MINISTERUL EDUCAIEI I CERCETRII UNIVERSITATEA DUNREA DE JOS GALAI FACULTATEA DE LITERE

CENTRUL DE CERCETARE COMUNICARE INTERCULTURAL I LITERATUR

COMMUNICATION INTERCULTURELLE ET LITTRATURE

NR. 2 (6) Aprilie-mai-iunie

Editura Europlus 2009

Editor : Centrul de Cercetare Comunicare Intercultural i Literatur, Facultatea de Litere, Universitatea Dunrea de Jos, Galai Director : Prof.univ.dr. Doinia Milea e-mail: doimil@yahoo.com Redactor-ef: Conf.univ.dr. Simona Antofi e-mail: simoantofi@yahoo.com Secretar de redacie: Lect.univ.dr. Nicoleta Ifrim e-mail: nicodasca@yahoo.com Redactori : Lect.univ.dr. Alina Crihan, Lect.univ.dr.Carmen Andrei e-mail: crihanoali@yahoo.com, carmen_andrei2001@yahoo.fr Colaboratori externi : Dr. Ana Maria Grleanu Guichard, Universit Paris IV, France e-mail : anamariagirleanu@yahoo.fr Drd. Simona Elena Grleanu, Universit Lille 3 Charles de Gaulle, France e-mail: simona_girleanu@yahoo.fr Rezumat n limba englez / francez : Lect.univ.dr. Nicoleta Ifrim, Lect.univ.dr.Alina Crihan, Lect.univ.dr.Carmen Andrei Administrare site i redactor web : Lect.univ.dr. Nicoleta Ifrim Corectur: Lect.univ.dr. Alina Crihan, Lect.univ.dr.Carmen Andrei Difuzare: Lect.univ.dr. Alina Crihan, Lect.univ.dr.Carmen Andrei Tipar: Editura Europlus e-mail : office@europlusgalati.ro Consiliul consultativ: Academician Eugen Simion, Prof.univ.dr. Silviu Angelescu, Prof.univ.dr. Mircea A. Diaconu, Prof.univ.dr. Nicolae Ioana Adresa redaciei: Centrul de Cercetare Comunicare Intercultural i Literatur, Facultatea de Litere, Universitatea Dunrea de Jos, Str. Domneasc, nr. 47, Galai Cod potal:800008 Telefon:+40-236-460476 Fax: +40-236-460476 ISSN : 1844-6965 Communication Interculturelle et Littrature Cod CNCSIS 489 / 2008 Abonamentele se fac la sediul redaciei, Str. Domneasc, nr. 47, Galai, cod 800008, prin mandat potal pe numele Simona Antofi. Preurile la abonamente sunt: 3 luni 30 lei; 6 luni - 60 lei ; 12 luni 120 lei. Abonamentele pentru strintate se fac achitnd costul la redacie. Dup achitarea abonamentului, ateptm prin fax sau e-mail adresa dvs. de expediie pentru a v putea trimite revista.

Coordonatori de volum: Lect. dr. Gina Necula Lect. drd. Ionel Apostolatu

COLEGIUL DE REDACIE Academician Eugen Simion, Institutul de Istorie i Teorie literar George Clinescu al Academiei Romne, Bucureti Prof.univ.dr.Silviu Angelescu, Institutul de Istoria Artei George Oprescu al Academiei Romne, Bucureti Prof.univ.dr.Dan Mnuc, Institutul de Filologie romn A.Philippide al Academiei Romne, Iai Prof.univ.dr. Michle Mattusch, Institut fr Romanistik, Humboldt Universitt zu Berlin, Germania Prof. univ.dr. Mioria Ulrich, Universitt Bamberg, Germania Prof.univ.dr. Ana Guu, Universitatea Liber Internaional, Chiinu, Republica Moldova Prof.univ.dr.hab.Elena Prus, Institutul de Cercetri Filologice i Interculturale, Universitatea Liber Internaional, Chiinu, Republica Moldova Prof. univ.dr. Mircea A. Diaconu, Facultatea de Litere, Universitatea tefan cel Mare, Suceava Prof.univ.dr.Nicolae Ioana, Facultatea de Litere, Universitatea Dunrea de Jos, Galai Prof.univ.dr. Anca G, Facultatea de Litere, Universitatea Dunrea de Jos, Galai Prof.univ.dr. Elena Croitoru, Facultatea de Litere, Universitatea Dunrea de Jos, Galai Prof.univ.dr. Michaela Praisler, Facultatea de Litere, Universitatea Dunrea de Jos, Galai Prof.univ.dr. Floriana Popescu, Facultatea de Litere, Universitatea Dunrea de Jos, Galai Prof.univ.dr.Virginia Veja, Centrul de Cercetare Teoria i Practica Discursului, Facultatea de Litere, Universitatea Dunrea de Jos, Galai Conf.univ.dr.Pierre Morel, Institutul de Cercetri Filologice i Interculturale, Universitatea Liber Internaional, Chiinu, Republica Moldova Conf.univ.dr. Diana Vrabie, Universitatea de Stat Alecu Russo, Bli, Republica Moldova

Prezentul volum cuprinde lucrrile Conferinei internaionale Paradigma discursului ideologic, desfurate n perioada 29-30 aprilie, 2009, sub egida Centrului de cercetare Comunicare intercultural i literatur

Comitetul tiinific al manifestrii: Prof. dr. Marius Sala, Institutul de Lingvistic Iorgu Iordan-Al. Rosetti, Membru titular al Academiei Romne, Vicepreedinte al Academiei Romne. Prof.dr.hab. Anatol Ciobanu, Universitatea de Stat din Moldova, Chiinu, membru corespondent al Academiei de tiine a Moldovei. Prof. dr. Stelian Dumistrcel, Institutul de Filologie Romna A. Philippide, Iai. Prof.univ.dr.hab.Elena Prus, Universitatea Liber Internaional, Chiinu. Prof. dr. Dorin Uriescu, Glendon University College, York University, Toronto, Ontario, Canada Prof. dr. Rodica Zafiu, Phd Professor, Universitatea din Bucureti Institutul

de Lingvistic Iorgu Iordan Al. Rosetti

Prof. dr. Nicolae Ioana, Universitatea Dunrea de Jos, Galai. Prof. dr. Anca G, Universitatea Dunrea de Jos, Galai. Prof. dr. Michaela Praisler, Universitatea Dunrea de Jos, Galai. Prof. dr. Elena Croitoru, Universitatea Dunrea de Jos, Galai. Prof. dr. Floriana Popescu, Universitatea Dunrea de Jos, Galai. Prof. dr. Doinia Milea, Universitatea Dunrea de Jos, Galai. Prof. dr. Virginia Lucatelli, Universitatea Dunrea de Jos, Galai. Conf. dr. Simona Antofi, Universitatea Dunrea de Jos, Galai. Conf. dr. Angelica Vlcu, Universitatea Dunrea de Jos, Galai.

Comitetul de organizare:

Preedinte al Comitetului de Organizare

Lect. dr. Gina Necula Membri Conf. dr. Doina Bejan, Lect.drd. Ionel Apostolatu Lect. dr. Ctlin Negoi Lect. dr. Mihaela Crnu Asist. drd. Ctlin Enic Asist. Rodica Apostolatu Secretar Asist. drd.: Oana Cenac

CUPRINS Literatur i interculturalitate ........................................................................................................................7 Carmen Alexandrache - The Reflections of the Ruling Elite from the Romanian Medieval Outer Carpathian Area into the Foreign Travellers Writings ......................................................................................9 Simona Antofi - Les reprsentations de lexil intrieur dans loeuvre de Nicolae Blcescu, Les Roumains sous le Prince Michel le Brave .................................................................................................15 Ioana-Paula Armsar - Strotypes ethniques et identitaires en Roumanie, pendant la transition...............20 Iuliana Barna - Onirismul romnesc - ntre estetic i politic ..........................................................................25 Daniela Bogdan - Blurbs or the Power of Advertising Literature...................................................................28 Ruxanda Bontil - Updikes Terrorist Wayward World.................................................................................32 Mihaela Crnu - Discursul mitic publicitar.....................................................................................................37 Ana-Elena Costandache - Discurs politic i strategii alegorice n fabula lui Grigore Alexandrescu .............40 Alina Crihan - Structures mytho-politiques et satire antitotalitaire dans La Ferme des animaux par George Orwell...............................................................................................................................................................44 Alina Crihan - De la science sacre aux livres sacrs : idologmes politiques et hermneutique romanesque dans Un Tombeau pour Boris Davidovitch par Danilo Kis..........................................................48 Matei Damian - Le personnage de Guica: hypostases du colportage (II) .......................................................53 Mirela Drgoi - Les professions de foi du thtre romantique franais ..........................................................56 Nicoleta Ifrim - Discurs ideologic i discurs literar n Viaa romneasc: anul 1958 .....................................62 Nicoleta Ifrim - De la convenia literaturii la literatura conveniei n discursul critic al Vieii romneti: anul 1958 ..........................................................................................................................................................68 Mara Magda Maftei - Tnra generaie. Foti naionaliti n faa comunismului romnesc i a stngii occidentale........................................................................................................................................................75 Doinia Milea - Les commandements politiques et les intellectuels dans les miroirs du texte........................83 Ana Maria Munteanu - Arhitecturarea iconului mediatic n spaiul cultural romnesc. Studiu de caz: brandul Liviu Mihaiu............................................................................................................88 Elena Ni - Efemeritatea valorilor, a mecanismelor istorice, politice i literatur. Actualizarea mecanismelor istorice prin politic ...........................................................................................................................................101 Maria Mirabela Paraschiv - La Libration Spirituelle du Personnage Beckettien travers les Objets.......107 Stelua Stan - The Postmodern Maze and its Ideological Haze (Some Food for Thought or Thought as Food) .......................................................................................................................................111 Angela Stnescu - The Utopian Idiom of the Nationalistic Discourse in Timothy Mos The Redundancy of Courage ..........................................................................................................................116 Andreia Irina Suciu - The Ideology of Postmodernism ...............................................................................121 Daniela orcaru - Power of Subcultural Ideology: The Case of Romanian Hip-Hop ..................................135 Pompiliu tefanescu - Image and Ideology in the Discourse of Ezra Pound................................................138 Claudia Talaman Chiorean - Eevenimentul de pres. Un studiu de caz: Tanacu ..................................143 Andreea-Mihaela Tamba - Regularities of Behaviour in Translating Culture-Bound Elements the Cases of Jane Eyre and Wuthering Heights..............................................................................................148 Onorica Tofan - De la discursul ideologic socialist la discursul politic postdecembrist. Analize publicistice de Mircea Nedelciu........................................................................................................154 Rodica Mihaela Zanet - The Postmodernist Writers in the Postwar Literary Canon ...................................162 Interferene i conexiuni lingvistice ............................................................................................................165 Carmen Andrei - De la sduction la persuasion dans la publicit. Deux arguments pour assener la beaut fminine ........................................................................................................................................167 Marian Antofi - Langage, communication et persuasion. Quelques considrations.....................................174 Ionel Apostolatu - ngustarea limbii romne i atitudinea fa de mprumutul lingvistic neologic n cadrul preocuprilor pentru modernizarea limbii romne literare la crturarii colii Ardelene ...............180 Rodica-Cristina Apostolatu - An Aspect of Globalization Ideology: The Impact of English Words on Other European Languages .......................................................................................................................192 Valeriu Blteanu - Lingvistic i ideologie n presa filologic romneasc.................................................195 Daniela Butnaru, Ana-Maria Prisacaru - Ist die Ersetzung der Oikonyme begrndet oder nicht?............200 Hatice ubuku, Mehtap Eme, Ferda Ilerten - Gender in Basic Turkish Dictionary How Sexism Operates in Basic Turkish Dictionary ............................................................................................................205 Daniela Dobo - On Language and Power.....................................................................................................216

Valentina Curelariu - Manipulation through Words: The Collateral Circumstances of Persons Rhetorical Device in Political Speeches......................................................................................................... 226 Stelian Dumistrcel - Ideologizarea public prin noua limb de lemn ............................................... 236 Alina Ganea - An Indicator of Speaker NonCommitment in Romanian CUM C - and its Role in Discourse........................................................................................................................................................ 255 Teodora Ghivirig - Terminologie si ideologie terminologia economiei socialiste.................................. 261 Gabriela HAJA, Elena DNIL - Dicionarul limbii romne n format electronic (eDTLR) n perspectiva globalizrii .............................................................................................................................. 269 Cristina Ilinca - Quelques remarques sur la fonction phatique des figures rhtoriques dans le discours de presse .......................................................................................................................................... 274 Gina Necula - Violena lingvistic n limba de lemn a ideologiei comuniste .............................................. 279 Amalia-Florina Popescu - Deprecierea mesajului politic prin violena de limbaj ....................................... 286 Gabriela Scripnic - Approche pragmatique des indicateurs miratifs............................................................ 292 Irina Stan - Fundamente ale culturii romne: influena cretinismului asupra limbii. Terminologia latin ........................................................................................................................................ 298 Cristina-Silvia Vlcea - Language Change Slang Updating ..................................................................... 305 Rodica Zafiu - Ideologie i mit n lingvistica romneasc............................................................................ 313 Narcis Zrnescu - Quelques pas dans le thtre du discours idologique .................................................... 325 Didactic ....................................................................................................................................................... 333 Laura Elena Munteanu - Translations in English Language Teaching. An Investigation of the Communist and Post-Communist Periods...................................................................................................... 335 Angelica Vlcu - Les enjeux de lenseignement de la traduction dans une socit mondialise ......................................................................................................................... 343 Recenzii ......................................................................................................................................................... 347 Doina Marta Bejan - Angela Bidu - Vrnceanu, Lexicul specializat n micare. De la dicionare la texte ................................................................................................................................. 349 Gina Necula - Rodica Zafiu, Limbaj i politic ............................................................................................ 350 Rsums / Abstracts ..................................................................................................................................... 351

Literatur i interculturalitate

The Reflections of the Ruling Elite from the Romanian Medieval Outer Carpathian Area into the Foreign Travellers Writings
Asist. drd. Carmen Alexandrache Universitatea Dunrea de Jos din Galai Rsum: Dans la socit roumaine (la Moldovie et la Valachie) de lAncien Rgime, llite dirigeante qui comprenait les grandes familles seigneuriales, dtenait la prminence sociale, politique et culturelle. Cest pourquoi, cette structure sociale est reste lie la noblesse, au pouvoir, prestige et la richesse, situation qui obligeait adopter un certain comportement social et religieux, capable exterioriser son rang, assurer la difference du reste de la communaut. Ctait naturel de retenir lattention aux contemporains, surtout aux voyageurs trangers, bien que leurs notes doivent tre reprises avec reserves grace leurs visions subjectives et partielles mais issues du contact direct ces ralits. Ces exposs, diffrents la suite du niveau de perception, de leur but, ont remarqu la richesse, les preoccupations, les habitudes et les moeurs de la classe aristocratique roumaine. On na pas negligee ni lorigine, ni la structure or les privileges de laristocratie, ni leurs signes exterieurs comme: les vetments, lhabitation, leur place la Cour, la participation tant aux vnements qui se situent aux limites du quatidien, en assurant la cohesion au groupe social, quaux ceremonies de la Cour seigneuriale. Si, jusquau XVIIIme sicle, les mentions taient lies surtont au role social et politique de la classe aristocratique ou on mis en evidence la garde de quelques elements bizantines. Alors, pour la nouvelle periode, phanariote, ont t remarqus surtont le luxe exagr et nuisible, malfaisant, qui caractrisait laristocratie, lorientation et le cosmopolisme des priviligis, concomitant la manifestation de leurs tendances europennes. En ce temps-l, face aux anciens seigneurs avec , un caractre digne destime, les nouveaux seigneurs sont flatteurs envers les plus grands et arrogants envers ceux qui sont infrieurs, ils sont aussi intrigants, des tyrans dans leurs propres demeures Limpact des nouvelles transformations sur la socit a compris seulement la partie intrieure, par limmitation de la vie, des moeurs, de laristocratie de louest et trs peu les changements de mentalit. Dans la mme mesure lloignement gradual des moeurs Greco-levantine, presse, accelre, la fin du rgime des phanariots qui connait une dispersion rapide aux premiers dcennies du XIXme sicle. Mots cls: structure sociale, rang, changements de mentalit

