, GC= grandchildren, GGC = great-grandchildren, GGGC = great-great-grandchildren).</p> Full article ">Figure 4
<p>Generational hourglass for Boston, MA (Root births 1865–1875).</p> Full article ">Figure 5
<p>Generational hourglass for Charleston, West Virginia (root births 1865–1875).</p> Full article ">Figure 6
<p>Generational hourglass for Charlotte, North Carolina (root births 1865–1875).</p> Full article ">Figure 7
<p>Generational hourglass for Chicago, IL (root births 1865–1875).</p> Full article ">Figure 8
<p>Generational hourglass for Cleveland, OH (root births 1865–1875).</p> Full article ">Figure 9
<p>Generational hourglass for Jackson, MS (root births 1865–1875).</p> Full article ">Figure 10
<p>Generational hourglass for New Orleans, LA (root births 1865–1875).</p> Full article ">Figure 11
<p>Generational hourglass for Washington, D.C. (root births 1865–1875).</p> Full article ">Figure 12
<p>Spatial centers of four ancestor generations from Chicago, IL. The large arrowhead symbols are the spatial centers for each generation, with one also at Chicago. The line and small arrows connect the generations back to Chicago. This shows the large European composition of all the ancestral generations, with the center for each generation being in the Atlantic closer to Europe than North America.</p> Full article ">Figure 13
<p>Spatial centers of four ancestor generations from New Orleans, LA. The large arrowhead symbols are the spatial centers for each generation, with one also at New Orleans. The line and small arrows connect the generations back to New Orleans.</p> Full article ">Figure 14
<p>Spatial centers of four descendant generations from Atlanta, GA. The large arrowhead symbols are the spatial centers for each generation, with one also at Atlanta. The line and small arrows connect the generations back to Atlanta.</p> Full article ">Figure 15
<p>Spatial centers of four descendant generations from Boston, MA. The large arrowhead symbols are the spatial centers for each generation, with one also at Boston. The line and small arrows connect the generations back to Boston.</p> Full article ">Figure 16
<p>New Orleans descendant birth locations (first generation). Each dot includes the number of children born in that vicinity.</p> Full article ">Figure 17
<p>New Orleans descendant birth locations (second generation). Each dot includes the number of grandchildren born in that vicinity.</p> Full article ">Figure 18
<p>New Orleans ancestor birth locations (first generation). Each dot includes the number of parents born in that vicinity.</p> Full article ">Figure 19
<p>New Orleans ancestor birth locations (fourth generation). Each dot includes the number of fourth-generation ancestors born in that vicinity.</p> Full article ">Figure 20
<p>Boston descendant birth locations (second generation). Each dot includes the number of grandchildren born in that vicinity.</p> Full article ">Figure 21
<p>Boston ancestor birth locations (second generation). Each dot includes the number of grandparents born in that vicinity.</p> Full article ">Figure 22
<p>Boston ancestor birth locations (fourth generation). Each dot includes the number of fourth-generation ancestors born in that vicinity.</p> Full article ">Figure 23
<p>Four generations of Chicago descendants.</p> Full article ">Figure 24
<p>Chicago ancestor birth locations (first generation).</p> Full article ">Figure 25
<p>Chicago ancestor birth locations (fourth generation).</p> Full article ">
<p>Generational hourglass (after Otterstrom and Bunker 2013, p. 547).</p> Full article ">Figure 2
<p>Birthplaces of children of those born in Atlanta, GA (1865–1875). Each dot includes the number of children born in that vicinity. For example, the circle northwest of Washington, D.C. represents where two of the children were born (specifically, Gerrardstown, West Virginia). If desired, one can zoom in on the map to see the numbers more clearly, if they are viewing the map online.</p> Full article ">Figure 3
<p>Generational hourglass for Atlanta, GA. The horizontal bar is the standard distance in each generation. (Root births 1865–1875) (Root is base city, P = parents, GP = grandparents, GGP = great-grandparents, GGGP = great-great-grandparents, C = children, GC= grandchildren, GGC = great-grandchildren, GGGC = great-great-grandchildren).</p> Full article ">Figure 4
<p>Generational hourglass for Boston, MA (Root births 1865–1875).</p> Full article ">Figure 5
<p>Generational hourglass for Charleston, West Virginia (root births 1865–1875).</p> Full article ">Figure 6
<p>Generational hourglass for Charlotte, North Carolina (root births 1865–1875).</p> Full article ">Figure 7
<p>Generational hourglass for Chicago, IL (root births 1865–1875).</p> Full article ">Figure 8
<p>Generational hourglass for Cleveland, OH (root births 1865–1875).</p> Full article ">Figure 9
<p>Generational hourglass for Jackson, MS (root births 1865–1875).</p> Full article ">Figure 10
<p>Generational hourglass for New Orleans, LA (root births 1865–1875).</p> Full article ">Figure 11
<p>Generational hourglass for Washington, D.C. (root births 1865–1875).</p> Full article ">Figure 12
<p>Spatial centers of four ancestor generations from Chicago, IL. The large arrowhead symbols are the spatial centers for each generation, with one also at Chicago. The line and small arrows connect the generations back to Chicago. This shows the large European composition of all the ancestral generations, with the center for each generation being in the Atlantic closer to Europe than North America.</p> Full article ">Figure 13