Naturally, in the Romanian medieval society, the ruling elite, made up of the big noble and reigning families, was the holder of the social, political and cultural privileges. Equally, this remains the social structure related to nobility, power, prestige and wealth which will lead to the adoption of a certain social and religious behaviour, meant to convey rank, to ensure the differentiation from the rest of the community. All these will be noticed by the local or foreign contemporaries, generally with necessary details, either for satisfying curiosity or for explaining some attitudes and some political, religious or social actions. Trying to reconstitute the image of this high-ranked social category, there are very useful the notes of the foreign travellers, expression by which were concept that refers to all the people who passed through or lived for a while in the Romanian area, for casual or intended reasons, out of personal or work related interest, being mandated to fulfill some military, political or religious duties. Thus, their accounts, included, for example, in the well known volumes Foreign Travellers through the Romanian Principalities, are of utmost importance because of their direct contact with the Romanian realities, but also because they drew attention upon some aspects that were not recorded by the Romanian chroniclers. Nevertheless, foreign travellerswritings must be carefully considered because of the subjective and fragmented view of the authors, this being as a result of their level of perception, of their writings purpose and the time when they were written, of their vocations, training and, religious, political, and professional concerns, of their social status but also of their ability to perceive the transformations of the Romanian society. According to their fields of interests, one can notice their observations on the customs and the mores of the nobility from the Romanian Principalities, on the daily life, all these being mentioned or presented separately or included in the social context of the age. In the mentions, neither origin nor

structure or privileges were neglected, reaching even a social and political classification1. Of course an analysis of these aspects is impossible to be included in this study because it also needs interventions meant to lead to the understanding of the causes of their conception, to the explanations of the notes by relating to the realities that the foreign travellers knew, the ones they came from or that they thought they knew. Even if we approached their writings comparatively, we still need to research the statements in their judicial, ethnographical and ethnological context. That is why we intend to offer some guide marks that may help reconstitute the life of the Romanian society, trying to group the accounts according to the criterion of similar observations and chronology, for the period between the 16th and the 18th centuries. In order to do this, our approach is focused on underlining the elements of religious mentality and daily life, specific to the native nobility, also perceived as a barometer of the thoughts and experiences of the Romanian society on the whole. Being also the most present social structure in the epochs writings, because due to their social and political status, having an even bigger availability in establishing relations with the Eastern and Western milieu, the Romanian nobility showed the endeavours of the society - resized, of course - to maintain tradition but also to allow innovative influences, considered to be in fashion. The nobility, as a social body, was defined in relation to the ownership of the landed property and of the serving slavish labourers, of high dignities which allow them to participate in the judicial and political acts alongside the ruler, thus enjoying high priority and great respect from the others. The difficulty in establishing their position until the 18th century was explained by the infusion of renovation coming from the Greek Near East milieu, as a consequence of the increased influence of the Porte, to which, especially from this century on, there added the princes being guilty of selling positions. A similar observation was made by Erasmus H. Weismantel, regarding the Moldavian realities at the beginning of the 18th century, noticing the existence of a nobility who enjoyed high priority and great respect from the others and who are called boyards altogether, but the most influential ones, such as barons, are called great boyards. However, many Greeks who thanks to their money made their way into the boyard nobility and now there are only a few of the old families left.2 Generally, the boyards life was depicted by the foreign travellers in relation to the fulfillment of the rank obligations, to their concern over keeping and increasing their wealth, to their privileged status being recognized by the other. The boyard was present at the enthroning and the confirmation of the ruler, at the biggest celebrations, at welcoming delegations, at the onomastic celebrations or the royal banquets, at weddings and christening ceremonies, and so on. At the same time, these moments also became pretexts for showing displaying luxury clothes, social prestige and good relations established with the voivode and the community they belonged to. In addition to this, the solemn circumstances were also occasions for the boyard to announce their refinement and their inclination towards the extra-European Cultural Space. Nevertheless, in order to do that, they granted great importance to the exterior insignia and the daily elements which the foreign accounts narrated with interest but which, implicitly, offered information on the power rapport within the society, on the ownership of those instruments denouncing authority and social obedience, on values, attitudes, behaviours motivated both affectively and spiritually. In this respect, we notice that the pieces of information related to habitat of the boyard families betrayed their holders status, preferences and personality. Thus, Antonio-Maria Del Chiaro, Paul of Aleppo, Evlia Celebi and Erasmus Heinrich Weismantel underlined with technical and furniture details the boyards houses, those wonderful buildings in their villages, some made after to the princes pattern3. For some westerners, the images are a little bit darker4, which is explainable if we are to refer to the political and military situation of the Romanian Principalities
Friedrich Wilhelm von Bauer, in Foreign Travellers through the Romanian Principalities, vol.X, part I, Bucureti, 2000, p.163 Erasmus Heinrich Weismantel, Campaign Log of the Years 1710-1714, in Foreign Travellers in the Romanian Principalities, vol. VIII, vol. corrected by M.Holban, M.M.Alexandrescu-Dersca Bulgaru, P.Cernovodeanu, Bucureti, 1983, p. 348. Situation also remarked by L. Panzini, Leters from Romanian Principalities, in Foreign Travellers, vol. IX, vol. corrected by M. Holban, M.M.Alexandrescu-Dersca Bulgaru, P. Cernovodeanu, Bucureti, 1997, p. 204. 3 Franco Sivori, Leaving to the Romanian Principalities in Travellers... III, vol. corrected by M. Holban, M.M. Alexandrescu-Dersca Bulgaru, P. Cernovodeanu, Bucureti, 1971, p. 12. 4 See Petru Bogdan Baksic, Report on Moldavia, 1641, in Travellers... , V, corrected by M. Holban, M.M.AlexandrescuDersca, P. Cernovodeanu, p. 233, Edmund Chishull, Travel to the Wallachia and Transilvania in Travellers , vol.VIII, p. 19, A.M Del Chiaro, Depicting Wallachia, in Travellers , VIII, p. p. 199, Abbot Leonte, in Travellers , VIII, p. 189.
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especially during the 17th and 18th centuries. In the main, it was retained that in Bucharest there are 12,000 houses covered with roofs made of reed and wood tiles, most of them being low and big. There are a few rooms built in stone because the giaours here were rebelling every 7-8 years, and so the Tatars and the Turks set fire to this town and in the same year they build low, utile houses.5 Towards the end of the century, the architecture diversified: next to the traditional patterns, Near Eastern and Western influences came about, towards which the boyards have always been receptive. Obviously, the houses of the high boyards became more imposing now, they have interior staircases, turrets, Doric style balconies and the entrance opens with an arch for carriages. Another element that showed the efforts of this class to make known its social position and economic power was represented by the apparel: the costume, the clothing items and the adornments. The accounts of the above-mentioned foreign travellers seem to present the boyard attire, until around the 19th century, as being a furred garment, with long and tight sleeves; the boyards wives were dressed similarly to the village women, but they wore over a coat or chameloke.6 For the observer Bandini, the Wallachians have no rule as far as clothes and arms are concerned, all these are the same as the Turks because of some common customs.7 In fact, the aristocracys fashion kept a strong Oriental print: surplice, often in rosy silk, girdled with a red belt bearing buckles, red shalwars, yellow hoses and slippers. However, after 1774, marked by the Peace of Kuciuk-Kainardgi by which the Ottoman influence was hedged but which opened the way for Russian advance, also favoring a manifestation of the Hapsburg domination intentions, there was noticed, at the same time, a tendency of Europeanization, although somewhat superficial. The testimonies of the foreign travellers for the 18th century tell us about the snobbism of the Romanian elite. Now, the nobility was interested in assimilating the current fashion trends even though it seemed somehow forced. One example was that: for Christmas and for Easter the boyards wife had to put on new silk dresses from India, adorned with cashmere shawls doubled by sable or a wide precious fur from Russia, with embroideries from Vienna.8 Obviously, in the description there were also present the many and precious jewelries, worn both by the boyards and by their ladies and daughters. Equally, the foreigners observed the exoticism and the opulence of the boyards and rulers cuisine. Nonetheless, an unfortunate consequence of all this was the great laziness9, generated by the afternoon nap, by waking up at noon and the unprofitable spending of time. The same impression of immobility was noticed by major L.P. Balthasar von Champenhausen, who would say that with the Moldavians everything reminds of the Oriental laziness, manifesting their unbeatable adversity towards any kind of work.10. The situation degenerated especially towards the 18th century, when the evidence of moral degradation increased. This fact has to be correlated with the hardships of that century which brought on poverty, disease and uncertainty, during which inconstancy11 had repercussions on the collective psychology as well, producing the well known conscience crisis but also the interest in daily survival. This profound uneasiness was defined by t. Lemny as being not the abandoning of the old values, but only another hierarchy of them in the plane of existence and of real possibilities.12 The conscience crisis is also correlated with the weakening of the Christian belief, noticed especially in the social behaviour. This became responsible for the harsh and brutal criticism of the Romanian society of that time13. However, some interventions found the explanation of this decay in the political and juridical status of the countries in respect to the Turks,
Evlia Celebi, Travellers, VI, part 2nd , study translated by Mustafa Ali Mehmet, Bucureti, 1976, p. 716. The Turkish traveller in the 17th century went on, saying that the houses with roofs made of wood tiles or planks, stacked one on another, owned by the boyards, to the high officials and the rich merchants. In their courts there were hardly some vineyards and gardens. The fences are usually made of reed, twings and mace reed, Ibidem, p. 477 6 Erasmus Heinrich Weismantel, in Travellers, VIII, p.357, Marco Bandini, [Notes on the Moldavian Matters], in Travellers , V, p. 331, Paul of Aleppo, Travel to Moldavia, in Travellers , VI, p. 79,p. 27-28 7 Marco Bandini, op. cit., in Travellers , V, p. 330-331 8 Austrian agent S.I.Raicevich, Historical Observations, in Travellers , X, part I, p.505 9 . Lemny, Sensitivity and History in the 18th Romanian Century, Bucharest, 1990, p. 65 10 L.P. Balthasar von Champenhausen, On those Seen, Lived and Heard in Moldavia also by Foreigners, in Travellers, X, part II. Bucharest, 2001, p.885 11 C.Nicolescu, Romanian Houses, Mansions and Old Palaces, Bucharest, 1979, p. 41 12 . Lemny, op. cit., p.55 13 C. Dapontes, Depiction of Walachia in 1759, in Travellers, IX, 384
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which affected not only their economical and political evolution but also the entire social structure. Thus, the tyrannical, oppressive attitude of the boyards towards their subjects was a form of revenge on their subjects for the total contempt the Turks showed them14. In other existential situations, the boyards integrate in the community by following some ceremonial events: religious customs and practices, popular beliefs, Christian celebrations, attending the masses, and so on. Thus, for Paul of Aleppo, companion and confident of the patriarch of Antioch, in 1653 and 1658 it was known that all the people of Wallachia are very religious and obedient; they fear very much the curse of the church, especially the high officials15, even if we are able to understand that fear as also related to the possibility of losing their social position. They (the boyards) came to our lord patriarch so that he sign and put his seal on the letters they had from the ruler regarding their jobs and their beneficence. They received from him letters of curse of the church so that (in the future) the judgments be pronounced unbiased by everyone (books of curse). When they brought before our lord patriarch a criminal to be cursed by the church, the people exited and ran so as not to be present because they believed the curse of the church was a fire. Many merchants took from him letters of indulgence16. Music, dance and different kinds of meals and fine drinks were customary at the parties of the high class even during the religious celebrations. This fact becomes even more important, especially for the latter, because thus the Church helped strengthening the social cohesion, but also stated everybodys place in the community, their social status, the main condition for maintaining social harmony. In the same respect, the Christmas day was also considered the day of the forgiveness, of benevolence; all the people, from the ruler to the commoners, would offer and receive gifts, presents that showed reconciliation and recognition of the others importance. Furthermore, attending dinners during celebrations followed a rigorous custom, starting with arriving and sitting at the table. Moreover, there was also underlined the interest in childrens spiritual education; the more religious mothers used to pass to their children, at least during the religious celebrations, the religious feelings and customs. For instance, there was noted the custom of the Easter night when children kept beating wood and copper plates because people do not sleep during that night; and every Sunday everybody came to the church, from the boyards to the high officials17. Religion had a great impact on the people of the time, especially on women who, irrespective of rank, would attend the first the celebrations masses. Another episode reminded of the faith of the boyards wives who, on their knees, would listen to the patriarch after asking him to read a prayer for the forgiveness of their sins18. Obviously, the situation changes in the 18th century, when the Romanians manners are criticized, being presented as careless, religious hypocrites, who could not refrain themselves. The fact that the religiosity of this age maintains its foundation, although the moral-religious conducts are not the ones expected, makes us believe this imitation was not supported by its inner necessity; the borrowing of the Oriental ways of life and then of the European ones was made deliberately, but without awareness. The extension of the imitation to the level of the individual or community conscience would cause obvious jolts, would trouble the idea of nation and tradition, the latter being much closed to the religious beliefs. In the same direction that marks the differences from the others there is included the boyards attitude towards books and learning. In order to educate their children, local teachers were appointed and foreign scholars were brought in. Thus, it was noticed that: the Moldavians are in close relations with the Polish and even the boyards send their children to study in Poland and there are boyards who speak Latin very well.(during the time of Vasile Lupu)19. Another argument for the 17th century was that: the nobility in the Principality (Moldavia) talked to me and asked me to found a school for their sons to learn Latin because they consider that Moldavia will surely be freed from the Turks oppression and it will be under Christian domination20. According to the accounts
F.W.von Bauer, in Travellers , vol X, part I, 149. And Ch.C. de Peyssonnel, in Travellers ,vol IX, p. 407 Marco Bandini, op. cit., in Travellers , V, p. 330-331 16 Paul of Aleppo, op. cit., in Travellers, VI, p. 118 17 Ibidem, p. 125, 128 18 Ibidem, p. 125 19 But for the half of the 17th century, Marco Bandini noticed that for Romanians it is less a sin to steal and kill someone than to eat meat in the forbiden days, op. cit., in Travellers, V, p. 345 20 Petru Bogdan Baksic, op.cit., in Travellers , V, p. 225
15 14

12

of count Langeron, in 1709 many boyards spoke French and Italian. 21 As far as education in the boyard milieu was concerned, it was noticed that girls had the same school background as boys, but superior studies were only for boys. Beyond intellectual preoccupations, in the daily activity of the boyards there were also included games (the Turkish ones, the swings, backgammon, chess, and so on) as well as strolling and carriage rides (of course, the wives and daughters rides were discrete, in closed carriages). In the 18th century the Europeanization tendencies are to be noticed in the customs and manners that now change, although the Oriental print will still persist. The boyards become interested in French literature, go to clubs and coffee shops, to the theatre, to the German and the Italian opera. Social gatherings are organized, including Greek, Romanian, Turkish and Egyptian dances, they play cards using their estates, houses or subjects as bet. Furthermore, there was a great attraction towards the Oriental dances: Greek, Albanian, Serbian and Turkish. Therefore, referring to a boyard wedding, it was noticed that ladies dance only Greek and Romanian dances22. Nevertheless, the daily preoccupations of the boyards, in foreign travellers opinions, remain stuck in the old habits. For the 17th century, the traveller noticed that the boyards every morning, in every day of the year go to the court church to attend the morning mass. Then they go to the ruler and open the judicial Divan. Then they go back to church to listen to the liturgy until afternoon; then they go out in the presence of the ruler to go eat. This is how their time is spent every day of the year23. There also remains interesting the description of the custom of serving lunch, as told by Chiaro: the boyards go into the city on horseback, followed by servants, in order of rank, and at the palace entrance they dismount, and, before they go up the staircase of the Court, they have their boots taken off and they put on some kind of shoes they call with a Turkish word papuci (i.e slippers); the same ceremony or sign of respect is used when visiting another boyard. Every room has its own stove with a small oval door through which wood is put inside it. Because the Romanians do not use chairs or stools, all the walls are occupied by some benches bound to the walls and covered with cloth. All the boyards houses usually have some kind of verandah or a balcony with a beautiful view to the garden, where they use to eat during summer. The Romanians do not use round or oval tables. Until the dishes are brought, the guests spend their time chatting with the host in their room, where it is customary to serve brandy, then hands washing water is brought and after that everyone take off their surplices and let them only around their necks, leaving the long sleeves to hang on the back; and this is an act of good faith which must be done by the guests. When the priest - who usually never misses - is present, he says the Our Father prayer in Greek or Slavonic then blesses the meal (). Their dishes are very rich, but not well cooked. They are served cold () the kitchen is located in one of the yards corners. They loathe eating frogs, turtles and snails; recently they started getting used to the latter and they eat them especially during the Easter fast. After the meal, the table companions go back to the same room where they have drunk the brandy and they are brought water to wash their hands and they take this opportunity to also wash their mouths () then, coffee is served () if someone wants a tobacco pipe24. Of course, for sustaining these dispositions and preoccupations, the boyards must be very wealthy. The narrative texts also underlined this aspect. For example, in the 17th and 18th centuries they were capable of receiving delegates or foreign travellers with great respect in their boyard courts, housing us for free and keeping us in good peace under their protection.25 The same luxury display also amazed the foreigner Langeron who thought that Moldavian boyards are very wealthy and they have boyard courts the same as the Polish and they live there in luxury and with a
Paolo Bonnici, in Travellers, V, p. 28. Al de Langeron, The log of the comapanies made during the Russian service in 1790, in Travellers, vol X, partea II, p. 937 23 C.G. Ludolf, Letters on the Passing through Wallachia and Transilvania, 1780, in Travellers , X, part I, vol corrected by M.H, P.C, Bulgaru, Bucharest, 2000, p.436. 24 About life at the court in the first half of the 17th century, see also Marco Bandini, op. cit., in Travellers , V, p. 330331, and the presentation made by the Jesuitic traveller Philippe Avril: up to the entrance in the palace () here we were met by two boyards who waited to lead us to the audience. As soon as we dismounted they raised us by the armpits to help us climb the stairs. After abut 30 steps we reached the big hall where the boyards usually gather. At that moment many of them were gathered (); at the door we were met by the master of ceremony who introduced us, Travel to Moldavia, in Travellers , VIII, p. 105. 25 Antonio-Maria Del Chiaro, in Travellers , VIII, p. 376.
22 21

13

pleasant mix of European and Oriental taste but still closer to the latter.26 The richest are believed to be those from Moldavia: all the boyards who were used to find the meaning of life in various jobs given by the court, do not take care of their estates, of the villages on those estates, preferring the life a courtier that does nothing27. In conclusion, we notice that, if before the 18th century the accounts on the boyards were mainly related to their social and political roles, to the natural curiosity of presenting the high class, nonetheless, during the Phanariot period, one insisted more on their exaggerated and harmful luxury, on Orientalization and the cosmopolitism of the privileged. Meanwhile, as opposed to the older boyards who had a very respectful character, the boyards from the great boyards are presented as flatterers and arrogant people, their class remaining basically ambitious, capricious, power greedy, and not that much demophile28, big goods consumers, craving luxury. That is why we believe that opening towards Europe is made mainly by imitation, the impact of the new transformations of the society including only the exterior segment, by imitating life, the Western aristocratic conveniences and too little by mentality changes.
Bibliography: Foreign Travellers through the Romanian Principalities, vol. III , Bucharest, 1971, ***vol. V, Bucharest, 1973. ***vol. VI, Bucharest, 1976. *** vol. VII, Bucharest, 1973. *** vol. VIII, Bucharest, 1983. *** vol. IX, Bucharest, 1997. *** vol. X, part I, Bucharest, 2000. *** vol. X, part II, Bucharest, 2001. Barbu V., De bono coniugali, Bucharest, 2003. Cernovodeanu P., The Image of the Other: the Tipology of the Romanian Society Image Through The Eyes of the Foreigh Travellers (18th and 19th centuries), in The Romanian City and the Rural World, Brila, 2004. Iftimi S., The Ceremonies at the Boyards Courts. At Christmas, New Year and Epiphany(18th and 19th centuries), in The Public Show between Tradition and Modernity, Bucureti, 2007. Lemny , Sensitivity and History in the Romanian 18th Century, Bucharest, 1990. Nicolescu C., The History of Courtly Clothing in the Romanian Countries, 14th and 18th Centuries, Bucharest, 1970. Papacostea ., The Romanian Dark Age. Political Realities and Spiritual Tendencies, Bucharest, 2001. Vintil-Ghiulescu C., Domestic Order and Public Order Between State and Church (1710-1834), in From Community to Society. Studies of Family History in Wallachia under the Old Regime, Bucharest, 2007.

26 27

Istvan Daniel, in Travellers , VIII, p. 228. Al de Langeron, op.cit., in Travellers , vol X, part II, p. 940 28 English chapelan Edmund Chishull noticed the boyards wealth in Wallachia because the estates are entirely theirs, in Travellers VIII, p. 197.

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Les reprsentations de lexil intrieur dans loeuvre de Nicolae Blcescu, Les Roumains sous le Prince Michel le Brave
Confereniar dr. Simona Antofi Universitatea Dunrea de Jos din Galai Abstract: Primarily known as a revolutionary figure at 1848 and a Romantic historic theoretician, Nicolae Blcescu expresses in his Romnii supt Mihai Voievod Viteazul the way in which literary strategies and techniques can generate a mythical pattern focusing identity and ethnicity. The Romantic historicist formula symbolically orients the events presented with a double aim: the promotion of revolutionary ideals, covered in a (in)discrete persuasive literary clothes and the textually expression of authorial profile. The real author, finally exiled in Italy after the revolution, re-constructs himself out of the symbolical figures of the interior exile. Key-words: literary strategies, identity, ethnicity, authorial profile, interior exile

Pour les Pays Roumains, la Valachie et la Moldavie, le trait de paix dAdrianople (1929), qui a conclu la guerre russo-turque de la premire moiti du XX-me sicle, a eu une norme signification. Le document intitul le Rglement Organique, faisant fonction de constitution et densemble lgislatif ordonnateur dtaill, envisageant la modernisation, dans un milieu mi-fodal, la sparation des pouvoirs de ltat, prvoyait le droit du Prince reprsentant le pouvoir excutif de faire appel larbitrage tranger, turc ou bien russe, au cas de conflit avec lAssemble extraordinaire le lgislatif et rglementait les impts. Le document conservait les privilges de laristocratie. Mme dans les conditions du double protectorat, russe et turc, le libralisme conomique commence se faire sentir. Le monopole commercial de la Turquie tombe et lconomie, surtout agraire lagriculture reprsentait trois quarts du revenu national commence profiter par la suite de louverture des voies navigables sur le Danube pour les navires provenant de lOccident. Malgr les frontires politiques, le capital commence stendre et le mode de production commence suniformiser, le prix des terres, des crales monte, la superficie cultive augmente, le long du Danube, de nouvelles villes apparaissent et se dveloppent. Tout ce changement de dcor entrane, tous les niveaux sociaux, publiques et privs, une nouvelle atmosphre. La libration relative des rapports de vassalit envers lEmpire Ottoman, le grand malade de lpoque, avec la conservation des privilges de la grande aristocratie et la promotion directe des intrts et la politique tsariste, favorise aussi bien les dbuts de modernisation des Pays Roumains quun tat dinquitude, rapidement gnralis. Dailleurs, le contexte largement europen favorisait, dans les conditions dune nergique expansion capitaliste, intresse par les dbouchs et les sources dapprovisionnement et devant une nouvelle rorganisation des sphres dinfluence dans lOrient, par la suite de la chute des Ottomans, lancienne proccupation des Roumains de susciter lintrt des grands pouvoirs en vue damliorer leur destin 1. lpoque, des informations sur les Pays Roumains commencent circuler et les jeux diplomatiques commencent prendre en compte les avantages gostratgiques et conomiques de ceux-ci. Dans ces conditions, commence se faire sentir le besoin dune nouvelle modalit dexpression, dune idologie distincte qui puisse remettre les Pays Roumains dans lEurope. Les deux principauts fondamentaient dj - ne fut-ce que partiellement sur les ides et les institutions occidentales, et bien que contrls de facto par la Russie tzariste, tendaient, petit petit, smanciper et soccidentaliser. Leuropisation et la modernisation relle des Principauts signifiaient, alors comme maintenant, lappropriation des instruments symboliques du monde moderne : le libralisme, le romantisme et le nationalisme. La certitude romantique quils taient investis dune mission, quils avaient le devoir moral, civique et patriotique de jouer un rle providentiel, dans les territoires roumains et dans les Balkans quils devaient librer de la barbarie et de la tyrannie des empires russe et ottoman, rejoignait une nouvelle modalit dexpression, enthousiaste et romantique, une idologie prcise, oriente nationalement, politiquement et socialement, qui allait fonder la modernisation proprement dite. La principale source de cette modalit dexpression
1

Paul Cornea, Originile romantismului romnesc (Les origines du romantisme roumain n. t.), Ed. Minerva, 1972, p. 241.

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est la philosophie de lhistoire romantique et le romantisme franais qui fournissaient, dune part, une srie de concepts-cl, oprationnels, du discours culturel roumain de lpoque, et dautre part, replaaient les ralits roumaines lintrieur des ralits europennes. Comme tous les autres mythes qui participent llaboration de limage identitaire roumaine, la nation sert la cration dun programme concret, politique, social, conomique et culturel. Transforms en tapes politiques concrtes, les mythes sculariss sont rangs conformment un ordre raliste de priorits : justice sociale, unit et indpendance nationales2. De l la structure logique des projets politiques : la rvolution de 1848, en tant que premire tentative de les rsoudre tous, en mme temps; lUnion de 1859 ; les reformes conomiques, politiques et sociales qui ont suivis ; la guerre dindpendance de 1877. Dans ce contexte, le discours culturel propagateur principal de lidologie romantique rvolutionnaire, exhortait laction immdiate, suggrant en 1848 les actions venir, notamment la lutte pour lunit et lindpendance nationales. en croire les textes littraires et politiques, le discours, mme celui culturel, se construit selon les termes dune stratgie fondamentale du changement (ibidem). Si, aprs 1829, le transfert, par imitation, des institutions occidentales dans lespace roumain, stait impos, cela ntait plus un phnomne dimitation servile et le risque de transformer les Principauts en colonie culturelle de la France, son grand modle et sa soeur latine, nexistait plus. La gnration de 1848 analyse la culture et la civilisation occidentales partir des positions de comprhension et faisant preuve desprit critique, sans tout refuser ou bien tout accepter, sans aucune rserve, soulignant le rle de llment spcifique dans la culture et attribuant des fonctions de propagande aux dmarches culturelles 3, les seules que le protectorat tsariste censurait moins. Dailleurs, la caution politique accompagnait constamment la caution sentimentale et esthtique accorde au romantisme par les jeunes aristocrates, forms latmosphre romantique et rvolutionnaire de la France. Si les principales caractristiques du dveloppement intellectuel entre 1830 1840 taient : le rythme rapide de rattrapage ; linstitutionnalisation de la culture ; lextension du mouvement culturel lchelle nationale (idem p. 434), partir de 1840 ; grce la revue Dacia Literar, on fondait le courant national populaire qui allait synthtiser, aussi longtemps que la censure le lui permettre, les principales tendances et contradictions de la vie intellectuelle de lpoque. Ce que lon a appel rvolution culturelle en 1848 reprsentait, en fait, la fondation des institutions : enseignement, presse, typographies, thtres, socits culturelles etc. Tout ce qui rend possible le dialogue culturel a t continu par Mihail Kogalniceanu, fondateur de la revue Dacia Literara, futur homme politique, auteur de reformes capitales pour la modernisation qui a suivi lUnion de 1859. La stratgie culturelle a runi lobligation dassimiler les valeurs et les institutions culturelles europennes avec la mise en vidence et lactualisation des valeurs autochtones. Ayant valeur de document spirituel et fonction claire dans la dfinition du profile identitaire roumain, la littrature tait conue comme lexpression de lme dun peuple , dautant plus importante et prcieuse quelle accomplissait la tche de mettre en valeur cette personnalit irrductible. Dans le mme sens, loriginalit nationale tait considre comme la qualit la plus importante de la littrature. Cest pourquoi Kogalniceanu recommandait des sources nationales pour la dmarche littraire : Notre histoire contient assez des faits dhrosme, nos beaux pays sont assez grands, nos coutumes sont assez pittoresques et assez potiques pour pouvoir trouver chez nous des sujets dcriture, sans avoir besoin demprunter aux autres nations 4. Sans perdre de vue la dimension esthtique, lidologie de Kogalniceanu met laccent sur la fonction de lgitimation nationale de la littrature, sur sa fonction ducative et de propagande, simultanment avec la ncessit daccrditer la prsence culturelle roumaine dans lespace europen. Le miroir europen tait, ce moment-l, trs favorable la promotion des valeurs nationales, orient vers les documents de lesprit ethnique, en particulier. Les intellectuels de lpoque adoptaient le modle du discours romantique et une dmarche romantique concernant la fondation dune culture roumaine, la fois nationale et europenne, notamment par son spcifique. Vu quils cherchaient leur systme de rfrence et leurs points de contact dans le
2 3

Sorin Alexandrescu, Privind napoi, modernitatea (En regardant en arrire, la modernit n. t.), Univers, Bucureti, 1999, p.23. Paul Cornea, Originile romantismului romnesc (Les origines du romantisme roumain n. t.), p.432. 4 Apud Paul Cornea, Oamenii nceputului de drum (Les gens du dbut de chemin n.t.), Cartea Romneasc, 1974, p.37.

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mouvement contemporain dides, mme dans leurs aspirations promthennes (le projet dune bibliothque universelle, de Ion Heliade Radulescu) ou bien dans leurs constructions utopiques [...], ils nabdiquaient pas de la ralit du temps, mais cherchaient, dans un plan suprieur, de la rcuprer culturellement et spirituellement 5. Le problme le lhistoire et surtout sa re-lecture donne par les rvolutionnaires roumains suppose un claircissement prliminaire du rapport entre les faits proprement dits et leur institutionnalisation : il sagit du discours sur lhistoire, simplificateur, dformateur, (r)ordonnateur des faits, conformment la volont dinterprtation de lhistorien, ou bien de leur investissement de sens par celui-ci. La cration des significations diverses des mmes faits, motives par la conjoncture, peut conduire ce que Lucian Boia appelle la mythification de lhistoire 6. Dans ce type dhistoire, il y a des personnalits historiques auxquelles on attribue, en vertu de certains schmas toujours les mmes de limaginaire historique et politique, des significations profondment symboliques. Appartenant un systme de valeurs plac sous le signe de lide de nation, le mythe de la nation et le mythe du progrs proposent un code thique et de comportement vident chez tous les rvolutionnaires de 1848. La rcriture de lhistoire devient, ainsi, rinvention sur les coordonnes de la conscience de soi de la communaut (de toute communaut) et, donc, une des formes privilgies dautolgitimation. Toute nation a labor, un moment donn, sa propre mythologie historique, celle qui reflte le spcifique et les mentalits. En ce qui concerne les Roumains, les mythes fondateurs (idem p. 64) runissent, comme on peut voir en numrant les titres des revues de lpoque Dacia Literara, Magazin istoric pentru Dacia (Magasine historique pour Dacia), Dacia Viitoare le mythe de la Dacia, cest--dire le mythe fondateur roumain, avec le mythe fondateur des Pays Roumains et avec la galerie des hros nationaux. Chaque fois, le but est de chercher dans le pass des justifications du prsent et de faire de lhistoire un argument dautolgitimation pour intgrer la nation roumaine, aussi ancienne et aussi latine que celle franaise, par exemple, entre les autres nations de lEurope. Le fonds commun de civilisation, ainsi que la naissance du mythe fondateur, garantissent, dailleurs, en 1848 comme aujourdhui, lgalit de naissance de la nation roumaine avec les autres nations soeurs et le futur dor du pays. On sait bien, entre lhistoire, vue comme caractristique non motive casuellement par des vnements et des faits, et le discours portant sur lhistoire celui qui donne de la cohrence, de la motivation et, finalement, du sens aux faits il y a un rapport vident de non identit. La fonction de lhistorique est de produire un discours sur le pass, habituellement, avec des projections invitables dans le prsent et des anticipations sur le futur, discours proche de la fiction. Pendant lpoque de 1848, le discours historique, ayant pour point de dpart le modle franais et tant actualis en concordance avec les urgences politico-identitaires roumaines, se fonde sur une forte composante romantique, facile identifier dans la plupart des cas des hommes politiques et des gens de lettres roumains de la priode. Cest notamment le cas de Blcescu. La formule messianique rvlatrice du discours historique, telle quelle a t cre par Guizot, Michelet et Quinet auxquels on ajoute Lamennais, Mickiewicz et Mazzini, trouve un terrain favorable dans les cercles de lmigration de 1848, domins par le romantisme carbonaro et prouvant une passion de la sensibilit exacerbe par les insuccs politiques, la pauvret et lisolation. 7. Lassociation un peu trange des principes libraux la confiance dans la Providence se base sur une philosophie de lhistoire tributaire, son tour, la philosophie idaliste allemande, Vico (traduit par Michelet en 1827) et Herder (traduit par Quinet entre 1824 et 1825). Cest toujours Michelet celui qui avait affirm en 1827 : La philosophie est une histoire idalise et lhistoire est une philosophie symbolise , et qui disait pendant le cours inaugural de Sorbonne : Quel que soient nos doutes, nos incertitudes dans ces ges de transition, croyons fermement au progrs, la science, la libert... Nous sommes toujours, croyez-le bien, environns de la Providence. Elle a mis en ce monde, comme on la remarqu pour le systme solaire, une force curative et rparatrice qui supple aux irrgularits apparentes. Ce qui nous prenons souvent pour
5 6

Paul Cornea, Originile romantismului romnesc (Les origines du romantisme roumain n.t.), p.426. Lucian Boia, Istorie i mit n contiina romneasc (Histoire et mythe dans la conscience roumaine n.t.), Bucarest, Humanitas, 2006, p.55. 7 Paul Cornea, Oamenii nceputului de drum [Les gens du commencement du chemin], Bucarest, Ed. Cartea romneasc, 1974, p. 117.

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une dfaillance est un passage ncessaire, une crise priodique qui a ses exemples et qui revient son temps. (Ibidem, p. 117-118). En ce qui concerne le mythe du hros dhabitude un guerrier trouvant sa source dans lhistoriographie romantique franaise le principal symbole de ce type est le prince Michel le Brave. Celui-ci est le premier avoir unifi les trois Principauts danubiens. Lun des plus reprsentatifs historiens roumains de formation romantique franaise, Nicolae Blcescu, lui consacrait un texte valeur politique et de propagande, exemple de discours politique sur lhistoire, de persuasion et didologie messianique rvolutionnaire, Les Roumains sous le Prince Michel le Brave. La fictionnalisation de lhistoire dbute ici par linvestissement du prince dans la fonction de symbole de lunit nationale, celle de fondateur premier et visionnaire de la Roumaine Moderne. Cest pourquoi, dit lhistorien, Michel a voulu construire ainsi une patrie aussi grande que la terre roumaine et a exhauss ainsi le dsir des princes roumains les plus grands . Et, en tant que preuve de linvestissement de Michel comme lu de peuple, lhistorien a ajout, en impliquant allusivement le moment de 1848 : dans le coeur de tous les Roumains, la tradition dune vie commune ne stait pas efface ainsi que le dsir de le faire natre nouveau . Mort jeune, le prince Michel acquiert aussi la fonction symbolique de martyr du peuple et incarne ainsi les critres de slection des personnalits historiques dignes du panthon : le sens national, la valeur europenne et lexercice effectif de lautorit dun pre de la nation - garantie de lquilibre et de la prosprit sociale8. Le rapport entre le sacre et lhistoire connat, dans le texte de Nicolae Blcescu, Les Roumains sous le Prince Michel le Brave revendiqu la fois par la discipline de lhistoire et par la littrature, deux hypothses. Dune part, il sagit de la motivation absolue, par la mission vangliste indubitable, de la rvolution roumaine, dautre part, de la foi ferme dans le rle providentiel de la gnration de 1848. La formule personnalise du discours historique de Blcescu corrobore la mythification de la figure du vovode Michel le Brave une affirmation propre de lauteur assez forte, bien quelle soit sous-textuelle. Rentr de France, tout comme ses compatriotes, domin par les idaux du slogan francmaonnique Libert, Egalit, Fraternit, Blcescu semble comprendre ladhsion des Pays Roumains au cadre oriental-ottoman comme une forme dexil. La rcupration programmatique de lhypostase sacrificielle-hroque de Michel le Brave et lexagration romantiques de celle-ci traduit une option motive du point de vue politique aussi que intrieure de lhomme qui sacrifie lhistoire individuelle pour lHistoire de son pays. En assumant la biographie de la communaut, aprs avoir perdu sa propre biographie, dans une lettre adresse Vasile Alecsandri, Blcescu affirmait : Ne nous forons plus, cher Basile, courir aprs la joie intime, un fantme que tu ne pourras plus rencontrer, que je nai jamais trouv et que jai arrt chercher depuis longtemps. Gardons ce que nous avons encore pour notre pays. La Roumanie sera notre bien-aime. 9. Aprs la dfaite de la rvolution, dans une autre lettre, adresse C.A. Rosetti, il regrettait normment limpossibilit due lexil dagir au nom des idaux connus : jai le cur bris car je pense aux temps qui arriveront sans que je puisse donner un coup de main en luttant, en crivant ou en parlant. (idem p. 263). La formule de lexil existentiel et intrieur trouve, dans limage de Michel le Brave, une compensation construite sur les contreforts des concepts-cls comme lhistoire nationale, ltat national unitaire roumain et les instruments de source romantique de la discipline de lhistoire. De ce point de vue, la personnalit historique de Michel le Brave subit un processus de transfiguration , pendant 1830 et 1860, et limage de hros chrtien et guerrier , devient [un] symbole de lunit roumaine , et de mythification en raison du fait quon projette dans son activit lidologie de ltat national () qui n existait pas 1600. 10. Selon Blcescu, Michel avait ralis lui-mme le rve des grands vovodes des Roumains. Maintenant le Roumain est le frre du Roumain et ils ont tous un seul pays, un gouvernement unique, situation politique dont ils
Lucian Boia, Istorie i mit n contiina romneasc (Histoire et mythe dans la conscience roumaine n. t.), pp.309-310. Apud Nicolae Manolescu, Istoria critic a literaturii romne [LHistoire critique de la littrature roumaine], Ier tome, Bucarest, Ed. Minerva, 1990, p. 262. 10 Lucian Boia, Istorie i mit n contiina romneasc [Histoire et mythe dans la conscience roumaine], p. 77 et p. 55-56.
9 8

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ne se sont pas rjouis depuis longtemps. Ce nouveau pays a des frontires naturelles, il est fort, la terre est bnie par Dieu, ses habitants sont nombreux et dans la plupart homognes ; il a son identit et peut affronter les invasions des ennemis. Le caractre providentiel du hros est n sous le signe du mythe et est rcupr au niveau de lcriture en partant des modles folkloriques, des chroniques historiques et du sentimentalisme prdominant dans la littrature roumaine de 1848 : Pendant ce temps difficile, par-dessus la rivire dOlt un homme clbre brillait Craiova par la beaut de son corps, ses faits braves, la foi en Dieu, le patriotisme, la gnrosit, la justice, lhonntet de son caractre. La formule stylistique adopte par Blcescu groupe la tonalit de source testamentaire et les effusions romantiques afin de mettre en vidence le caractre exceptionnel du modle hroque envisag et des vnements quil dtermine. Soit devant lexcuteur qui, conformment la lgende, seffraie la vue de la personnalit imposante et du regard rigide du vovode, soit triste et taciturne, il sloignait de tous pour penser la destine de son pays , limage de Michel rverbre dans la figure mythique archtypale de lpope Michaida de Ion Heliade Rdulescu11. Et lidal unioniste, assum en totalit par Blcescu, trouve dans cet hros, transform en personnage de lhistoire raconte de nouveau, se projette et samplifie dans un modle de comportement sacrificiel pour les contemporains de 1848 de lauteur et dans une hypostase idalise de type alter ego o se groupent les trois instruments de lutte mentionns par Blcescu lui-mme dans la lettre mentionn ci-dessus : lpe, la plume et la parole.
Bibliographie : Alexandrescu, Sorin, Privind napoi, modernitatea (En regardant en arrire, la modernit n.t.), Univers, Bucureti, 1999. Boia, Lucian, Istorie i mit n contiina romneasc [Histoire et mythe dans la conscience roumaine], Bucarest, Humanitas, 2006. Cornea, Paul, Oamenii nceputului de drum (Les gens du dbut de chemin n.t.), Cartea Romneasc, 1974. Cornea, Paul, Originile romantismului romnesc (Les origines du romantisme roumain n.t.), Minerva, Bucureti, 1972 . Manolescu, Nicolae, Istoria critic a literaturii romne (Lhistoire critique de la littrature roumaine n.t.), Minerva, Bucureti, 1990.