<p>Spatial centers of four ancestor generations from New Orleans, LA. The large arrowhead symbols are the spatial centers for each generation, with one also at New Orleans. The line and small arrows connect the generations back to New Orleans.</p> Full article ">Figure 14
<p>Spatial centers of four descendant generations from Atlanta, GA. The large arrowhead symbols are the spatial centers for each generation, with one also at Atlanta. The line and small arrows connect the generations back to Atlanta.</p> Full article ">Figure 15
<p>Spatial centers of four descendant generations from Boston, MA. The large arrowhead symbols are the spatial centers for each generation, with one also at Boston. The line and small arrows connect the generations back to Boston.</p> Full article ">Figure 16
<p>New Orleans descendant birth locations (first generation). Each dot includes the number of children born in that vicinity.</p> Full article ">Figure 17
<p>New Orleans descendant birth locations (second generation). Each dot includes the number of grandchildren born in that vicinity.</p> Full article ">Figure 18
<p>New Orleans ancestor birth locations (first generation). Each dot includes the number of parents born in that vicinity.</p> Full article ">Figure 19
<p>New Orleans ancestor birth locations (fourth generation). Each dot includes the number of fourth-generation ancestors born in that vicinity.</p> Full article ">Figure 20
<p>Boston descendant birth locations (second generation). Each dot includes the number of grandchildren born in that vicinity.</p> Full article ">Figure 21
<p>Boston ancestor birth locations (second generation). Each dot includes the number of grandparents born in that vicinity.</p> Full article ">Figure 22
<p>Boston ancestor birth locations (fourth generation). Each dot includes the number of fourth-generation ancestors born in that vicinity.</p> Full article ">Figure 23
<p>Four generations of Chicago descendants.</p> Full article ">Figure 24
<p>Chicago ancestor birth locations (first generation).</p> Full article ">Figure 25
<p>Chicago ancestor birth locations (fourth generation).</p> Full article ">
Open AccessArticle
Gukurahundi as a Cultural Event: Cultural Politics and the Culture of Violence in Matabeleland
by
Nkululeko Sibanda
Genealogy 2024, 8(4), 147; https://doi.org/10.3390/genealogy8040147 - 17 Dec 2024
Abstract
The desire of Gukurahundi survivors for cultural platforms that enable them to discuss, mourn, and commemorate their loved ones is now very loud in Zimbabwe’s Matabeleland and Midlands provinces. While community-based organisations have provided platforms for Gukurahundi survivors, the children of survivors, and
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The desire of Gukurahundi survivors for cultural platforms that enable them to discuss, mourn, and commemorate their loved ones is now very loud in Zimbabwe’s Matabeleland and Midlands provinces. While community-based organisations have provided platforms for Gukurahundi survivors, the children of survivors, and academics to interface and interact, the government’s gatekeeping processes remain a challenge for the community-wide memorialisation and documentation of the genocide. In this conceptual paper, I frame Gukurahundi as a meteorological event within a general Zimbabwean cultural context, foregrounding the desecration of the Ndebele people’s cultural practices, rituals, and ceremonies. Drawing from the documented legacies of this cultural violence within Matabeleland and south-western parts of the Midlands, through videos and the literature, I argue that this cultural violence resulted in the silencing of the remembrance of Gukurahundi, which remains critical to the resolution of the stand-off between the ZANU-PF government and the communities. In this paper, I further argue that this ecological symbolism provided a justification and legitimated direct brutal violence on presumed ZAPU and ex-ZPRA veterans who were largely Ndebele-speaking or of ethnic descent. Finally, I argue that it is not that the absence of alternative narratives but the sociopolitical and cultural environment that constrains these from being available and implemented.
Full article
(This article belongs to the Section Genealogical Communities: Community History, Myths, Cultures)
Open AccessViewpoint
The Navahoax
by
Cedar Sherbert
Genealogy 2024, 8(4), 146; https://doi.org/10.3390/genealogy8040146 - 6 Dec 2024
Abstract
THE NAVAHOAX is a first-person account of ethnic fraud as told by an American Indian media professional whose tribal background was utilized by a presumed Native American author pursuing a film adaption of his work; it was later discovered the author was a
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THE NAVAHOAX is a first-person account of ethnic fraud as told by an American Indian media professional whose tribal background was utilized by a presumed Native American author pursuing a film adaption of his work; it was later discovered the author was a white man masquerading as a Navajo citizen. A full narrative account will be given of the two-year ordeal and its aftermath as well as a contextualization within of the then-current socio-historical moment as it relates to the ongoing history of “playing Indian” as well as Native (in)visibility within the broader U.S. culture. This will be followed by an updated contextualization of this case in the wake of recent high-profile unmaskings of “pretendians” in the U.S. and Canada and the efforts of tribally-enrolled citizens in combatting such race-shifting.
Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue (Un)Settling Genealogies: Self-Indigenization in Media, Arts, Politics, and Academia)
Open AccessArticle
From Folklore to Conspiracy Beliefs: A Gramscian Approach to Conspiracy Theory Studies
by
Maria Chiara Pozzoni and Giuseppe Quattromini
Genealogy 2024, 8(4), 145; https://doi.org/10.3390/genealogy8040145 - 3 Dec 2024
Abstract
This paper applies Antonio Gramsci’s theory of folklore—defined as the cultural expressions of subaltern groups reflecting their lived experiences of subalternity—to contemporary conspiracy beliefs, arguing that these beliefs function as a form of what he called “modern folklore”. Drawing on Gramsci’s insights into
[...] Read more.
This paper applies Antonio Gramsci’s theory of folklore—defined as the cultural expressions of subaltern groups reflecting their lived experiences of subalternity—to contemporary conspiracy beliefs, arguing that these beliefs function as a form of what he called “modern folklore”. Drawing on Gramsci’s insights into hegemony, it examines how subaltern beliefs emerge as both reflections of and responses to sociocultural conditions. The paper demonstrates that conspiracy mentality, akin to Gramscian folklore, inadequately encapsulates the issues and aspirations of those feeling marginalised and not represented within hegemonic systems. It outlines how distorted elements of modern scientific and political thought are integrated into folklore, resulting in inconsistent and fragmented worldviews. Key topics include the role of commercial literature in shaping subaltern consciousness and the political implications of conspiracy beliefs, particularly how they are utilised by reactionary movements to further their agendas. The analysis concludes with two case studies: one from Gramsci’s writings and another on contemporary conspiracy beliefs related to COVID-19, illustrating how these examples exemplify modern folklore. This approach offers a critical framework for understanding the social, cultural, and political origins and functions of conspiracy beliefs, highlighting the relevance of Gramsci’s thought to conspiracy theory studies.
Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue Conspiracy Theories: Genealogies and Political Uses)
Open AccessArticle
“What Kind of Migrant Are You?”—Iranian Migrants in the West, Racial Complexity and Myths of Belonging
by
Shima Shahbazi
Genealogy 2024, 8(4), 144; https://doi.org/10.3390/genealogy8040144 - 3 Dec 2024
Abstract
In this article, I analyse the complexity of the status of “migrant” in relation to myths of belonging and what we call “home”. I look at status labels that Iranian border-crossers embrace after migrating to the Global North and the ways in which
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In this article, I analyse the complexity of the status of “migrant” in relation to myths of belonging and what we call “home”. I look at status labels that Iranian border-crossers embrace after migrating to the Global North and the ways in which they practice adaptability in accordance with the systemic and structural meanings associated with their migration status and their racial complexity. Ethnic and Racial labels adopted by Iranian migrants can include “Persian”, “Iranian”, “Middle Eastern”, “White”, or “Aryan”, and migration status labels range from “migrant” to “refugees and asylum seekers”, “exiles”, “expats” etc. Using a mixed approach of digital ethnographies, autoethnography and textual analysis, together with an intersectional and decolonial lens, I investigate the ways in which migration status such as skilled categories are associated with not only “fitting” into the neoliberal and capitalist systems of border crossing but also “blending” into racial hierarchies and maintaining class status post migration within White contexts. This article takes an empathetic approach to the lived experiences of minority and racially complex migrants and emphasises the epistemic value of their narratives and the ways in which these stories can inform us about the covert systemic structural and racially loaded bias that exists within migration economies of the Global North.
Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue Mobilities and Precarities)
Open AccessArticle
In the Shadow of a Parent’s Genocidal Crimes in Rwanda: The Impact of Ambiguous Loss on the Everyday Life of Children of (Ex-)Prisoners
by
Theoneste Rutayisire and Annemiek Richters
Genealogy 2024, 8(4), 143; https://doi.org/10.3390/genealogy8040143 - 19 Nov 2024
Abstract
In Rwanda, following the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, many people were found guilty of genocide crimes and imprisoned. Their children ended up in a situation of ambiguous loss during and after a parent’s imprisonment. The article presents the multidimensional impact of this
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In Rwanda, following the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, many people were found guilty of genocide crimes and imprisoned. Their children ended up in a situation of ambiguous loss during and after a parent’s imprisonment. The article presents the multidimensional impact of this loss on the everyday lives of these children and their families according to key themes as they emerged from an ethnographic study in which 21 children and their family members participated. Themes include changed family dynamics and family stress, economic deprivation, incomprehension of a parent’s criminal past, the social stigma of being a child of a génocidaire, and strategies used to make the loss bearable. The uniqueness of the ambiguous loss as experienced by children of perpetrators of genocide in Rwanda compared to those of perpetrators of the Holocaust or other mass crimes relates to an amalgam of factors specific for the context of post-genocide Rwanda; major ones being the severity of genocidal crimes and gacaca courts Rwanda chose as its main form of transitional justice. The case study illustrates how using the prism of intergenerational relations helps to understand some of the transformative and enduring effects of a crisis that deeply affects a society.
Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue Family, Generation and Change in the Context of Crisis)
Open AccessArticle
An Exploratory Pilot Qualitative Study That Explores the Influences on Mental Health and Well-Being in Indigenous Youth and Young Adults
by
Mona J. Zuffante
Genealogy 2024, 8(4), 142; https://doi.org/10.3390/genealogy8040142 - 18 Nov 2024
Abstract
Background: Suicide is the second leading cause of death among American Indian (AI) adolescents and young adults in the 15- to 24-year-old age group and is the third leading cause of death in the 10- to 14-year-old age group. Methods: Key
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Background: Suicide is the second leading cause of death among American Indian (AI) adolescents and young adults in the 15- to 24-year-old age group and is the third leading cause of death in the 10- to 14-year-old age group. Methods: Key informant interviews were conducted with AI youth (n = 10) ages 12–18, and young AI adults (n = 10) ages 19–24 to gather input on activities and programs to decrease AI suicidal-related behaviors in Nebraska. These interviews were 45 min in length at maximum. Themes were created once the interviews were completed. Results: The overarching theme was creating and implementing more suicide prevention programs and cultural activities for these age groups. Respondents identified three important characteristics that they believe all programs should have: (1) positive reinforcement, (2) culturally-centered activities, and (3) strength-based approaches that are not from a negative or punitive viewpoint. Conclusion: The results from these interviews can be used to build strengths-based approaches to promoting positive mental health in Indigenous communities and can lead to other successful programs and activities.
Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue The Health and Wellbeing of Indigenous Peoples)
Open AccessArticle
Not Indian, Not African: Classifying the East African Asian Population in Aotearoa New Zealand
by
Zarine L. Rocha and Robert Didham
Genealogy 2024, 8(4), 141; https://doi.org/10.3390/genealogy8040141 - 13 Nov 2024
Abstract
This paper explores the challenges of measuring and classifying the East African Asian population in Aotearoa New Zealand. As a particularly diverse country, New Zealand has a significant and varied population of immigrants from South Asia, including India, Pakistan and Bangladesh, along with
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This paper explores the challenges of measuring and classifying the East African Asian population in Aotearoa New Zealand. As a particularly diverse country, New Zealand has a significant and varied population of immigrants from South Asia, including India, Pakistan and Bangladesh, along with immigrants of South Asian origin, from Fiji, Southeast Asia, the Caribbean and East Africa. New Zealand’s system of ethnic classification relies on self-identification, with a broad definition of ethnicity encompassing heritage, ancestry, culture, language and feelings of belonging. However, the collection of this information at a granularity that enables detailed analysis is constrained for the South Asian population, regardless of origin or identification. People are typically presented with the choice of selecting “Indian” ethnicity as a tick box, or providing ethnicities under “Other” as write-in descriptors, which in turn are coded to a limited set of categories within the classification being used. This practice potentially conceals a diversity of ethnicities, which can only partially be hinted at by responses to questions relating to religions, languages and birthplaces, especially for second or third-generation descendants of migrants. Ethnic classification at the highest level, moreover, includes East African Indians as Asian, rather than African, reflecting diasporic heritage as a shorthand for ancestry and overlooking the relevance of layers of identity associated with the double diaspora. Drawing on Peter J. Aspinall’s work on collective terminology in ethnic data collection and categorizing the “Asian” ethnic group in the UK, this paper looks at the overlaps and disconnects between heritage, ethnicity and national belonging in classifying less clearcut identities. We explore the strengths and limitations of New Zealand’s self-identification approach to ethnic identity, and query what exactly is being asked of groups on the margins: when self-identification does not match external perception, are we looking for geographic, cultural, or genetic origins? A focus on the East African Asian population in Aotearoa highlights the complexity of identity for diasporic groups with distant ancestral links with India, as lived experience of cultural connection extends far beyond the bounds of ethnicity, language and even ancestry.
Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue Seeing Ethnicity Otherwise: From History, Classification and Terminology to Identities, Health and Mixedness in the Work of Peter J. Aspinall)
Open AccessArticle
Women’s Histories in a Digital World: An Exploration of Digital Archives, Family History, and Domestic Violence in Early Twentieth-Century Australia
by
Rachel K. Bright
Genealogy 2024, 8(4), 140; https://doi.org/10.3390/genealogy8040140 - 12 Nov 2024
Abstract
In recent years, scholars have increasingly recognised the ways that colonialism, and related racism, embedded intergenerational trauma within families and communities. The role of domestic violence within families is widely accepted as important, but often treated separately. This article uses a case study
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In recent years, scholars have increasingly recognised the ways that colonialism, and related racism, embedded intergenerational trauma within families and communities. The role of domestic violence within families is widely accepted as important, but often treated separately. This article uses a case study from Western Australia, the life and death of Annie Grigo Dost, to explore the dynamics of both issues. Importantly, it also critiques the presentation of complex colonial family histories within a range of digital platforms, especially Ancestry.com. Such platforms obscure complex family dynamics, enforcing normative (often Westernised and highly gendered) digital frameworks for data, and consequently for stories about the past. This article offers an important critique of the ways that Ancestry.com in particular seems to actively sanitise family history, and the ways that they may be doing a disservice to their customers, who may want to acknowledge a more complex, critical family history.
Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue Colonial Intimacies: Families and Family Life in the British Empire)
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Figure 1
Figure 1
<p>Photograph of Annie Dost from cutting, <span class="html-italic">Sunday Times</span>, ((Perth, WA), 2 October 1910, p. 10, in National Archives of Australia, A1 1919/10469, Mrs. Dost Mahomed Naturalization, p. 74.</p> Full article ">Figure 2
<p>Ancestry.com’s Annie Dost LifeStory entry for 1908.</p> Full article ">
<p>Photograph of Annie Dost from cutting, <span class="html-italic">Sunday Times</span>, ((Perth, WA), 2 October 1910, p. 10, in National Archives of Australia, A1 1919/10469, Mrs. Dost Mahomed Naturalization, p. 74.</p> Full article ">Figure 2
<p>Ancestry.com’s Annie Dost LifeStory entry for 1908.</p> Full article ">
Open AccessArticle
Protecting the Next Seven Generations: Self-Indigenization and the Indian Child Welfare Act
by
Taylor Elyse Mills
Genealogy 2024, 8(4), 139; https://doi.org/10.3390/genealogy8040139 - 7 Nov 2024
Abstract
In 1978, the United States enacted the Indian Child Welfare Act (ICWA) “to protect the best interest of Indian Children and to promote the stability and security of Indian tribes and families by the establishment of minimum Federal standards for the removal of
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In 1978, the United States enacted the Indian Child Welfare Act (ICWA) “to protect the best interest of Indian Children and to promote the stability and security of Indian tribes and families by the establishment of minimum Federal standards for the removal of Indian children and placement of such children in homes which will reflect the unique values of Indian culture.” The ICWA was codified to address centuries of genocidal government policies, boarding schools, and coercive adoptions that ruptured many Native families. Now one of the strongest pieces of legislation to protect Native communities, the ICWA was designed to ensure that Native foster children are placed with Native families. Implementing the ICWA has not been smooth, however, as many non-Native foster parents and state governments have challenged the ICWA. While the ICWA has survived these legal challenges, including the recent 2023 Haaland v. Brackeen Supreme Court case, the rise of non-Natives claiming Native heritage, also known as self-indigenizers or “pretendians,” represents a new threat to the ICWA. This Article presents a legal history and analysis of the ICWA to unpack the policy implications of pretendians in the U.S. legal context. This Article demonstrates how the rise of pretendians threatens to undermine the very purpose of the ICWA and thereby threaten the sovereignty of Native peoples. By legally sanctioning the adoption of Native children into non-Native pretendian homes, the ICWA can facilitate a new era of settlers raising Native children, rather than preventing this phenomenon as intended. In response, this Article offers concrete policy recommendations to bolster the ICWA against this threat.
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(This article belongs to the Special Issue (Un)Settling Genealogies: Self-Indigenization in Media, Arts, Politics, and Academia)
Open AccessArticle
“I Have One More Hour of Power and Many Miles of Communication to Go”: Lessons Learned from Community Research Interrupted by Climate Crises
by
Antonia R. G. Alvarez, Sherry Manning and Teresa Dosdos Ruelas
Genealogy 2024, 8(4), 138; https://doi.org/10.3390/genealogy8040138 - 5 Nov 2024
Abstract
The Ang Pagtanom og Binhi Project is a University–Community partnership and community-based participatory research project exploring the health benefits of food sovereignty practices in the Philippines. In late 2021, in the midst of data collection, Super Typhoon Odette made landfall in the Philippines
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The Ang Pagtanom og Binhi Project is a University–Community partnership and community-based participatory research project exploring the health benefits of food sovereignty practices in the Philippines. In late 2021, in the midst of data collection, Super Typhoon Odette made landfall in the Philippines causing massive environmental and structural devastation. In the aftermath of the storm, community partners in the Philippines and members of the research team in the United States shared photos, texts, and updates. These messages included descriptions of structural and environmental damage caused by the storm and stories of mutual aid efforts and actions taken by individuals and small organizations, each highlighting connections between food sovereignty efforts in the Philippines and the impacts of climate change. Due to the richness of the stories, the interconnectedness between these conversations and the research topic, and the alignment within the theoretical foundations of the project, the researchers understood that these communications should be included as data. With feedback from the Community Advisory Board, the Research and Design Team amended project protocols, research questions, and consent forms to incorporate this emergent data. This manuscript describes the process that the team undertook and some of the lessons learned by taking this approach.
Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue Shifting Structural Power and Advancing Transformational Changes Among Black, Indigenous, and People of Color (BIPOC): Elevating the Voices of the Community)
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Show Figures
Figure 1
Figure 1
<p>The Binhi Project Cycle: Reimagined. Image description: The lifecycle of the Adlai plant is depicted with corresponding research activities. Typhoon Odette/Rai and the inclusion of related data are added as steps in the cycle with arrows pointing to “Thrashing” and “Honoring”.</p> Full article ">Figure 2
<p>Photo of mural and roof destroyed in Typhoon Odette/Rai. (Photo credit: T. Ruelas). Photo Description: The inside of the organization. A mural with plants in a ring on the outside and a quote in the middle saying ‘Food For the Wellbeing of All People and the Planet’, the vision of the NGO, is on a white wall with a hole in the ceiling, vegetation and debris pouring through.</p> Full article ">Figure 3
<p>The mother seed library. Image Description: The corner of a room with white walls has a brown chest of drawers and a table with a blue-striped tablecloth. There is a white plastic chair next to the table. There are two medium-sized windows on the wall. (Photo credit: T. Ruelas).</p> Full article ">Figure 4
<p>Seed library. Image description: Drawers with jars filled with seeds, contents clearly labeled. (Photo credit: H. Paulino).</p> Full article ">
<p>The Binhi Project Cycle: Reimagined. Image description: The lifecycle of the Adlai plant is depicted with corresponding research activities. Typhoon Odette/Rai and the inclusion of related data are added as steps in the cycle with arrows pointing to “Thrashing” and “Honoring”.</p> Full article ">Figure 2
<p>Photo of mural and roof destroyed in Typhoon Odette/Rai. (Photo credit: T. Ruelas). Photo Description: The inside of the organization. A mural with plants in a ring on the outside and a quote in the middle saying ‘Food For the Wellbeing of All People and the Planet’, the vision of the NGO, is on a white wall with a hole in the ceiling, vegetation and debris pouring through.</p> Full article ">Figure 3
<p>The mother seed library. Image Description: The corner of a room with white walls has a brown chest of drawers and a table with a blue-striped tablecloth. There is a white plastic chair next to the table. There are two medium-sized windows on the wall. (Photo credit: T. Ruelas).</p> Full article ">Figure 4
<p>Seed library. Image description: Drawers with jars filled with seeds, contents clearly labeled. (Photo credit: H. Paulino).</p> Full article ">
Open AccessArticle
Creating Agoras in Buenos Aires: Time, Ritual, and Sociability Among a Spanish Ethnic Group
by
David Lagunas and Aline Lara
Genealogy 2024, 8(4), 137; https://doi.org/10.3390/genealogy8040137 - 2 Nov 2024
Abstract
The aim of this article is to provide an ethnographic investigation on how community consciousness is forged through daily rituals of encounter and sociability among the Calós of Buenos Aires. The research method used was ethnography based on participant observation. The daily encounters
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The aim of this article is to provide an ethnographic investigation on how community consciousness is forged through daily rituals of encounter and sociability among the Calós of Buenos Aires. The research method used was ethnography based on participant observation. The daily encounters and the intensive frequency of repetition are posed as ritual actions that create agoras in public and semi-public spaces of the neighbourhood. The logic of socialisation expresses the very life of the Calós and their capacity to transform spaces into places. Social rituals and the use of time and tempo are tentatively addressed, as well as the relevance of gift exchange and reciprocity.
Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue Territories, Mobilities, Social Change and Transformations in the Lives of Families and Individuals)
Open AccessArticle
Freedom Choices: How Black Mothers Living in Jim Crow Protected Their Children from Anti-Black Racism and Prepared Them for Success
by
LaShawnDa Pittman, Alana Lim, Ayan Mohamed, Mia Schuman, Rachel Vulk and Rina Yan
Genealogy 2024, 8(4), 136; https://doi.org/10.3390/genealogy8040136 - 1 Nov 2024
Abstract
In this article, we examine how Black mothers devised strategies of resistance to prepare and protect their children during the Jim Crow era. Grounded in Black feminist standpoint theory, we rely on Black women’s own perspectives to understand how interlocking systems of oppression
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In this article, we examine how Black mothers devised strategies of resistance to prepare and protect their children during the Jim Crow era. Grounded in Black feminist standpoint theory, we rely on Black women’s own perspectives to understand how interlocking systems of oppression shaped their mothering experiences and practices. We use Dedoose cloud-based software to conduct a content analysis of 210 oral histories from two oral history repositories. Our grounded theory approach to data analysis entailed a multistage coding process, revealing that Black mothers strategized to provide their children choices in the present that would give them more freedom and opportunities in the future. We refer to this mothering practice as the cultivation of “freedom choices”. Freedom choices seek to minimize the hindrances and restraints that shape the choices available to Black children and to expand their available options. Black mothers fostered freedom choices by relying on both informal and formal education. They used informal education to teach their children restraint, resistance, and when to deploy which, and how to negotiate space. Black mothers facilitated their children’s educational pursuits in the face of structural barriers by (1) leveraging their own sweat equity, (2) tapping into their mutual aid networks, (3) challenging landowners, and (4) insisting on prioritizing their children’s education even when their partners did not.
Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue Africana Families and Kinship Formations in the Diaspora)
Open AccessEditorial
Autonomous Genealogies and Indigenous Reclamations: Decolonial (and Anti-Colonial) Interventions to Genealogy
by
Lana Lopesi and Liana MacDonald
Genealogy 2024, 8(4), 135; https://doi.org/10.3390/genealogy8040135 - 1 Nov 2024
Abstract
Indigenous communities the world over have their own concepts of genealogy, many of which consider the living and non-living beings that we share time and space with, spanning the earth beneath us to the heavens above [...]
Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue Decolonial (and Anti-Colonial) Interventions to Genealogy)
Open AccessArticle
Naming and Family Trees as Inter-Generational Epic Narratives in Bette-Obudu Culture, Cross River State
by
Liwhu Betiang and Esther Frank Apejoye-Okezie
Genealogy 2024, 8(4), 134; https://doi.org/10.3390/genealogy8040134 - 1 Nov 2024
Abstract
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Show Figures
This study articulates how naming and family trees can become epic texts upon which intended or unintended meanings, identities and narratives can be decoded, including mutations in families, as basic units of society. Many studies in African anthroponym have articulated names and naming
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This study articulates how naming and family trees can become epic texts upon which intended or unintended meanings, identities and narratives can be decoded, including mutations in families, as basic units of society. Many studies in African anthroponym have articulated names and naming from differing perspectives, but have tended to ignore the diachronic and synchronic significance of looking at family trees which are woven in time and space through naming. Within the framework of Darwinian Theory of Evolution, we used in-depth interviews with a purposive sample of respondents from the Bette people of the Obudu local government area, to enable us to build family trees which were subtextually analyzed for meaning and mutations through six generations. Our findings enabled us to develop deeper insights into how a longitudinal articulation of naming and family trees can enhance our understanding of the synchronic realities, increased cultural aliteracy, dislocation of homesteads due to occupational shifts, changing ideas of kinship, patriarchal attitudes towards women and challenge of new technologies like DNA testing and new media within the Bette traditional kinship tradition. Significantly, naming and family trees, beyond dynastic delineations for identity, inclusivity and otherness, can become signifiers of a people’s epic progression and mutation, and, as it were, a tapestry of significant narratives of micro and macro family history.
Full article
Figure 1
Figure 1
<p>Abridged genealogy of Jesus Christ. Source: <span class="html-italic">Holy Bible KJV</span> (Holman, <a href="#B14-genealogy-08-00134" class="html-bibr"><span class="html-italic">Holy Bible</span> 1996</a>). (Chronicles 1–8, Matthew 1) [42 generations from David to Christ].</p> Full article ">Figure 2
<p>Bette family tree. Source: Udida Undiyaundeye 2001 [after AFE Stoddart & CA Akpeke]. Note that (V) indicates current villages/communities that evolved from the antecedent ancestors, with many generations in-between, that were not captured here before the villages emerged.</p> Full article ">Figure 3
<p>Aniah Alele tree. Source: BIU Ugbizi [6 generations: 27 males/32 females]. This tree connects with <a href="#genealogy-08-00134-f004" class="html-fig">Figure 4</a> and <a href="#genealogy-08-00134-f005" class="html-fig">Figure 5</a>. The asterisk * indicates that the subject is married.</p> Full article ">Figure 4
<p>Begwupuye Ugbizi Undie tree. Source: BIU Ugbizi [7 generations: 14 males/16 females]. The asterisk * indicates that the subject is married.</p> Full article ">Figure 5
<p>Ukpan Ukayi tree. Source: Liwhu Betiang & Ashikem Uteteng [7 generations: 27 males/16 females]. Asterisk * indicates that the subject is married.</p> Full article ">Figure 6
<p>Iklaki Undelikwo tree. Source: Ubung Iklaki [7 generations]. Asterisk * indicates that the subject is married.</p> Full article ">Figure 7
<p>Agianpuye Aboh tree. Source: Agianpuye Aboh [7 generations: 14 males/16 females].</p> Full article ">Figure 8
<p>Ugbe Ikem tree. Source: Adida Ikem and Ungielebeshina Betiang (nee Ikem) [6 generations: 28 males/32 females]. Asterisk * indicates that the subject is married.</p> Full article ">Figure 9
<p>Adie Ato tree. Source: Adie Atuo [7 generations: 33 males/26 females] [* Children of Akpanke].</p> Full article ">
<p>Abridged genealogy of Jesus Christ. Source: <span class="html-italic">Holy Bible KJV</span> (Holman, <a href="#B14-genealogy-08-00134" class="html-bibr"><span class="html-italic">Holy Bible</span> 1996</a>). (Chronicles 1–8, Matthew 1) [42 generations from David to Christ].</p> Full article ">Figure 2
<p>Bette family tree. Source: Udida Undiyaundeye 2001 [after AFE Stoddart & CA Akpeke]. Note that (V) indicates current villages/communities that evolved from the antecedent ancestors, with many generations in-between, that were not captured here before the villages emerged.</p> Full article ">Figure 3
<p>Aniah Alele tree. Source: BIU Ugbizi [6 generations: 27 males/32 females]. This tree connects with <a href="#genealogy-08-00134-f004" class="html-fig">Figure 4</a> and <a href="#genealogy-08-00134-f005" class="html-fig">Figure 5</a>. The asterisk * indicates that the subject is married.</p> Full article ">Figure 4