11

Nicolae Manolescu, op. cit. p. 259

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Strotypes ethniques et identitaires en Roumanie, pendant la transition

Lect. dr. Ioana-Paula Armsar Universit Transilvania, Braov Rezumat: n perioada de tranziie postcomunist din Romnia se nregistreaz o dinamic a mentalitilor formate n fostul regim, acest fapt putnd fi observat mai ales ntr-o serie de stereotipuri ce in de imaginarul colectiv, ntr-o societate format din indivizi nc lipsii de individualitate n anumite privine, mai ales cnd este vorba de perceperea celuilalt. Pentru nelegerea unor mecanisme culturale ce au acionat n aceast perioad la noi, este necesar o radiografiere din perspectiv psihosocial a unor teorii ncadrate n istoria mentalitilor, raportate la valorile, atitudinile i opiunile romnilor dup 1989. Lucrarea abordeaz anumite stereotipuri etnice i identitare ale maghiarilor i romilor. n contextul democraiei este mai vizibil structurarea spontan a interaciunii ntre etnii, ceea ce poate duce la o variabilitate mai mare a fundamentelor de definire a identitii, dar i a flexibilitii stereotipurilor intergrupuri. Cuvinte-cheie: stereotip, imaginar colectiv, interaciune etnic

Llment de tout discours moderne, le multiculturalisme prsente, interprte et value lexprience sociale de la diversit et des diffrences, en sopposant aux stratgies dhomognisation. Son idologie encourage les communauts dans la conservation, non pas dans un sens primaire, de leurs cultures diffrentes, offrant un cadre daffirmation pour les identits de groupe. Il sagit dune nouvelle perception de lindividu, qui ne donne plus lidentit de groupe, mais, en loccurrence, son appartenance au groupe lui offre le cadre gnral de la dcouverte de son identit personnelle. On arrive invitablement aussi une politisation de lidentit et de la culture. Le processus est accompagn par une identification du pluralisme des valeurs, des diffrences et de lacceptation ponctuelle et temporaire de certaines dcriminalisations positives, voues maintenir et corriger les ingalits et assurer la promotion des politiques spciaux pour les identits alternatives. Le respect, la tolrance, lgalit des chances, labsence de la discrimination, font partie de la mme aire stylistique de la cohabitation multiculturelle. Les interprtations du multiculturalisme ont rendu possible sa dclration dans le multiculturalisme descriptif, normatif et critique. Le premier met en vidence le multiculturalisme en tant que fait, attitude. Dans ce sens, la multiculture fait rfrence la diversit culturelle des biens dans la socit de consommation, tout dabord dans lindustrie de la culture (lart, la musique, le filme), dans le domaine de la communication et des services. Cette forme spectaculaire, mais superficielle de la diversit culturelle vient comme un rsultat de la globalisation, de la production et de la consommation transnationale. Dans ce cas, la tolrance culturelle nest quune illusion. Le plus souvent, le multiculturalisme est abord dans un sens normatif: il critique les rgles antrieures concernant les diffrences sociales et culturelles, en exigeant des normes nouvelles. Le concept de base y est la diffrence, qui trs souvent - les critiques du multiculturalisme laffirment - suppose des groupes renferms, svrement dlimits. Les opposants du multiculturalisme soutiennent que lavnement de celui-l un rang politique a comme rsultat lempchement de lintgration des minorits dans la socit majoritaire. Au contraire, le multiculturalisme prtend la reconnaissance de lgalit par la communaut politique de toutes les communauts culturelles valables. Le troisime type, critique, ayant lorigine la diversit culturelle, procde une rvaluation des concepts et des discours auxquels les cultures majoritaires et minoritaires recourent, avec le but de crer une culture commune, plus dmocratique et plus ouverte, o un dialogue entre les sens et les influences culturelles diffrentes simpose. Lorsquon fait rfrence au cas roumain, lespace transylvain est une structure qui suppose la cohabitation entre une culture majoritaire et plusieurs minorits historiques. Dans un tel espace, le canon culturel a connu des renversements de hirarchies conditionns historiquement. Avec la cration de ltat national unitaire roumain, on a enregistr des progrs vidents vers un quilibre, qui na pas t exempt de glissements et de dviations idologiques, pendant laffirmation de lidentit de la majorit et la ncessit du dveloppement des entits ethnoculturelles ayant une longue historie et une contribution inestimable la cration et laffirmation de la diversit culturelle dans cet espace gographique. Lespace roumain en gnral et celui transylvain en particulier voluent sous le signe de la multiculturalit.

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Que lchange du pouvoir politique produit des effets de perception au niveau des groupes ethniques aussi, a t dmontr, aprs 1989, par lalternance au pouvoir: des forces socialesdmocrates une alliance de droite, y incluant aussi le parti de la minorit hongroise, et ensuite, de nouveau, les forces sociales-dmocrates. Dans lobservation et la poursuite des strotypes il est ncessaire la distinction nette entre strotype, prjug et discrimination. Sur ces trois paliers distincts, laccent se met de la manire suivante: strotype tat cognitive, prjug tat affective, discrimination analyse comportementale. Nous allons esquisser en ce qui suit les profils de lethnie hongroise et rom, pour en extraire certains strotypes ethniques et identitaires relevantes, concernant lautodfinition et lhtrodfinition en Roumanie pendant la transition. 1. Lethnie hongroise Dans la Roumanie contemporaine, les principales alternatives identitaires des minorits sont: lidentit civique (qui prescrit une forme dappartenance lgal-formelle) et lidentit ethnique (qui implique un type dappartenance culturelle). Les donnes du Baromtre des Relations Ethniques effectu en 2000 met en vidence la ralit que presque un tiers des Hongrois de Roumanie exprime une option pour des stratgies mixtes dautodfinition, se considrant des Hongrois roumains ou bien des Hongrois citoyens roumains. La tension potentielle entre civique et ethnique dpend des combinaisons possibles entre les fondements de dfinition de la citoyennet (ethnique ou territorial-formelle) et les stratgies dinclusion (tendances dassimilation de la culture minoritaire par la culture majoritaire, des critres permissives de dfinition de la citoyennet) ou dexclusion (des critres ethniques rigides de dfinition de la citoyennet, des difficults procdurales pour obtenir la citoyennet) de ltat. En Roumanie, la base de dfinition de la citoyennet est territorial-formelle et la stratgie officielle de ltat est celle dinclusion, cest dire une stratgie de lquilibre ethno-cultural (quoique la Roumanie ne pratique pas un modle multinational, affirmant carrment son caractre unitaire, national et indivisible), comme il est crit dans le texte de la Constitution, en ce qui concerne le droit lidentit: article 6.1. Ltat reconnat et garantit aux personnes appartenant aux minorits nationales le droit de conserver, de dvelopper et dexprimer leurs identits ethnique, culturelle, linguistique et religieuse. La Roumanie a sign et ratifi la Convention Cadre pour la Protection des Minorits Nationales en 1995 (les articles 10, 11 et 14), dans lesquels il est stipul que chaque personne appartenant une minorit nationale a le droit demployer, librement et sans ingrence, sa langue minoritaire, en priv et en public, oralement et par crit. Lanalyse de lvolution historique indique la provenance des Hongrois des peuples nomades turco-mongols (les hongrois nomades). Si la caractristique des Hongrois de Hongrie est la rsistance et la ngation passives, ce qui est explicable par la perte du rle de direction active, la suite des nombreuses dynasties du Royaume de lHongrie (direction franco-italienne, allemande, roumaine, polonaise et slovaque), en Transylvanie, dans un certain contexte historique, ceux-ci ont men une politique de magyarisation, politique qui apparat comme un processus de catholicisassions des territoires occups. En ce qui concerne le spcifique reprsentationnel ethnique des Hongrois de Roumanie, dans une tude comparative avec dautres ethnies cohabitantes, ils sont prsents plus distants et plus rservs, comparativement aux roumains, faisant preuve dun bon contrle motionnel (Zlate, M., 1997). Comme lments didentification strotype, peuvent tre mentionns: nationalistes , civiliss , bons cuisiniers , belles jeunes filles , propres . Un aspect frquent, relationnel-idologique, est constitu par l arrogance , qui est maintenue comme reprsentative dans lhtrodfinition. On constate leur gard un pattern descriptif qui fait rfrence lvolution historique de cette ethnie, volution troitement lie la dfinition et la conservation de leur spcifique nationale, de leur identit ( unis , organiss , sollicitant des droits en vertu de maintenir lidentit ethnique ). Observant des donnes empiriques, on peut examiner une srie de typologies des bases de dfinition de lidentit, lorsquil sagit des Hongrois. Pour laborer les stratgies identitaires, il y a des variables qui produisent des diffrences significatives. Au-del des lments psychologiques des strotypes, on trouve des lments qui font rfrence la territorialit (tre n en Roumanie/Hongrie ou vivre en Roumanie/Hongrie) langue (voir la langue hongroise comme

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langue maternelle), religion (tre baptis dans une glise catholique), les autres tant inclus dans la sphre culturelle plus ou moins subjective de lautoidentification (se sentir Hongrois ou Roumain, se conformer une certaine tradition, respecter certains symboles nationales, etc.). Si pour les Roumains les critres objectives sont les bases dans le processus dautoidentification, avec la mise en vidence dun espace identitaire roumaine peu flexible, lorsquil sagit des Hongrois, tout cela se combine avec des lments subjectifs qui tiennent de lide didentit ethnique. Quand les Hongrois sont dfinis par les Roumains, la reprsentation est discordante, en comparaison avec la forme dautodfinition hongroise, o sont mise en valeur surtout des critres culturelslinguistiques. Si les strotypes des Roumains, par rapport la stratgie identitaire de leurs coethniques sont pour la plupart positifs ( hospitalit , application , intelligence , poticit ), en ce qui concerne les Hongrois il y a la coexistence des strotypes identitaires positifs et ngatifs aussi: les Hongrois sont considrs civiliss , respectueux et appliqus , mais aussi gostes et orgueilleux . Que les Roumains les considrent unis , le fait peut tre interprt soit dune manire admirative, soit comme une menace ladresse de lidentit roumaine. La conception idalise du groupe ethnique propre persiste aussi chez les Hongrois, qui se dfinissent eux-mmes positivement, les strotypes positifs des majoritaires concidant avec les strotypes positifs des groupes minoritaires. Les strotypes dans lesquels les Roumains sont envisags par les Hongrois sont surtout positifs, ceux ngatifs tant d hypocrites et vindicatifs , lattribut prdominant connotatif se rapportant la religiosit, conu ngativement, en relation avec le traditionalisme. Dans le contexte de la conceptualisation de lidentit comme une ngociation des conditionnements, le tout se constituant dune slection entre les alternatives et les combinaisons sociales acceptes, on peut composer une carte dynamique des fondements de dfinition strotype de lidentit. 2. Ethnie rom En ce qui suit, nous allons tenir compte des aspects de dnomination de lethnie: provenu du mot grec athinganos, Tsigane signifie celui qui ne veut pas toucher ni tre touch. Le terme sert dsigner les Rom, indistinctement de leur pays daccueil. Le seul nom que les Tsiganes se donnent eux-mmes, cest le nom de Rom (masc. sing.et pl.) qui signifie poux. Il emploient aussi Romni (au fm.) et Roma (au pluriel, masc. et fm.). Tous les autres termes servant identifier les Tsiganes ont t donns par des non-Rom. Habituellement, le terme de Rom dsigne les Tsiganes dEurope centrale et de lest. En ce qui concerne lethnie rom, la ralit est tout fait diffrente en rapport lethnie hongroise: au lieu de dfendre leur identit, beaucoup de Rom de nationalit roumaine tendent la nier, prfrant adopter la langue et la religion de la majorit de la population de la zone o ils habitent. Le but de lUDRR (Union Dmocrate des Rom de Roumanie), fonde en 1990, est justement de protger et promouvoir la culture et la langue de la population rom de Roumanie, ainsi que leur libert politique. Malgr toutes tentatives damlioration de la situation, la plupart des Rom de Roumanie sont encore considrs des parias de la socit . Pendant lre communiste, les Rom ntaient ni mme reconnus comme une minorit, et les tentatives de leur assimilation force taient voues effacer tout trace de diffrence (peuple nomade, transform en peuple sdentaire par lattribution des logements et des emplois). cot des effets bnfiques, leffet profond a t que beaucoup dentre eux ont perdu dans cette priode leur identit ethnique. En ce qui concerne leur image, les recherches publies en 1995 ont montr que 40% de la population dune autre ethnie que rom avait des opinions trs ngatives et 34% avait des opinions ngatives . Dans toutes les rgions du pays les opinions concernant la population rom inclinait vers ngative , bien que certains groupes ethniques comme les Hongrois, par exemple, avaient une attitude encore moins favorable. Les opinions ntaient pas bases sur lethnicit rom, mais plutt visait le style de vie de la minorit et la manire dans laquelle ils saffirment (Abraham, 1995, 16). Un haut niveau des prjugs concernant la population rom a t observ jusquen 1993, ensuite ce niveau a baiss, une explication possible de cette diminution tant le rsultat de lengrnement dans le processus de dmocratisation de la socit roumaine et laugmentation du degrs de tolrance de la population par rapport laltrit . La minorit rom doit affronter les prjugs et les strotypes de la part de toutes les autres minorits de Roumanie. Les recherches de 1995 ont montr quils ne sont pas admis dun pourcentage de 100% par la communaut saxonne, de 50% par les membres de la communaut

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hongroise et de 63% par les autres nationalits (ukrainienne, juive, russe lipovenne) et probablement ce qui est le plus choquant est la constatation quils sont repousss aussi par 24% des membres de leur communaut. Leur instinct de conservation les dtermine souvent de nier leur identit lorsquils ont faire avec des individus dune autre ethnie, cause de la discrimination laquelle ils sont exposs. Une preuve en est la discordance existante entre les individus qui sidentifient eux-mmes comme faisant partie de la communaut et implicitement ils assument leur identit et les individus qui sont identifis par les autres comme appartenant un certain groupe ethnique. Ce sont les situations suivantes : des Rom qui prsentent toutes les caractristiques ethniques traditionnelles et qui sidentifient eux-mmes en tant que Rom dans toutes les contextes, des Rom qui prsentent toutes les caractristiques ethniques traditionnelles et que les autres identifient en tant que Rom selon leur manire de vivre, mais qui ne sidentifient pas eux-mmes dans les contextes officiels-administratifs comme tant des Rom (dune manire informelle ils sidentifient eux-mmes comme Rom) ; des Rom moderniss qui ont chang leur manire de vivre renonant celle traditionnelle et qui sidentifient eux-mmes comme Rom dans tous les contextes ; des anciens Rom qui se sont intgrs dans la population majoritaire jusqu la disparition des traits distinctifs. Les strotypes concernant les Rom abondent. Un profile de lethnie peut tre la base de certaines explications viables, pour les strotypes qui circulent parmi les Roumains, en gnral fortement ngatifs ladresse des Rom : voleurs , fripons , malpropres , paresseux , violents , roublards , infrieurs , etc. Les Rom de nationalit roumaine constituent approximativement 40 divers groupements, selon leur activit particulire, Cldrari , Fierari , Ursari , Lutari . Beaucoup dentre eux ont renonc leur style de vie traditionnel, nomade, plutt par ncessit et non pour avoir choisi. Lamalgame culturel a t, de mme, largement rpandu parmi leurs diffrents groupes. La population majoritaire tend rpondre ngativement aux coutumes diffrentes remarques la population rom et leurs valeurs quelle ne comprend pas souvent. Lexprience historique de leurs divers groupes a engendr une multitude des caractristiques historiques particulires. tant une minorit nimporte o ils vivaient, les Rom ont t obligs de sadapter au milieu en continuel changement. Cela a eu comme rsultat des diffrences, dans la mme ethnie, de culture, des coutumes et de langue. Paradoxalement, mme sil y a un certain cart entre les groupes, ils possdent le sens de leur appartenance la mme communaut qui se retrouve renforc par ladversit des autres ethnies contre eux. Pendant le rgime communiste, surtout dans les annes 60, le nationalisme est devenu un outil idologique de premire classe et, en mme temps, lide de la consolidation de lunit nationale, dune socit roumaine homogne a t fonde. Sous le prtexte dun modle unique de louvrier socialiste, le rgime a essay de finaliser le processus dassimilation. Le but dclar tait dliminer graduellement les diffrences nationales, mais, en fait, on essayait llimination des minorits ethniques (Pons, 1999, 28). Les Rom taient considrs des lments trangers qui devaient devenir Roumains, leur culture tant considre lune du sous-dveloppement et de la pauvret (Pons, 1999, 29). Eliminant de ses discours toute rfrence aux communauts rom de Roumanie, lEtat niait effectivement leur spcificit. Conformment au principe du rgime communiste dans lequel les occupations privs devraient disparatre, on leur a confisqu la matire premire et les outils et ils ont t intgrs, pour la plupart, dans lagriculture. Ce qui ont continu pourtant de pratiquer les mtiers traditionnels taient proscris par la loi et considrs parasites sociaux . la diffrence des Hongrois et des Saxons, les Rom navaient pas le droit dtre reprsents en tant que minorit ethnique et navaient pas la libert de promouvoir leur tradition culturelle. Comme consquence de la politique dassimilation exerce par lEtat communiste, les familles des Rom qui enregistraient un grand nombre danalphabtes taient obligs denvoyer leurs enfants lcole. Les consquences ngatives de cet aspect sont dues la tentative de beaucoup dentre eux de nier leur appartenance ethnique par peur de la discrimination et de la volont dobtenir des positions privilgies dans la structure sociale. Les Rom taient aussi les bnficiaires de la politique de systmatisation force du territoire de sorte quils taient obligs de dmnager et de saccommoder aux certaines conditions de vie diffrentes des leurs. Une fois ce processus arrt (aprs 1989) ils ont perdus leurs fragiles avantages (logements, emplois, etc.) ce qui a men une nouvelle marginalisation qui a eu comme consquence la

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pauvret et la dlinquance. Tout cela a justifi encore une fois les strotypes ngatifs relatifs aux Rom et ont multipli les attitudes hostiles de la population majoritaire (Zamfir, 1993, 159). Aprs la Rvolution de 89 ils ont t les plus affects par la transition une conomie de march cause de la manque de main duvre qualifie, ce qui a men un taux lev des chmeurs rom. Gnralement des boucs missaires , mme les actes de violence contre eux (ce qui ntait pas une caractristique spcifique de la Roumanie communiste) ont t tolres, le degrs de discrimination dans les premiers dix ans de la Rvolution a augment, suivant une courbe descendante les dernires annes. Un aspect particulirement important de la culture des Rom est la musique. Plus quune tradition, elle une manire de vivre. Des musiciens ne connaissant pas les notes musicales, et quant mme des virtuoses, les Rom sont reconnus aussi pour leur talent au danse, mme si souvent ils paraissent pour les autres ethnies avoir un air lascif . Cest une autre raison pour laquelle ils sont perus dune manire strotype comme immoraux (bien que lune de leur valeur soit constitue par la famille). Par lobservation des volutions du champ dynamique des strotypes et des fondements diffrents de dfinition de lidentit on peut structurer des conclusions sur la dynamique exclusioninclusion en Roumanie aprs 1989. Dans le contexte de la dmocratie, la structuration spontane des contextes dinteraction entre les ethnies est plus visible, ce qui peut mener une variabilit plus large des fondements de dfinition de lidentit et de la flexibilit des strotypes intergroupes aussi. Dans le paysage gnral des configurations identitaires, le rle de lidentit ethnique est remis en question, lethnie ntant plus, invariablement, la source principale de dfinition de lidentit, lindividu tant caractris par des affiliations multiples (par exemple : locale, communautaire, etc.). Une autre restructuration de la construction de lidentit a lieu sous linfluence de la rflexion de la modernit de lindividu qui fait consciemment une slection des affiliations qui deviennent des sources identitaires et qui nexcluent pas pourtant la dpendance des conditionnements sociaux de la construction identitaire.
Bibliografie : Abraham, D., Bdescu, I.; Chelcea, S.: Relaiile interetnice n Romnia: Diagnoze sociologice i evaluarea tendinelor, Carpatica, Cluj-Napoca, 1995. Abric. J.C., Reprezentrile sociale: aspecte teoretice, n Psihologia cmpului social - Reprezentrile sociale (coord. Neculau, A.), Editura tiin i Tehnic, Iai, 1997. Barometrul relaiilor etnice 1994 2002. O perspectiv asupra climatului interetnic din Romnia, Centrul de resurse pentru diversitate etnocultural, Fundaia CRDE, Cluj, 2005 Blaga, I., Populaia Romniei: un eseu demografic, economic i socio-politic, Meridiane, Bucureti, 1972. Bourhis R. Y., Leyens J.-F., Stereotipuri, discriminare i relaii intergrupuri, Polirom, Iai, 1997. Horvth, I., Minoritile din Romnia. Aspecte Politice, LIMES, Cluj-Napoca, 1999. Moisa, F., Experiene, Realizri i Perspective asupra programelor pentru Romi - Cluj Napoca, Seminar internaional avnd ca tem problematica romilor, ianuarie 2000. Nastas L., Salat L., Relaii interetnice n Romnia postcomunist, Centrul de Resurse pentru Diversitate Etnocultural, Cluj-Napoca, 2000. Pippidi, A., Cultura i politicile identitii n Romnia modern, Fundaia Cultura European, Bucureti, 1998. Pons, E., iganii din Romnia - o minoritate n tranziie, Compania, Bucureti, 1999. Zamfir, E., Zamfir, K., iganii. ntre ignorare i ngrijorare. Universitatea Bucureti, Bucureti, 1993. Zlate, M., Psihologia vieii cotidiene, Polirom, Iai, 1997.

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Onirismul romnesc - ntre estetic i politic

Asist. drd. Iuliana Barna Universitatea Dunrea de Jos din Galai Abstract: The oneiric trend has been seen as an act of insubordination and of deliberate intellectual rudeness towards the unique method of creation imposed by the cultural policy of the communist regime. Even though it arose from a subversive gesture, this literary trend is tolerated for the strictly aesthetical ambitions and political absentee. Even though the political censorship releases the breach of the oneiric group and in the same time, the exile of some authentic writers, the theory of the oneiric leads to the cracking of the ideological monopoly, which promoted the Marxism and has underlay on the directions of the socialist realism. Key words: the oneiric trend, authentic writers, literary space

Onirismul estetic nu a fost un curent literar prefabricat , ci unul autentic i legitim, dar ca orice curent natural admite diversitatea n snul lui. Analiza contextual a prozei onirice, dar i a teoriei concepute de onirici, evideniaz o motivaie i un scop preponderent estetice, dar care sunt n subsidiar i politice. Onirismul d natere la o atitudine subversiv la adresa politicii culturale oficiale i a direciei pseudoestetice a realismului socialist. n literatura romn, interveniile micrii intitulate grupul oniric aveau in primul rnd un sens ofensiv, de afirmare i de delimitare fa de suprarealism si romantism, dar i un alt sens, de prentmpinare a unor etichetri. Onirismul estetic sau onirismul structuralist se voia a fi o micare literar, care apeleaz la mecanismele visului, pentru a crea o realitate analoaga visului, o literatur a spaiului i a timpului infinit. Aducnd ca argumente capacitatea fiinei umane de a gndi asupra ei nsei, Dumitru epeneag nelege visul tocmai ca parte integrant a acestei capaciti, care trebuie privit cu luciditate. Onirismul estetic construiete texte sub forma unor sinteze de imagini, al cror model se regsete n vis. Aici, textul devine un obiect autonom, un spaiu unde imaginile sunt in general percepute in succesiunea lor, dar bine organizate. Ptrunznd n spaiul literaturii lui Virgil Tnase, observm c autorul nu mai reprezint un intermediar ntre lume i text, ci textul caut analogiile intre dou lumi. La fel se ntmpl i la ceilali scriitori onirici. Mai mult Leonid Dimov considera c visul nu mai reprezint o abdicare de la realitate, ci este o parte din realitate, la fel cum poezia oniric este o poezie realist. El vede oniricul nu ca un mod de a fugi din realitate, ci unul de a o invada, de a o ptrunde. Dar nu trebuie uitat faptul c, Dumitru epeneag concepuse onirismul ca o dogm alternativ la dogma comunist, i de aici a nceput adevrata aventur a oniritilor: Virgil Mazilescu, Vintil Ivnceanu, Daniel Turcea, Florin Gabrea, Iulian Neacu, Emil Brumariu, Sorin Titel i nu n ultimul rnd Virgil Tnase. Oniricii nu fac filosofia visului, nici psihologie. Onirismul estetic nu explic vise, dar consider c imaginile din vis caut nu att o corelare cu realitatea, unde ar putea interveni deplasarea oniric de care vorbea Freud, ct o evoluie a unei fore interioare. Multe texte onirice au nfiarea unor poeme in proza, oscilaia intre poezie si proz explicndu-se programatic. In gndirea onirist, cel care viseaz este contient de asta, cel despre care viseaz este tocmai el nsui, iar cel care scrie, realizeaz c intre el i cel despre care se scrie, apare mereu o identitate supravegheat de text O coborre oniric n infern a unui adolescent romn obinuit Scriitori ilutri cum ar fi Cioran, purttor al unei proze elegante, Ionescu cel care implanteaz n literatur glumele lui crude, Eliade i grdinile lui secrete, au fost influenai de cultura european, peste care mai trziu i-au pus amprenta. Cltorind spre alte meleaguri, nzestrai cu talent i originalitate au impus n arta literar, spiritul scriiturii romne. Urmnd modelul compatrioii si, scriitorul Virgil Tnase reuete s deschid calea spre o literatur diferit, o literatur a exilului prin care va reda ndrzne, greelile trecutului. Onirismul se ivete din nevoia apsat a unui gest subversiv la adresa politicii culturale oficiale i a direciei pseudoestetice a realismului socialist.1 Motivaia apariiei literaturii onirice formulat
1

Laura Pavel, Dumitru epeneag i canonul literaturii alternative, Casa Crii de tiin, Cluj-Napoca, 2007, p.7.

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n discursul critic i n programele teoretice de ctre epeneag i Dimov e bine ntemeiat: prin onirism se pot amesteca simptomatic criteriul estetic cu cel politic. O scriere care red explicit criteriul dup care se ghideaz (cluzete) literatura oniric, este Apocalipsa unui adolescent de familie, un roman cu implicaii politice evidente ce se lovete nainte de 1990, de refuzul autoritilor de a-l publica n Romnia. Motivul invocat: publicul romn nu este destul de matur pentru tehnica i arta scriitoriceasc att de modern a romancierului Virgil Tnase.2 Editat la Paris n 1980, Apocalypse un adolescent de bonne famille, este de fapt adevrata apocalips a lui Virgil Tnase, dar pn la ea, scriitorul reflecteaz asupra istoriei noastre personale care se schimb pe msur ce descoperim c am trit altceva dect ceea ce crezuserm c trim, ca nite entiti rtcite ntr-o lume oniric.3 nchisoarea, nebunia, dezrdcinarea se lovesc de scutul iubirii, curajului, dispreului n faa morii. Comunismul a nsemnat negarea individului, triumful spiritului de turm, ndeprtarea fiinei umane de realitate i a fcut posibil transformarea istoriei n utopie. Gnditorul aflndu-se n incapacitatea de a se realiza pe deplin este condamnat la laten. Inconsistena i dezordinea lumii pe dos n care supravieuiete naratorul lui Virgil Tnase, duc la bulversarea sistematic a frontierelor dintre realitate i vis, dintre trecut i prezent, un prezent comresc marcat de eforturile personajelor de a nsuflei clipa - precar i neltoare - cu urme ale unor existene anterioare.4 Roman de tip mozaic, cu o cronologie nedefinit, Apocalipsa unui adolescent de familie, introduce personaje greu de fixat ntr-un plan consistent al realului. Naraiunea debuteaz n stilul tradiional realist introducnd ntr-o pictur aleas un convoi de oameni, refugiai din Basarabia n vara anului 1940. Copil fiind pleac mpreun cu mama sa spre Ardeal cu trenul. Dar secvena urmtoare duce realitatea n vis i astfel descrierea realitii se transform n descrierea visului. Chemat n cancelaria colii spre a-i clarifica statutul de refugiat suspect i culpabil -, adolescentul are n faa ochilor imagini de comar. Dintr-o dat se produce fisura n normalitatea banalului. Viziunea lui este de-a dreptul urmuzian: directorul era "vrt de la bru n sus ntr-o bil de sticl de formol"; profesoara de fizic alearg descul n jurul mesei; dou doamne de limbi strine "cntau nduind la balalaic"; secretara de partid i purta fetia n marsupiu etc. ntr-un plan simultan al naraiunii, aciunea probabil, din anii 50 se mut n lumea deportailor de la Canalul Dunre- Marea Neagr.. i de aceasta dat lumea real e concurat de lumea paralel, analoag, creat de prozator. n drum spre penitenciar, deinuii rcnesc cntece patriotice, n timp ce gardienii danseaz bezmetic "sugndu-i unul altuia urechile". Apoi, peste imaginea coloanei de deinui se suprapune o imagine din copilrie a unei coloane de pionieri defilnd festiv prin faa tribunei oficiale. n acest punct, textul are accente satirice la adresa regimului, dar prozatorul nu va persevera n aceast direcie critic. Un laitmotiv al prozei lui Virgil Tnase este trenul, fie el trenul refugiailor basarabeni, al deinuilor nghesuii n vagoane de marf sau, pur i simplu, al cltorilor obinuii plecai spre o destinaie imprecis. Tot in tren se afl i personajul din secvena a noua, blocat, din cauza zpezii, n mijlocul munilor. Procedeul glisrii planului real n ireal devine mai evident n a asea secven a romanului, unde trenul este nlocuit cu autobuzul. Iar personajul central este un medic navetist care, din pricina vremii nefavorabile e nevoit s atepte n autogar. ( ca i n Portrait d'homme la faux dans un paysage marin, eroul din romanul Apocalipsa cltorete iarna). Aceasta nuvel oniric este similar cu povestirea lui Dumitru epeneag ntr-o frizerie . Prozatorii onirici au cteva toposuri comune: gara, nchisoarea, frizeria. ( Nicolae Oprea)5. Destinul tragic al personajului devine previzibil n momentul n care se accidenteaz mortal o fat cunoscut la nunta unui coleg de antier. Majoritatea secvenelor se ncheie cu un eveniment tragic. Domnioara profesoar pe care o iubete adolescentul cade victima unui accident feroviar. Finalul romanului aduce n plin plan un personaj pe nume Pavel, care dup o cltorie aventuroas este ntmpinat cu ovaii de locuitorii oraului , dar este mpucat de prietenul su Maxim. Predilecia autorului pentru naraiunea oniric are ca motiv necesitatea armonizrii metodei narative cu specificul universului evocat, abandonnd verosimilitatea i controlul raiunii.
2 3

Le Monde, din 22 iunie 1984 Virgil Tnase, Ma Roumanie, Editura Didactic i Pedagogic, Bucureti, 1996, p.150. 4 Carmen Muat, Perspective asupra romanului romnesc postmodern,, Editura Paralela 45, 1998, p.185. 5 Zaciu, M. , Papahagi M., Sasu A., Dicionarul Scriitorilor Romni, Editura Albatros, Bucureti, 2002, pp.508-510.

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Scriitorul deine libertatea absolut de a se juca cu regulile literare, de a lsa s rzbat negnditul, inimaginabilul, obligaie fundamental a artei literare. n ceea ce privete romanul, acesta i nsuete toate formele de expresie, exploateaz pentru sine toate procedeele, fr a fi obligat s justifice folosirea lor. Ct despre lumea real, romanul i permite s o zugrveasc fidel, s-o deformeze, s-i pstreze sau s-i denatureze proporiile i culorile, s-o judece i mai mult, poate s ia cuvntul n numele ei i s pretind c schimb viaa, doar evocnd-o n interiorul lumii sale fictive6.
Bibliografie: Marthe, Robert , Romanul nceputurilor i nceputurile romanului, Editura Univers, Bucureti, 1983. Muat, Carmen, Perspective asupra romanului romnesc postmodern,, Editura Paralela 45, Piteti,1998. Pavel, Laura, Dumitru epeneag i canonul literaturii alternative, Casa Crii de tiin, Cluj-Napoca, 2007. Tnase, Virgil, Ma Roumanie, Editura Didactic i Pedagogic, Bucureti, 1996. Tnase, Virgil, Apocalipsa unui adolescent de familie, Editura Fundaie Culturale Romne, Bucureti, 1992. Zaciu, M. , Papahagi M., Sasu A., Dicionarul Scriitorilor Romni, Editura Albatros, Bucureti, 2002.

Marthe Robert, Romanul nceputurilor i nceputurile romanului, Editura Univers, Bucureti, 1983, pp. 48 49.

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Blurbs or the Power of Advertising Literature

Asist. drd. Daniela Bogdan Universitatea Dunrea de Jos din Galai Rsum: Les dernires annes, les maisons d'dition ont dpens beaucoup d'argent, dnergie et de temps afin de donner aux couvertures la valeur marchande, de sorte qu'elles attrapent lil des acheteurs comme un aimant. Et il est vrai, il est devenu un geste rflexe, que quand nous achetons un livre, mous le tournons, afin de lire la brve prsentation sur la couverture arrire pour voir de ce quil sagite. Rcemment, la mme information peut tre trouve sur les sites Web des maisons d'dition qui promouvent leurs productions sur l'Internet. Les textes de prsentation de couverture sont, en fait, une forme de la publicit que les diteurs trouvent toujours irrsistible, bien qu'il n'y ait aucune manire de montrer qu'un texte de prsentation de couverture a jamais influenc la dcision d'un acheteur potentiel pour le livre, spcialement de nos jours o le march est dj satur par la mthode marchande. Afin de raliser leur but, les textes de prsentation se servent des dispositifs linguistiques et rhtoriques, comme: l'utilisation des pithtes et des superlatifs pour fliciter l'auteur, des phrases elliptiques, de l'impratif - pour convaincre le consommateur aussi que ladressage au 2me personne singulier, de l'utilisation des questions rhtoriques et de quelques citations directement du livre. Les maisons d'dition ont choisi d'imprimer sur la couverture arrire, de lexacts des journaux, des magasins ou des miettes des entrevues appartenant quelques critiques ou crivains, abondant des loges au travail ou l'auteur. Cest pour cela que la dernire couverture tablit pratiquement la stratgie de marketing, ayant comme objectif unique, aussi comme la publicit en gnral, l'intention d'inoculer au consommateur le dsir d'acheter le livre. Mots-cls: publicit, dispositifs linguistiques et rhtoriques, stratgie de marketing

Resorting to mercantile tools in order to sell a novel was supposed, a couple of years ago, to degrade the work, removing it from the cultivated category. The word commercial has always been a pejorative for literature. On the Internet one may find all kinds of accusations about the known authors, such as Mircea Cartarescu or Horia Patapievici that they would have coquetted too much to mercantilism! And yet, in the attempt to bring literature closer to readers, contemporary writers resort more often to effective marketing strategies and advertising campaigns. And the publishing houses make use of imagination when launching a new product: beautifully illustrated covers, in vivid colors, with exciting drawings, but also with interesting information about the author, critical quotations and a brief plot summary, all present on the last book cover. In recent years, the publishing houses have spent a lot of money, energy and time in order to give the covers the market value, so that they catch the buyers looks like a magnet. And it is true, it has become a reflex, that when we buy a book, to turn it, in order to read the brief presentation on the back cover to see what is it about. Most recently, the same information is found on the websites of the publishing houses which promote their productions on the Internet. Back of the book blurbs -without a proper translation correspondent: in Romanian are called critical assessments or cover advertising texts- represent an apart species, less studied by the linguist specialists, being considered, until yesterday, simple quotations with informative function: most of them present a summary of the book, familiarize us with the characters, introduce us in the plot, revealing so as to whip up the readers curiosity for the literary product. In 1966, Clive Bingley stated: A good blurb has a beginning, middle and an end, a light style and a definite point to make about the content or purpose of the book, as well as an expression of the publisher's own confidence in its merits. This definition specifies that a good blurb contains at least the elements of book praise and book subject matter. Blurbs are short, concise statements, having in intention to convey a message that is memorable and useful for promotional purposesa branding statement, a testimonial; they tell what the book is about, define its niche or create a brand for the author. Such blurbs are often created by the marketing department (or the author) to help distributors and promotional people quickly get a handle on what the book is about so they can better pitch the book. For this reason, this kind of blurb is sometimes referred to as a books handle. Testimonials are similar to back of the book blurbs but they are always written by someone else who has read the book, and who is now offering a message of approval or appreciation. They act somewhat like mini book reviews. Testimonials show potential readers that someone else has found the book useful; therefore, testimonials are powerful promotional tools. Blurb" has evolved into a verb, meaning "to produce a short statement of praise for use in a publicity instrument". SO, cover blurbs are, in fact, a form of advertising that publishers still find irresistible, although there is no way to prove that a cover blurb ever influenced a potential book