<p>Begwupuye Ugbizi Undie tree. Source: BIU Ugbizi [7 generations: 14 males/16 females]. The asterisk * indicates that the subject is married.</p> Full article ">Figure 5
<p>Ukpan Ukayi tree. Source: Liwhu Betiang & Ashikem Uteteng [7 generations: 27 males/16 females]. Asterisk * indicates that the subject is married.</p> Full article ">Figure 6
<p>Iklaki Undelikwo tree. Source: Ubung Iklaki [7 generations]. Asterisk * indicates that the subject is married.</p> Full article ">Figure 7
<p>Agianpuye Aboh tree. Source: Agianpuye Aboh [7 generations: 14 males/16 females].</p> Full article ">Figure 8
<p>Ugbe Ikem tree. Source: Adida Ikem and Ungielebeshina Betiang (nee Ikem) [6 generations: 28 males/32 females]. Asterisk * indicates that the subject is married.</p> Full article ">Figure 9
<p>Adie Ato tree. Source: Adie Atuo [7 generations: 33 males/26 females] [* Children of Akpanke].</p> Full article ">
Open AccessArticle
Understanding American Indian/Alaska Native Students’ Barriers and Facilitators in the Pursuit of Health Professions Careers in Nebraska
by
Keyonna M. King, Regina Idoate, Cole C. Allick, Ron Shope, Magdalena Haakenstad, Melissa A. Leon, Aislinn Rookwood, Hannah Butler Robbins, Armando De Alba, Sonja F. Tutsch-Bryant, Mariah Abney, Vanessa Hamilton and Patrik L. Johansson
Genealogy 2024, 8(4), 133; https://doi.org/10.3390/genealogy8040133 - 1 Nov 2024
Abstract
The U.S. health care system presents American Indian/Alaska Native populations with inequitable challenges that result in some of the worst health outcomes in the country. The literature indicates that increasing the proportion of American Indian/Alaska Native health professionals can improve these health disparities.
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The U.S. health care system presents American Indian/Alaska Native populations with inequitable challenges that result in some of the worst health outcomes in the country. The literature indicates that increasing the proportion of American Indian/Alaska Native health professionals can improve these health disparities. This study aimed to explore the severe under-representation of American Indians and Alaska Natives in Nebraska’s health professions workforce by examining barriers and facilitators in this population’s pursuit of health professions careers. We conducted demographic questionnaires and three talking circles with students in reservation and urban settings to better understand their lived experiences of pursuing health professions careers. We analyzed these qualitative data through content analysis and identified eight emergent themes—four barriers and four facilitators. These findings can inform the development of strategies to improve Indigenous education, research, and pathways that promote increased American Indian/Alaska Native representation in health care.
Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue The Health and Wellbeing of Indigenous Peoples)
Open AccessArticle
Ghosts in the Machine: Possessive Selves, Inert Kinship, and the Potential Whiteness of “Genealogical” Indigeneity
by
Chris Andersen
Genealogy 2024, 8(4), 132; https://doi.org/10.3390/genealogy8040132 - 16 Oct 2024
Abstract
This article explores the recent rise in the use of self-identification as a key element of legitimacy in contemporary claims to Indigeneity. Emphasizing self-identification as a central dynamic of all identity-making in contemporary nation-states, the article argues nonetheless that this element of identity
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This article explores the recent rise in the use of self-identification as a key element of legitimacy in contemporary claims to Indigeneity. Emphasizing self-identification as a central dynamic of all identity-making in contemporary nation-states, the article argues nonetheless that this element of identity is insufficient for making ethical claims to Indigeneity. Emphasizing instead the importance of ongoing Indigenous relationality (i.e., kinship), it argues that genealogical databases potentially exacerbate the potential to engage in non-relational forms of belonging that undermine Indigenous communities’ and nations’ autonomy in defining the boundaries and contours of their citizenship. I undertake this argument in three broad parts. Part one undertakes a selective discussion of sociologist Stuart Hall’s conceptualization of identity, highlighting what I regard as two relevant elements key to his identity-making framework. Part two then undertakes a brief discussion of Geonpul scholar Aileen Moreton-Robinson’s discussion of white possessiveness as a useful lens for framing the growing self-Indigenization/Pretendianism literature as variegated examples of analyzing its practice; and finally, part three explores the potential of genealogical databases to encourage possessive/non-relational forms of identity-making, what I term here “inert kinship”. The article then concludes with a brief discussion regarding how genealogical databases might be used ethically with respect to claiming Indigenous belonging, and why this is key to the upholding of Indigenous sovereignty.
Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue (Un)Settling Genealogies: Self-Indigenization in Media, Arts, Politics, and Academia)
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