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buyers decision, especially nowadays when the market is already saturated by the mercantile method. Needless to say that, before launching the novel, editors or even writers themselves try their best to obtain a good blurb, by using an entire list of acquaintances and making humiliating but necessary phone calls, using the question Will you blurb me? How does it really work? Bookagents send in advance copies of a new property to book reviewers and well-known authors in order to shop around for the perfect blurb. But the same rainmakers have become careful about allowing their names to be used in publicity. These names are valuable, and so using one isn't free. If a book is saturated with too many blurbs, one gets the feeling that the publisher is overcompensating and perhaps trying to sell you a bill of goods. For example, the first book in Dean Koontz's Frankenstein series has ten pages of blurbs inside. In order to achieve their purpose, blurbs make use of linguistic and rhetorical devices such as: the use of epithets and superlatives to praise the writer, of elliptical sentences, of imperative - to convince the consumer - but also the singular 2nd person addressing, the use of rhetorical questions and of some quotes directly from the book. The publishing houses chose to print on the back cover, sequences from newspapers, specialized magazines or snatches of interviews belonging to some literary critics or writers, all full of eulogies at work or the author. That is why the last cover practically establishes the marketing strategy, having as sole purpose, like any advertisement, the intention to inoculate to the consumer the desire to buy the book. It has been told so many times that advertising does not sell products, but emotions. That is right, it is also reproached with selling illusions and idolatrizing objects, with stimulating the ostentatious consumption and with creating false necessities by the symbolical imposing of some unnecessary products and services, with exaggerating, being aggressive and polluting the intimate or community space. Advertising is the necessary evil of the modern society, but we cannot omit the fact that, being built on the rhetorics persuasive mechanism, advertising amplifies the forms, functions and qualities, proclaims the value and searches for the adhesion, it creates mentalities, opinions and behaviors. If we were to consider the books as a luxury product, which satisfies a spiritual need, without doubt, the value of a book for the buyer is an emotional one and this is also underlined by the recommendations on the back cover. Concerning the books, in order to convince the buyer, the publishing houses make use of quotes belonging to some cultural celebrities, published in specialized magazines, as being objective voices and with authority that analyze the book content. In addition, on the publishing houses websites, the consumer himself can write his opinion about the book, his comment appearing on-line along with the one of the advised critics. He/She can give marks or can rate the book, working as a perfect feed-back for the other readers. It is an evaluation on multiple voices of great effect, the consumer being given more perspectives on the book, from the very well-informed ones up to non-experts. Not to mention that most of the time, the publishing houses choose to write the reviews in miniature, in bold letters or in capital letters, in order to attract even more the potential customers. It is a stratagem which makes cover blurbs be even more alike the title or the slogan of an advertisement. In the paper hereto, we have especially chosen to analyze the books covers of Orhan Pamuk, firstly because his works are translated into 40 languages and Pamuks coming in Romania, certainly, was the cultural event of 2008, being the first time when a winner of the Nobel Prize for Literature visited our country after the 90s. And secondly, because in Romania, Pamuk benefited from an unprecedented promotion, practically remaining and at present time, the largest cultural campaign ever held in our country. He did not stand aback from the commercial promotion, benefiting from a mega campaign of advertisement that propelled him on top of the sales: PR, indoor, outdoor displays, kiosk prints, TV campaign, completed by marketing techniques that also included promotions with Pamuk volumes, a contest with books hidden all over the town, held on Curtea Veche publishing houses blog, and even a viral on YouTube Nobel in the Park. We had in mind two objectives. The first one was to make Pamuk as accessible as possible. Usually the word Nobel inhibits and the world tends to consider such events elitist and outdated. We changed that; we bring to the event personalities from all fields so that people do not feel like coming to a literary circle or to a dusty launch. it is Nemethi Barnas motivation, Executive Manager of Griffon and Swans, those who conceived Pamuks promotion campaign. And here is the feed-back: the campaign registered over 33 million visitors on the on-line media, almost 600 thousand newspaper readers and over 1 million viewers who saw the news about Pamuk in journals, a live interview on Realitatea TV or the coverage of the entire visit on TVR CULTURAL.

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Plus the participants from the Atheneu, in number of over 800, 80 Romanian and foreign journalists that came to carry on the message, and the autograph session from Diverta where there were over 200 people. The posting of stickers with the message Mihaela comes to what? on the subway posters Mihaela Radulescu comes to Pamuk was a new proof of the impact that the campaign had. In addition, the publishing houses blog registered a record of visits as a result of the contest Find one of the 10 hidden books. In the paper hereto, we want to prove that the assessments on the back cover also function in case of Pamuk, as well as in any other case of well chosen strategy for the advertising of a book. As Llusa Gea Valor demonstrates in the paper Advertising books: a linguistic analysis of blurbs, the blurbs on the books covers of Pamuk are also divided into three distinct sections: Description, Evaluation and About the Author. Description involves a review of the book content; it refers to the plot and introduces the characters. The fragment may also contain a first evaluation of the book, as it can be seen in the text below; on the back cover of Orhan Pamuks novel My name is Red. A work of intense beauty, Orhan Pamuk's My Name is Red opens a window into the reign of Ottoman Sultan Murat III, inviting us to experience the tension between East and West from a breathlessly urgent perspective. A murder mystery in which nature and art mirror one another, it is clear once the reader reaches the last page that red is the colour of ambiguity. Timeless and timely, this byzantine mystery explores an earlier world that remains deeply influential even today. Pamuk's writing is as elegant and multi-faceted as the story he narrates. The novel in which everyone speaks with their own voice, even dead people and furniture start to talk, is about death, art, love, marriage and happiness as well as a requiem for the forgotten beauties of pictorial art. The novel The Fortress we find out from the back cover also speaks about the conflict between West and East. The blurb is full of pompous epithets that arouse the readers imagination and interest: the story is miraculous, the cities where the action takes place are fabulous and the characters play is mysterious. In addition, the story seems to have all the ingredients for an exciting reading: wanderings through the maze of destiny, two bizarre characters, almost twins that cross their destinies. Evaluation is made by the agency of some short quotes belonging to the critics and taken from specialized works, newspapers or magazines. This is the place of exaggerations, of superlatives, of imperatives but also of comparisons often inflated, frequently used by independent writers, also wellknown, to praise their colleagues. Orhan Pamuk won the very right to be compared to Jorge Luis Borges and Italo Calvino, both seen as guarding angels watching this novel from above Pamuk is a great storyteller, having the passion and power of a Seherezade. New York Times Original and refined Comparisons with Kafka and Calvino doesnt come from an overreaction. The Independent ( despre Fortareata) Pamuks masterpiece. Times Literary Supplement An extraordinary, exciting novel. The Nation Mr. Pamuk's fiction, it has been suggested, is like a Borges story expanded into a novel The NEW York Times In order to achieve their purpose, the texts resort to a series of linguistic strategies designed to attract the customer and to win his attention and trust. One of them is the abuse of compliments. The texts are full of absolute superlative and relative degree adjectives, especially in the section devoted to criticism. If they refer to the book, the adjectives usually translate the mood that seizes you after reading. Ellipsis is again frequently used: no verb clauses attempt to descend the discourse to the level of the reader and to attract him to its side. Ellipsis is the one that brings even closer such texts to the slogan and to the title of an advertisement, because they try to be as direct as possible in order to win

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the reader. Another purpose is to imitate the direct, colloquial, non-academic addressing, not to embarrass the unadvised addressee. As a marketing strategy, nor the imperative is forgotten. About the Author puts the reader in connection with the professional background of the writer. It may contain other novels written by him, the awards obtained the current occupation or family details. In the case of Pamuk, the publishing house does not shrink from enumerating all the literary awards received, as a guarantee of the fact that his work is valuable. Although Pamuk started writing full-time in the mid 1970s, he did not achieve popular success until the 1990s - and then he swiftly became the fastest-selling author in Turkish history. He is unusual in achieving both mass market success and critical acclaim for his complex, post-modern novels which tackle big themes - cultural change, identity crises, east v west, tradition v modernity - head-on. International recognition of his work came more recently, with the Irish Impac award in 2003, followed by the German book trade Peace prize and the French Prix Mdicis tranger. He was also widely believed to have been a serious contender for the 2005 Nobel prize for literature, which went to Harold Pinter. The assessments manipulate, in the good sense of the word, if there is such thing. The publishing houses select only the positive messages addressed to the author and to the book; even readers thoughts - the feedback provided on websites - are carefully selected so that to include only complimentary remarks, meant to sell the product. Unfortunately, like any frequently used advertising form, these texts also tend not to take effect anymore, many customers, over-saturated, trying to ignore them. Blurbs became the irony target of the contemporary writers: in his book The true encyclopedia of the present Oliver Kuhn writes I am always choosing my readings by the one that praised those books. An intelligent blurb from a literary criticism personality, placed on the 4th cover, and I immediately buy the volume, without any hesitation. And he gives as example several such texts especially written for his book, some of them even anti-blurbs: God created the earth to live on it, and trees to grow. He cut the trees, in order to make paper from them. And he made the paper for that one day, such a perfect work can be written on it. Benedict XXL Only a few pages after, I would have preferred to instantly go blind and lose my memory. Elke Heidenreich In the old days I would have set on fire a book like this. Gnter Grass If the cover blurbs no longer fulfill their mission, it remains to be seen, in the future, what resources publishers will resort to in order to promote their productions.
Bibliography: Goddard, A. (1998). The Language of Advertising: Written Texts. London & New York: Routledge. Valor Gea, L. (2005) Advertising books: a linguistic analysis of blurbs. Bhatia, V. K. (1993). Analysing Genre:Language Use in Professional Settings. London: Longman. Kuhn, O.; Reinwarth, A.; Frohlich A, (2008) Adevarata enciclopedie a prezentului, Nemira, Bucuresti. sites on Orhan Pamuks works

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Updikes Terrorist Wayward World

Conf. dr. Ruxanda Bontil Dunrea de Jos University of Galai Rsum: John Updike 18 Mars 193227 Janvier 2009 s'est vad pour de bon de ce monde capricieux pour s'installer dans le bon univers de la littrature. Updike remembered est l'objet de ma contribution ddie un auteur qui a transform l'horreur de l'imposture, de l'ostentation et de l'hypocrisie dans un tat naturel d'existence. Dans Le Terroriste (2006), Updike essaie de pntrer dans l'intimit d'un jeune musulman dvot qui, comme la plupart de ses personnages, dfie un monde gar et cherche dsesprment trouver un remplacement pour remplir le vide. Malheureusement, Updike dmontre que le sentiment religieux fervent ne peut quloigner l'individu de sa nature humaine, tandis que les menaces son existence hasardeuse et problmatique dans ce monde deviennent de plus en plus intenses. L'indoctrination religieuse, tout comme l'indoctrination politique, appauvrit l'individu de ses ressources naturelles, en le laissant dnu de son gnie originaire. Elle promet l'lvation de l'esprit, mais, en fait, elle ne fait que l'annihiler. Par contraste, comme partout dans ses romans, Updike suggre que l'absence de toute idologie peut aider l'homme accepter les complexits nouvelles de l'environnement culturel d'aujourd'hui. Mots cls : l'horreur de l'imposture, l'ostentation, l'hypocrisie, l'indoctrination

Introduction: On narrative and the psychology of character Narrative has already become coin of the realm in other domains besides narratology, literature, history, sociology, psychology, and philosophy. During electoral campaigns, for instance, we are constantly told about the candidates narratives, or their need to change their narrative (see how, in Romania as elsewhere, the issue of education (including their own educational trajectory) becomes top priority within the candidates narratives before the election). My concern in the forthcoming discussion of Updikes novel Terrorist (2006), naturally relates to issues developed by literary theorists and philosophers under the early influences of Danto (1965; 1985) and Macintyre (1981) on narration and knowledge, and selves and their constitutive lifenarratives. The debate by necessity accesses two different trends of thought connected to the question of whether both historical narratives and fictional narratives can contribute to our fund of knowledge. Some philosophers argue that this is beyond the reach of narrative; others do their best to show how this can be done. My own tentative approach to the issue somehow supports the latter trend of thought which proffers the view that the kind of coherence that narratives possess and that invests them with a satisfying sense of completeness may generate valid narrative explanations with respect to their usefulness in real life. By virtue of their construction, fictional narratives cannot do without characters whose epistemological reliability is also brought into question. For instance, in Narrative and the Psychology of Character (2009), Gregory Currie considers that beyond the apposite relationship between fictional narrative and character, such suitability may raise warning flags about the transfer of thoughts gleaned from the contemplation of fictional characters to conclusions about flesh-and-blood people. The philosopher posits that, while the personality of characters contributes to creating the landscape of expectation in a fictional narrative, it is, in fact, made efficacious through agency. Or, in his own words, A function of Character (i.e. personality/ temperament/ inner source of actionmy gloss) in plot is to increase the counterfactual robustness of the plots events; Character turns outcomes that are otherwise unlikely, because they depend on accidents, into events with a dramatic inevitability (Currie 2009: 64). Ira Newman in Virtual People: Fictional Characters through the Frames of Reality (2009), is also concerned with the question of whether fictional characters can give us insights of actual people and their characters. Or, in the theorists words, fictional characters, in addition to benefitting cognitively from the projection of actual-world structures onto them, contribute to our understanding of actual-world configurations by returning the projection back to their realworld prototypes (Newman 2009: 73). Like in the case of Curries investigation, Newmans concern is with evincing how our engagement with fictional characters can make a genuine cognitive contribution for use in the real world beyond the fiction (2009: 80). Any discussion about the relationship between narrative and character raises questions about our emotional involvement with characters. Some theorists emphasize the importance of sympathy to our affectively bonding with fictional characters while also defending the view that empathy should be understood as a component of sympathy. Others, on the contrary, stress out that our affective response to fictional characters should not be taken as analog for how to live and how to feel emotionally about things in real life.

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Although inconclusive, the emerging philosophical discussions on our involvement with narrative and character can, in my opinion, facilitate the fuller recognition of the profound continuities between ethics and aesthetics as well as life and literature. Updikes Terrorist, or on the cacophony of miscommunication It is in the spirit of these reflections that I shall explore the polarities of fiction and reality in John Updikes last but one novel Terrorist (2006). My first claim is that, like in his previous novels, Updikes fictional characters are completely embedded in their discrete fictional contexts, although, at times, they manage to escape from the clutch of authorial authority. As a second claim, I suggest that characters, first, by absorbing the projection of actual-world structures onto them, and next, by reversing the projection back to their real-world prototypes, are, in fact, eliciting from the critical reader, puzzle-solving procedures that may become paradigmatic for understanding aspects of human reality. In an interview, Updike declares that, as compared to movie making after his books, one of the advantages of writing is that you are your own boss. You shoot your own stock, choose all the scenes, cast all the characters. Youre your everything realityand the product, then, is yours. If it plays, greatand if it doesnt, there are no alibis (1975: 479; my italics). Also asked, why there is so little violence in his fiction, Updikes premonitory answer is, If, as may be, the holocausts at the rim of possibility do soon visit us, I am confident my capacities for expression can rise, if I live, to the occasion (interview given in 1968; 1975: 483). And, unfortunately, the 9/11 events in America made him keep the promise. Terrorist is Updikes both readerly and writerly expression about the wave of unimaginable violence America had to face, the more so since the threat/enemy was defaced and diffused. From an external perspectivesuch as Updikes everything reality assumes, that is, a completed product or finite artifact, character(s) can only refer to a formal configuration of certain elements of the narrative, turning our attention to a dramatic habitat. The external viewpoint (the external perspective on the fictional world as a dramatic construction) coincides with the first claim I make, namely, that fictional characters are completely embedded in their discrete fictional contexts despite their few moments of authorial elusion. This means that emplotting (narration or storytelling), emplotment (product of storytelling), and plot (succession of events represented by such an act)Paul Ricoeurs terms (1990), become key elements of the exclusive functional design of the author. Following such a viewpoint, the functional deployment of the fictional world gets the subsequent narrative account. The eighteen year old Arab-American Ahmad Asmawy Mulloy (born to an Irish mother and an Egyptian father), who has been living only with his mother (since he was three) in the now desolate little town New Prospect from New Jersey, grows more and more dissatisfied with materialistic, hedonistic life he witnesses. He thus turns to the words of the Holy Quran as expounded to him by the pedantic imam Shaikh Rashid of a local mosque, who indoctrinates him to the point of accepting a suicidal mission of exploding the Lincoln Tunnel in New York. Charlie Chehab, an Albanese American, the son of Ahmads employer and somehow friend from Excellency Home Furnishings (Ahmads first job is that of a truck driver delivering furniture throughout New Jersey) smoothes the boys slide onto the suicidal track, thus finishing off Shaikh Rashids mission. There is also the guidance counselor from Central High School (Ahmad graduated from), Jack Levy, (a worn-out husband/ school teacher/counselor/citizen and awkward but honest lover to Ahmads mother Teresa Mulloy) whose pivotal part in the action allows him to eventually defer Ahmad from setting off four tons of explosives inside the tunnel. The insidious plot or the writers everything reality, as Updike likes to call it, shape into a cosmos to hold between two identical landmarks, symmetrically positioned. The novel opens with Ahmads thoughtutterance about his Central High mates and teachers, DEVILS, Ahmad thinks. These devils seek to take away my God (Terrorist, 1); and it closes on That, and only that. These devil, Ahmad thinks, have taken away my God (305). The then disreputable school mates and teachers populating Ahmads thoughts have become the now crawling-up-to-anything people who, compared to the towering structures around them, look like insects, each one of them impaled live upon the pin of consciousness, fixed upon self-advancement and self-preservation (305). Suffice it to say that such finish-up-ness allows into being the readers unease about having to do with characters as formal configurations of certain elements of the dramatic narrative. From the perspective of a dramatic artifact, Newman says, the character and the components of its surrounding environment play a mutual part in constructing one another (2009: 75).

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My second claim in the paper is better sustained by what comes to be called the internal perspective on the fictional world and its inhabitants. From this perspective, we come to see fictional characters from their perspective as agents and experiencers in a world of events, which somehow reduplicates the situation we are in as inhabitants of the actual world, where we face an ongoing sequence of alternative future possibilities, in the form of both chosen and nonchosen events. Fictional characters, by occasioning contradictory behavioural situationsfact which amounts to questioning their credibility, may help us construct a paradigm as problem-solving device for use in their cases first, and then, for cases of understanding real-life persons, their behaviour, and their character. Such a paradigm consists in an intricate web of cognitive manoeuvres, involving processes of discovery and justification to be applied for explaining the fictional characters actions; by extension, the paradigm may be used for explaining real persons actions, or, why not, for proving that real persons actions are no more understandable than fictional characters actions area sufficiently disturbing conclusion. When in an interview, Updike is asked about how religious he is, his answer comes as circular reasoning, Id say, yes, I try to be. I think I do tend to see the world as layered, and as there being something up there (1975: 483). Or, in an earlier interview, with reference to the attributes of God in Couples (1968), Updike is again begging the question in a characteristic way: I guess the noun God appears in two totally different senses, the God in the first instance being the one worshipped within this nice white church, the more or less watered-down Puritan God; and then God in the second sense means ultimate power. Ive never really understood theologies which would absolve God of earthquakes and typhoons, of children starving (1975: 485). The subsequent exemplifications from Terrorist are meant to show that Updikes Yes/No...but practice as problem-solving tactic may work out a valid paradigm for understanding aspects of human reality beyond fiction. The terms of the religious debate in the book are set, from the very beginning, through Ahmads practice of circular reasoning wherein the premise is not logically irrelevant to the conclusion, but it is, however, logically irrelevant in proving the conclusion.
What evidence beyond the Prophets blazing and divinely inspired words proves that there is a next [life]? Where would it be hidden? Who would forever stoke Hells boilers? What infinite source of energy would maintain opulent Eden, feeding its dark-eyed houris, swelling its heavy-hanging fruits, renewing the streams and splashing fountains in which God, as described in the ninth sura of the Quran, takes eternal good pleasure? What of the second law of thermodynamics? (Terrorist 3).

These big questions seem as puzzling as they are unteacheable. Ahmads teacher, Shaick Rashid, the imam, while beautifully reciting the sura concerning Hutama, the Crushing Fire, sounds to Ahmad, often enough, as unconvincing as the teachers voices at Central High: a denying voice within an affirming voice (4). Ahmad early reflection, The world is difficult ...because devils are busy in it, confusing things and making the straight crooked (8) is substantiated in the book in varying ways: through excursions in the social/religious/ political history of the school, town and country in many voices (by Ahmad; by his mischievously seductive classmate Joryleen; by Charlie Chehab; by Jack Levy; by Ahmads mother Teresa Mulloy; by Shaikh Rashid; by the Secretary of Homeland Security Haffenreffer). These descriptions offer a jig-saw image of the American way, but also of humanity at large. Here are Jack Levys reflections during the graduation ceremony at Central High:
Contribute to America, they are told. Take your places in the peaceful armies of democratic enterprise. Even as you strive to succeed, be kind to your fellow-man. Think, in spite of all scandals of corporate malfeasance and political corruption with which the media daily dishearten and sicken us, of the common good. Real life now commences, they are informed; the Eden of education has swung shut its garden gate. A garden, Levy reflects, of rote teaching dully ignored, of the vicious and ignorant dominating the timid and dutiful, but a garden nevertheless, a weedy patch of hopes, a rough and illtilled seedbed of what this nation wants itself to be (107-8).

The circular reasoning as problem-solving procedure, the yes/no...but way of problematization finds a splendid example in the construction of the character of Ahmads flighty mother, Teresa, a full time nurse and an experimentalist painter for pleasure and by vocation. Her attitude, however blameable by Ahmad, is the sound stance of motherhood which cant speak but for life.

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Religion to me is all a matter of attitude. Its saying yes to life. You have to have trust that theres a purpose, or youll sink. When I paint, I just have to believe that beauty will emerge. Painting abstract, you dont have a pretty landscape or bowl of oranges to lean on; it has to come purely out of you. You have to shut your eyes, so to speak, and take a leap. You have to say yes. [...]. If Ahmad believes in God so much, let God take care of him. [...]. Your life isnt something to be controlled. We dont control our breathing, our digestion, our heartbeat. Life is something to be lived. Let it happen (89).

Teresas plea for trust that there is a purpose in life as in each design seems to constitute, in her case, the benign but of the paradigm that seeks to rule off the malign yes to any form of mistreatment of the human being. She certainly understands into her son as deep as she cant explain it; and her non-involvement into his life is as affirmative of love as suspicious of her deep potential for messing with her own life and others. The insidious line between persuasion (positively marked), and manipulation (negatively marked) comes into focus while the author is rolling off Ahmads religious and worldly tribulations. This easy, trusting boy seems to be as sharply critical of his fellow men as he is of himself. Taking up religion, as he hoped, at first, that he might find a trace of the handsome father who had receded at the moment his memories were beginning (97), he finishes by persuading himself of his thirst/ longing for Paradise, and the necessity of the jihad, which doesnt have to mean war. [...] It means striving, along the path of God. It can mean inner struggle(146). With Ahmad, manipulation or the provocative moods of his teacher, are, at first, considered to be maieutic, a teasing-forth, from the student, of necessary shadows and complications, thus enriching a shallow and starkly innocent faith (105). Then, they become beyond nice (178), since the sheikh has read the boys character even better than the Quran: Many study the Book; few die for it. Few are given your opportunity to prove its truth (234). Ahmad is as clever as he is adamant in his true faith: The boy knows he is being manipulated, yet accedes to the manipulation, since it draws from him a sacred potential (234). On the night prior to the mission, in an isolated, forlorn room, the sheikh seeks to absolve himself from any possible charge brought by his tutee.
Dear boy, I have not coerced you, have I? Why, no, master. How could you? I mean, you have volunteered out of the fullness of your faith? Yes, and out of hatred of those who mock and ignore God. Excellent. You do not feel manipulated by your elders? It was a surprising idea, though Joryleen also had expressed it. Of course not. I feel wisely guided by them (266).

What was surprising to Ahmad was not the process of manipulation as such, but its mention of it by his master whom Ahmed had long been suspecting of loving the language of the Quran over its teachings. To the same effect of an insidious manipulation made to pass for self-persuasion, is the abundance of quotes from the Quran, both in Arabic and English. Two conclusions about Updikes Terrorist wayward world and following the aforementioned theoretical claims impose: (1) From an external perspective, the fictional artwork is a completed product and therefore prohibitive of fictive futures offering alternatives to the already determined sequences of events and human choices (see the readerly account of the plot above); and (2) from an internal perspective, fictional characters are imagined as having alternative fictive futures, which might bring unforeseen insights into their characters. The problem-solving tactic examined and exemplified may well become paradigmatic for understanding aspects of human reality too. Yes, Charlie may be right when he says that between tools and heroes, there are no shades (Tools, [...]. Were all tools. God bless brainless toolsright, Madman? (247)), but, Updike seems also to imply through Ahmads mothers posture, we must strive to know our selves first, and then care for our selves, so as to become, as Foucault tells us, conscious practitioners of freedom (see Foucault The Ethics of the Concern of the Self). Conclusion: Updike Remembered John Updike (1932-2009)s fame of a sort of Talk of the town his own reference from an interview (1968) will always be associated with his dissection of the vast American middle class life, which means civilized life. Although most renowned for the creation of Harry Rabbit Angstrom, the sensitive but undereducated quester after spiritual surety and sexual ease, Updike has

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observed the entire spectrum of suburban America of which Rabbit is only a part. Still, the Rabbit Books (Rabbit Run, 1960; Rabbit Redux, 1971; Rabbit Is Rich, 1980; Rabbit at Rest, 1990, Rabbit Remembered, 2001) illustrate the persistence of realism as Updikes favoured fictional mode while showing the adaptability of that realism to contemporary themes. While assimilating Updikes protagonist to the romance pattern of male flight from social conditioning, Tony Tanner calls Rabbit simply one of many modern Huck Finns wanting to quit society and avoid growing up but with no territory to light out to (1971: 281). There can be found some recurring themes in Updikes novels, such as, the escape theme (seen more as effect than cause) and the entropy theme (dear to postmodernist writers). Updike declares that to be a person is to be in a situation of tension, is to be in a dialectical situation (1975: 485) which is why he will always place both his heroes and readers in troublesome situations wherefrom they come to question themselves and the others: What is a good man? or What is goodness? And in all the books an issue is examined (1975: 483). Still, Updike considers his work meditation, not pontification (1975: 497). Then, there is Updikes yes/no, but philosophy he seems to be abiding by (1975: 484), fully justifying his writing since, as the writer admits, everything unambiguously expressed seems crass. Apparently a representative of maintenance culture the culture of complacency and excess, Updike has been around to detail the little upheavals that shrink the human spirit, such as domestic fierceness within the family, sex and death as riddles for the thinking animal, social existence as sacrifice, unexpected pleasures and rewards, corruption as a kind of evolution. Being at once a moralist, humorist, observer, lover of words, Updike is always aware of the connection between the details of the day and the urgings of the eternal. Thus, he will persistently address such issues as: the value of common details, the deterioration of family, the insensitivity of contemporary life, and the difficulty of maintaining religious faith in an age of spiritual malaise. Updikes personal sense of Realism connects to his idea that Realism is not always a literary convention but often a moral imperative which cant escape myth. The artist, he tells us, is in some way the middleman between the ideal world and this, and I can not imagine being a writer without wanting somehow to play, to make these patterns, to insert these secrets into my books, and to spin out this music that has its formal side (1975: 481). Hence, his creation, as a whole, represents an epitome of strong metaphysical obsessions and serious realism, of great historical curiosity and a belief in the salvations of form and art (Bradbury 1992: 184).
Bibliography: Bradbury, M., The Modern American Novel, Oxford University Press, 1992. Currie, G., Narrative and the Psychology of Character, Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism, Vol. 67, 2009, Issue 1, pp. 61-71. Danto, A., Narration and Knowledge, Columbia Classics in Philosophy, 1985. Foucault, M., The Ethics of the Concern of the Self as a Practice of Freedom, in Essential Works of Foucault 1954-1984. Vol. 1, Ethics. Subjectivity and Truth. Ed. Paul Rabinow. Trans. R.Hurley et al. London: Penguin, 2000 (1984). 280-301. Macintyre, A., Tratat de moral. Dup virtute, trans. Catrinel Pleu, Bucureti: Humanitas, [1981] 1998. Mihil, R., John Updike i mijlocul dilematic, Romnia Literar, No. 6, 2009, pp. 26-7. Newman, I., Virtual People: Fictional Characters through the Frames of Reality, Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism, Vol. 67, 2009, Issue 1, pp. 73-83. Ricoeur, P., Time and Narrative, trans. Kathleen McLaughlin and David Pellauer, 2 vols., University of Chicago Press, 1990. Updike, J. Picked-up Pieces, Fawcett Crest Book, Greenwich, Connecticut, 1975. Updike, J., Terrorist, Ballantine Books, New York, [2006] 2007. Tanner, T., City of Words: American Fiction 1950-1970, London, Jonathan Cape, 1971.

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Discursul mitic publicitar

Lect. dr. Mihaela Crnu Universitatea Dunrea de Jos din Galai Zusammenfassung: Diese Arbeit zeigt, auf welche Weise und mit welcher Intention Werbung auf der formalen und inhaltlichen Ebene mythische Narration vermittelt. Dem Mythos kommt bei der Inszenierung von Konsumfeldern ein wachsender Stellenwert zu. Mit dem Trend der Mythen-Werbung reagiert die Werbewirtschaft auf die Sehnsucht nach Mythen in der Gesellschaft und nutzt diese fr ihre Zwecke. Schlusswrter: Mythos, Werbung, Rede, inhaltliche Ebene, kulturell, Volkskultur, Gesellschaft

Contextul socio-cultural este extrem de important pentru succesul unei reclame. Sunt elemente pe care nici nu le sesizm, deoarece fac parte din normal i firesc. n urma unui studiu asupra funcionrii sociale a limbajului, sociologii americani au identificat cteva reguli, dintre care reinem regula constanei i regula coerenei tematice (v. Dncu, 1993, p.83). Conform celor dinti, dac exist precolari, exist grdinie i educatoare, dac exist carii, exist stomatologi, past i periu de dini etc. Dac vedem ntr-un spot publicitar un medic stomatolog, tim c face reclam la o past de dini, dac n imagine apare o fat sub du, atunci este vorba despre un gel de du, un spun sau un ampon. Este mai greu s facem legtura ntre o familie care-i admir dalmaienii i o ofert Orange. Ne-am putea gndi mai degrab la o reclam pentru hran la cini. nclcarea regulii constanei este un element de captare a ateniei. Receptorul este surprins c lucrurile decurg altfel dect s-ar fi ateptat, altfel dect credea c este normal. Cea de-a doua regul, a corelaiei tematice, stabilete legturi ntre elemente de natur diferit, de exemplu vrsta este corelat cu un anumit comportament. Este normal s vedem ntr-o reclam un bebelu cruia i se schimb scutecul. tim c, pentru aceast vrst, scutecul este o necesitate. Neobinuit este cnd copiii adopt un comportament specific adulilor: fetia care devine prezentatoare de produse Hochland (chiar dac face acest lucru n joac, este un joc destul de serios pentru vrsta ei) sau unul dintre bieii din spotul Cappy, care-i ntmpin tatl cu vorbele: Sunt cam ngrijorat. n ultima vreme nu ari prea bine. Aceti copii serioi atrag atenia tocmai prin necorelaia tematic, care devine surs a umorului, de cele mai multe ori. n cele ce urmeaz voi urmri n ce msur discursul mitic este folosit, i recunoscut ca atare de ctre public, n spoturile publicitare. Datorit comprimrii materialului n unitatea de timp permis, nu vom gsi poveti ntregi sau legende, ci doar cteva elemente sugestive. Putem spune c asistm la o nou tehnic de compunere a discursului prin juxtapunerea, ntr-o anumit ordine, a elementelor recognoscibile i, acolo unde este nevoie, comletarea prin explicaii de natur lingvistic. Exist multe imagini culturale i mituri generale sau specifice prelucrate n reclam, pentru c emitorul unui astfel de mesaj publicitar tie exact la ce face referin i ce valoare are acel lucru pentru receptor. Istoria, originile au reprezentat ntotdeauna un mit pentru romni. Reclama pentru berea Caraiman se bazeaz pe acesta. Spotul prezint suprarea lui Burebista pentru c dacii beau prea mult vin. Suprat pe poporul su, Burebista a ars toate viile. Atunci dacii au fcut o bere, dup o reet pe care o credeau de mult pierdut. Caraiman berea frate cu romnul. Toi copiii nva nc din clasele primare c dacii erau agricultori pricepui i foarte buni viticultori. Originea istoric a acestei beri, vocea lui Florian Pitti, cruia i aparine lectura n documentarele istorice din cadrul emisiunii Teleenciclopedia, formeaz o unitate cu rol persuasiv. Un obicei romnesc foarte vechi este ca unei fete, cu ocazia nunii, prinii s-i dea o zestre. Lipsa sau inconsistena acesteia era o problem acut, mai ales pentru locuitorii din zonele rurale, n secolul trecut. Reclama pentru uleiul Unisol propune o soluie: pe baza etichetelor trimise se va face o tragere la sori, iar ctigtorul va primi o sum important de bani: Gtete romnete i Unisol i face zestre. n lumea cretin exist un mit conform cruia fiecare om are un nger pzitor. De acest privilegiu se bucur i personajul din spotul pentru vinul Rai de Murfatlar, al crui nger ncaseaz toate loviturile pe care ar fi trebuit s le ndure el: un ghiveci de flori n cap, o ua trntit n fa, impactul direct cu un camion. n cele din urm, ngeraul i ndulcete amarul cu un pahar de vin (o astfel de abordare ar putea fi numit sacrul glume - v. Pedler, 2001, p. 103). Este foarte plcut aceast reclam. Poate c muli dintre noi am dori s tim dac, ntradevr, avem un nger pzitor i s-l vedem. Imaginea celui din reclama ne aduce zmbetul pe buze i ne face s ne gndim la propriile situaii cnd am scpat ca prin minune de un incident sau cum ar fi

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fost dac ngerul ar fi ncasat o lovitur n urma creia am rmas cu un cucui sau cu vreo vntaie. Conexiunea nger-rai-alinarea durerilor este credibil i logic. Asemntoare acestuia este ideea spiriduului sau a vrjitorului (bun) care te poate ajuta n situaii dificile. Nu numai n reclamele pentru copii apar tot felul de personaje nostime, asemntoare celor din poveti, ci i Mr. Proper, vulpia Rex sau ursuleul Coccolino sunt personaje ireale, gata s sar n ajutorul gospodinelor. Este subliniat aici ideea lucrului dificil, aproape imposibil de realizat, pentru care, ns este gsit o soluie incredibil de simpl. Mo Crciun este una dintre cele mai populare figuri. nsi semnificaia sa (btrnul care aduce daruri) i-a determinat pe creatorii de reclame s-l adopte imediat. Majoritatea companiilor au un transport special din produsul lor, transport adus de Mo. Chiar i ajutoarele sale, elfii, ajung personaje de reclam (Coca-Cola), subliniind atmosfera de srbtoare i veselie din aceast perioad a anului, la care contribuie, bineneles, produsul promovat. Pentru miturile din import situaia este diferit. Prin anii 1992-1994 igrile L&M aveau o reclam cu un motociclist pe o osea; din buzunarul motociclistului se vedea pachetul de igri, iar sloganul era: Iat drumul tu. Reclama era american i tradus n limba romn. Dac pentru ei este o adevrat filozofie de via s-i caui drumul, n cultura romneasc acest lucru nu spune prea multe i, oricum, nu are nici un impact asupra consumatorului (sau, cel puin, nu cel scontat). Aa c reclama respectiv a fost retras de pe piaa romneasc. O imagine preluat mai uor de publicul romnesc este imagine clreului care nvinge sau triete liber (exist mai multe spoturi, cu ipostaze diferite), avnd n buzunar un pachet de igri Malboro. Un alt produs strin cu semnificaie deosebit pentru cultura de origine este parfumul Freya. Textul reclamei este constituit din nsi povestea zeiei cu acest nume: n timpuri strvechi, Freya era zeia frumuseii i a dragostei cea mai frumoas i mai iubit zeitate din mitologia nordicilor n zilele noastre, Freya este parfumul care se impune pentru femeia modern i independent. Aceast reclam se adapteaz foarte bine pe piaa romneasc. Receptorii (mai bine spus, receptoarele) neleg semnificaia simbolic a produsului. Spre deosebire de o danez sau o suedez, pentru care parfumul Freya este mai mult dect un obiect cosmetic, o romnc va cumpra acest parfum ca un accesoriu al modernitii. Unele mituri noi se suprapun peste altele mai vechi. Un spot publicitar relateaz istoria unui mic ntreprinztor romn care confeciona pitici. Primete o comand de 300 de pitici de la un strin i dup un timp afl ca beneficiarul murise. Comanda era deja n lucru i ntreprinztorul se vede nevoit s adapteze piticii deja fcui pentru a gsi ali clieni. Surprinztor, reclama este la berea Bucegi. Piticii de grdin (cci despre acetia este vorba) aparin tot culturii nordice i au rolul de a-i proteja pe proprietarii care-i las nestingherii n grdinile lor. n gospodriile din Ardeal pot fi vzui pitici fcui, de obicei, din lut i vopsii. Este o influen a culturii sailor. Imaginea cu care s-au obinuit romnii nc din copilrie este a celor apte pitici din povestea Albei-ca-Zpada, care au devenit un simbol al universului copilriei, prietenii de joac ai celor mici. i vedem pictai prin grdinie sau chiar confecionai din diverse materiale n Orelul Copiilor, n preajma Crciunului. Ne ntoarcem la reclama amintit, ea nu speculeaz neaprat semnificaia mitic a acestora; ceea ce surprinde imediat receptorul este numrul mare de pitici: 300. Dac aceasta reclam a dus la creterea vnzrii de bere Bucegi sau la creterea comenzilor de pitici nu tim, dar cu siguran tiu productorii berii cu pricina. Unele valori culturale au o importan deosebit, chiar dac nu ne dm seama, la prima vedere. n societatea actual, cnd timpul este foarte puin i foarte preios, hrana rece i semipreparatele au devenit o obinuin. Mncarea gustoas, dup reete tradiionale, fiart mult timp a devenit, pentru muli, o nostalgie a timpurilor apuse. Expresia mncare ca la mama acas sau ca la bunica denot o calitate anume a mncrii. De acest lucru s-au folosit creatorii unor produse foarte obinuite: ulei, mutar, numindu-le uleiul/ mutarul de la Bunica i spotul publicitar tocmai acest aspect surprinde: nepoii care-i fac de cap, tratai cu dragoste i bunti de bunica. Asemntoare este reclama pentru laptele cu orez de la Danone, pe care am exempemplificat-o ntr-un paragraf anterior. Dei sunt extrem de utile i se vnd foarte bine, produsele preparate din supermarket-uri au un punct slab: nu mai au gustul, savoarea alimentelor preparate n cas. Dac un astfel de produs reuete s redea gustul cu care eram obisnuii n copilrie, atunci poate fi considerat alegerea perfect. La capitolul buctrie nimic nu se compar cu ce avem acas, dar la capitolul calitate a tehnologiei, toat lumea este de acord c locul nti le revine germanilor. Aa se expilc sloganuri ca: Dfa vopseti nemete!; Rowenta nseamn calitate german; Frigiderul No-Frost AntiBacteria se ngrijete de sntatea dumneavoastr. Pentru c e Bosch (o recunoscut marc german).

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Posibilitatea receptorului de a interpreta corect contextul socio-cultural este o condiie pentru reuita reclamei. Fiecare dintre noi este educat n spiritul anumitor modele culturale, ceea ce d esen valorilor noastre i stabilete regulile care ne guverneaz deciziile i aciunile. Reacia noastr la aceste modele este instinctiv, nu o contientizm. Creatorii de publicitate care fac apel la astfel de premise sociale i culturale tiu c ele inspir cea mai mare ncredere i reacia publicului este ntotdeauna cea scontat.
Bibliografie: Cvasni-Ctnescu, M., Discursul publicitar actual, I, II, n G. Pan-Dindelegan (coord.) Aspecte ale dinamicii limbii romne actuale, Bucureti, Editura Univers, 2002, p. 299-335. Dncu, V.S., Comunicarea simbolic: arhitectura discursului publicitar, Cluj-Napoca, Dacia, 1999. Goddard, Angela, Limbajul publicitii, Iai, Polirom, 2002. Groza, L., Discursul politic i sloganul publicitar n LL, 1999, nr. 3-4, p. 14-17. Grunig, B., Les mots de la publicit, CNRS, 1990. Pedler, E., Sociologia comunicrii, Bucureti, Cartea Romneasc, 2001. Segre, C., Istorie-cultur-critic, Bucureti, Univers, 1986.

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Discurs politic i strategii alegorice n fabula lui Grigore Alexandrescu

Asist. drd. Ana-Elena Costandache Universitatea Dunrea de Jos - Galai Rsum: Cet article propose quelques observations sur une partie de luvre de lcrivain roumain de la gnration de lanne 1848, Gr. Alexandrescu, les fables. Sous linfluence visible de La Fontaine et dautres crivains qui pratiquent la fable, lcrivain a russi la ralisation dune vritable satire politique de son temps, a cr un discours politique versifi et des figures allgoriques. Les allusions fines, le langage satirique montrent des traits caractristiques des personnes impliques de son temps dans les mouvements sociaux que Gr. Alexandrescu a su surprendre dans ses uvres. Mots cls : satire politique, le discours, les allusions, le langage satirique

Literatura paoptist a resimit n mod vizibil influenele i continuitatea literaturilor europene, prelund i cizelnd discursuri i tematici, amplificndu-le i integrndu-le ntr-un sistem de concepii social-politice i cultural-estetice bine nchegat, sistem care caracterizeaz astzi literatura romn modern. Contextul politic n care se gsea generaia anilor 48 a intensificat micri de idei n favoarea unirii rilor Romne ntr-un stat puternic i independent. Ele au determinat, n acelai timp, o viguroas activitate cultural, dar care avea la baz un amplu program de lupt politic. Interferenele politice i culturale au fost i sunt evidente, chiar dac scrierile nceputurilor nu sunt foarte reuite: Ciudat interferen a politicii cu literatura! i tot att de curioas obiecia adus versului n general, neprecis, ntr-un cuvnt, nepoetic1. Condiiile social-politice din prima jumtate a secolului al XIXlea precum i idealurile de care erau animai toi romnii, respectiv libertatea social i unitatea naional au favorizat abordarea tematicilor istorice i politice ca fiind predilecte. Referindu-se la influenele evenimentelor politice ale vremii asupra literaturii romne, Nicolae Manolescu scrie chiar despre existena unui curent politic preluat de altfel, pe filier francez (n Frana iluminismul), n ncercarea alinierii romnilor la elementele occidentale: ndat dup 1821 ia natere i primul curent politic romantic i anume crvunarismul2, ntruct Frana era, la mijlocul secolului al XIXlea, prea avansat i n acelai timp prea singular n experiena ei radical-revoluionar pentru a fi asumat ca model de ctre regiuni ajunse [...] la ideea propriei identiti politice3. Lucia Simona Dinescu, n urma studiilor culturale fcute i explicate n discursurile sale despre modernitate a ajuns la concluzia c, n Romnia, cultura s-a format prin influene diferite [...] i a servit politicului. 4 i totui, interdiciile brutale sau impunerile tematice au fost depite n mod diplomatic: Ctre 1840, Principatele snt integrate n prea mare msur circuitelor intelectuale i economice europene, iar dezvoltarea lor acumuleaz prea multe elemente de ruptur cu ordinea feudal pentru ca o politic ngust retrograd, ostil interesului naional, s poat avea sori de izbnd5. Discursul politic al epocii 48 s-a fcut resimit mai ales n viaa cultural, n operele literare, prin promovarea ideologiilor liberale i revoluionare. Reaciile gruprilor de intelectuali la tot ceea ce reprezenta viaa politic n-au ntrziat s apar, fie la nivelul temelor i motivelor literare, fie la nivelul speciilor abordate. Acestea au fost variate: unele satirizau, ca n cazul lui Ion Ghica, moravurile i practicile retrograde din societatea vremii [...] demagogia i frazeologia politic, meschinele aranjamente de culise, arivismul, falsul democratism i corupia presei6, n timp ce altele erau destul de violente prin discursul pe care-l propuneau cititorilor. Dintre scriitorii cu reacie, Grigore Alexandrescu se detaeaz prin propunerea unor tipuri politice, dar mai ales prin spiritul de a crea tipuri de intrig, spirit care din imaginaia sa nsi s poat lua elementele trebuitoare pentru a crea o istorie, o povestire...7. Participnd la viaa politic a vremii, dar fr o implicare deosebit n micrile revoluionare de la 1848, Alexandrescu s-a dovedit a fi doar un bun observator politic i mai ales moral. Spirit gaulois8 cum l numete N. Manolescu, Alexandrescu a fcut parte din generaia
1 2

erban Cioculescu, Istoria literaturii romne moderne, Ed. Eminescu, Bucureti, 1985, p. 16. Nicolae Manolescu, Istoria critic a literaturii romne I, Ed. Minerva, Bucureti, 1990, p. 172. 3 Vatra, nr.4/ aprilie 2008, p. 21. 4 Ibidem, p. 30. 5 Paul Cornea, Originile romantismului romnesc, Ed. Cartea Romneasc, Bucureti, 2008, p. 370-371. 6 Teodor Vrgolici, Aspecte ale romanului romnesc din secolul al XIX-lea, Ed. Eminescu, Bucureti, 1985, p. 32. 7 Nicolae Iorga, Istoria literaturii romneti. Arta i literatura romnilor, Ed. Fundaiei Culturale Romne, Bucureti, 1999, p. 161. 8 Nicolae Manolescu, Poei romantici, Ed. Fundaiei Culturale Romne, Bucureti, 1999, p. 76.

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de paoptiti care au creat dou din paradigmele durabile din poezia noastr, i anume aceea propriuzis neolatin ( influen italo-francez, lamartinism, alexandrin iambic, elegie, meditaie, melancolie, nocturn etc.) i aceea folclorico-autohton (mitos naional i trecut istoric, militantism etc.), relativiznd nainte de orice limba literar, pn astzi rmas aceeai n esen, introducnd i speciile i genurile moderne9. Alexandrescu a schimbat n mod decisiv poezia. Sub influena lecturilor din clasicii francezi (Boileau, Voltaire sau Delavigne) dar i a romanticilor (cu precdere Lamartine), a tiut s abordeze teme i motive exclusiv romantice, pendulnd ntre pesimism i optimism (precum Meditaia, care conine clieele locurilor glorioase ajunse ruine, sau fcnd apologia unui an politic, n poemul Anul 1840). Totui, diferenele sunt semnificative, modelul i copia nefiind ntru totul identice. De altfel, Alexandrescu are dreptate cnd spune c alta era situaia limbii literare franceze n vremea cnd a aprut Voltaire dect aceea n care ne aflam noi la 1840, ntr-o babilonie de preri, departe de duhul unirii10. Modelul Voltaire este vizibil mai ales n tema anticlerical din Lupul moralist: cnd mantaua domneasc este din piei de oaie,/ Atunci judectorii fii siguri c despoaie...11. Gr. Alexandrescu nu a excelat n legarea rimelor, dar speciile literare pe care le-a cultivat n acea perioad au fost diverse: elegia (Miezul nopii, Adio la Trgovite), meditaia (Umbra lui Mircea. La Cozia), satira (Satir. Duhului meu), fabula (Toporul i pdurea, Cinele i celul, Dreptatea leului). Cele care atrag atenia cititorului pentru spiritul politic al epocii sunt, cu precdere, fabula i satira i astfel, opera scriitorului romn este variat i foarte valoroas. Compoziia lui e reuit n cele mai multe i destul de clar. Versificaia ns nu este perfecionat12. Fie c este vorba de satir sau de fabul ca specii preluate pe filier francez, fie c sunt producii originale, Alexandrescu a tiut s adauge i note personale: n aceste produceri didactice, poetul i nvedereaz o mai statornic afinitate cu clasicismul, dect cu romantismul francez13. Dintre modelele pe care literatura occidental le-a propus n categoria speciilor literare i pe care Alexandrescu le-a urmat, de o atenie particular ar trebui s se bucure La Fontaine. ntr-adevr, fabulistul romn rmne dator marelui poet francez prin anumite elemente de tehnic artistic. Faptele politice ale vremii i-au modelat poezia iar fabula lui Alexandrescu este dependent, n lumina acestor date i meninnd tehnica genului, de fabula lui La Fontaine. Poetul nsui divulgase sensul politic i loviturile satirice, fizionomii i moraliti prin anumite opere ale sale, fapt care i dduse prilejul unor ndelungate meditaii. Aluzia satiric este ns tocmai o caracteristic a genului, a crui nflorire este condiionat n general de regimurile severe de despotism i de interzicerea cuvntului liber. La Fontaine este ns prezent n fabule, n forma de prezentare dramatic a materialului i, ntr-o oarecare msur, n arta naraunii. Fabula poetului se hrnete din viaa social i politic local, vizeaz situaii, n primul rnd politice, caracteristice strilor de lucruri din Romnia din acea vreme: Tot aa i sunt fabulele, la fel de celebre n literatura noastr precum acelea ale lui Fontaine n literatura francez ori ale lui Krlov n aceea rus14. Fabula lui Alexandrescu este lipsit n general de pasajul final care ar trebui s cuprind morala. Excepie face fabula Mgarul rsfat, care contureaz n final, sub form de moral, o lung disertaie. nlturnd explicaiile i rednd caricaturizat anumite trsturi ale originalului, fabulele lui Alexandrescu capt un aer anecdotic foarte pronunat. Unele conin n mod vizbil intenii politice, precum Lebda i puii corbului, Toporul i pdurea, oarecele i pisica: Cotoiul cel smerit / E omul ipocrit, arlatanul i bolnavul: Cunosc patrioi politici, care-aa exploatez / Simplitatea popular i ei singuri profitez...15. Fabula politic a lui Gr. Alexandrescu a fost perceput ca fiind ncadrat n lupta naionalist a generaiei sale i militnd pentru obiectivele acestei lupte. Cu timpul ns, s-a reuit trecerea peste aceste limitri i sublinierea datelor mari, ca date permanente care demonstreaz c fabulistul romn are un spirit solicitat de problemele timpului i mediului su i care constituie nsi axa pe care se desfaoar lupta politic din epoc. Aa este cazul cu Mierla i bufnia, fabul n care se pune n lumin, printre altele, interesul guvernelor despotice de a ine popoarele n ignoran. Sunt ns cazuri cnd fabula politic se amplific printr-o fabul social sau chiar de caracter. Aa este cazul scrierilor
9

Al. Piru, Istoria literaturii romne de la nceput pn azi, Ed. Univers, Bucureti, 1981, p. 63. Nicolae Manolescu, Poei romantici, Ed. Fundaiei Culturale Romne, Bucureti, 1999 , p. 77. 11 Al. Piru, op. cit., p. 95. 12 Ghe. Adamescu, Istoria literaturii romne, Ed. Eminescu, Bucureti, 1998, p. 136. 13 erban Cioculescu, Vladimir Streinu, Tudor Vianu, Istoria literaturii romne moderne, Ed. Eminescu, Bucureti, 1985, p. 45. 14 Nicolae Manolescu, Poei romantici, Ed. Fundaiei Culturale Romne, Bucureti, 1999., p. 92. 15 erban Cioculescu, Vladimir Streinu, Tudor Vianu, op.cit., p. 46.
10

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Mierla i bufnia, Corbii i barza sau mai ales Oglinzile (cu titluri semnificative), n care sunt vizai oamenii fericii n ignoran i care se tem de furtunile istorice, adic de revoluii i de tot ceea ce nseamn agitaie politic, sau de ctre cei care pun n circulaie idei politice noi. Dintre fabulele cu caracter social, Mielul murind ilustreaz cel mai bine ideea de grupri politice supuse acelorai idei politice. De asemenea, arta satirei n fabula lui Alexandrescu const n sgeile izolate ndreptate spre clasele politice, pornite din loc n loc i care alimenteaz caustic naraiunea versificat. Comparaia fabulistului romn cu La Fontaine este vizibil ndreptat n spiritul critic: Dac, la fabulistul francez, observam uneori politeea secolului i lumii sale, Alexandrescu e mai direct i ironia lui mordant. [...] Comparnd Dreptatea leului cu Les animaux malades de la peste vedem c, pe lng transformarea ciumei ntr-un rzboi ( tot aa de devastator ), flateria vulpeasc devine mai puin perfid, mai dispreuitoare 16. Satirele lui Alexandrescu conin i acestea strategii vdit politice, cu titluri prezentnd termeni n opoziie. Subiectul, actual pentru epoca sa, limbajul, dialogul multiplu, direct, toate sunt caracteristici ale versificrii unor slogane militante i politice ale vremii (ca n Mierla i bufnia). Satirele cu un pronunat caracter alegoric sunt i Elefantul, care arat cum stau lucrurile ntr-o mprie n care conductorul este prost (puternic ndestul, dar ns necioplit 17), Cinele i celul, Pisica slbatic i tigrul, Lupul moralist, Vulpea liberal (titlul indic n mod direct opinia politic), Boul i vielul (cu tente politice n opoziie). Alexandrescu d impresia c scrie fr s poat disocia complet domeniile. Un bou ca toi boii, fr mare discernmnt, d prilej poetului s se ndoiasc imediat: Un bou n post mare? Drept, cam ciudat vine18. Totui, poetul gsete imediat salvarea n generalizare: muli sunt ca el. ns, evoluia sufleteasc a parvenitului politic este prins n liniile ei caracteristice iar suferinele celor mici sunt evidente: vielul trece prin ceea ce s-ar putea numi o dram sufleteasc. Impresia aceasta de nedisociat, de incomplet realizare a alegoriei, face ca sensul fabulei s fie att de transparent, nct nvtura sa s fie cu totul inutil. i de aceea poetul a i renunat la ea. ncercnd o nregistrare a trsturilor caracteristice lui Grigore Alexandrescu ca fabulist, se poate surprinde n primul rnd varietatea preocuprilor: fabula politic, social i de caracter; unele opere au o valoare ambigu, altele dovedesc remarcabile caliti narative, combinate cu o deosebit putere de plasticizare. O trstur fugar, fcut cu aerul cel mai neglijent, este chiar n msur s dezvluie trstura particular a personajului: lupul are postavul de manta din blana oilor; mreaa prostie a elefantului permite lupului s ia numai cte o blan de pe o oaie. Satir. Duhului meu este, potrivit lui Manolescu, mai puin concis n form i universal n coninut dect cea clasic a lui La Fontaine, mai bavard i mai direct [...], actual (mergnd pn la versificarea unor slogane paoptiste), militant, patriotic, localist n toate articulaiile i motivele ei19. Una dintre calitile naraiunii versificate ale lui Alexandrescu este concentrarea, o calitate care l deosebete de Heliade, pierdut n povestire. Alexandrescu recurge i el la unele digresiuni, dar acestea sunt numai aparente; privite de aproape, ele au un rol bine precizat i dovedesc o puternic intuiie artistic. La fel, dramatismul aciunii rezult n parte din caracterele puternice ale personajelor, fapt evident n fabule precum Dreptatea leului sau Cinele i celul. Satira subsumat elementului de fabul se manifest n trsturi fugare, pasagere, dar puternice; vulpea moare oftnd cu regretul curcanilor care rmneau vii. De remercat este lipsa moralei finale la multe din operele publicate de Alexandrescu sub titlul de fabule. Faptul acesta se explic uneori prin transparena total a sensului inclus n alegorie; alteori ns, el lipsete i srcete opera de caracterul specific fabulei, o face s rmn ntr-un punct intermediar pe calea ce duce ctre fabula propriu-zis din care reine anecdota fr s-i poat da transfigurarea alegoric. Alexandrescu i-a mprumutat tema de la modelele europene i din realitile vremurilor sale, n timp ce tehnica i-a perfecionat-o scriind. Dar faptul acesta n-a nseamnat imitaie total. mprumutnd elemente i nvnd tehnici, Alexandrescu a creat un adevrat discurs politic rznd de tot i de toate, dar pstrnd gustul amar al influenelor i impunerilor regimului politic. Iar prin puterea lui de a recepiona datele realitii locale i de a ridica aceste date la rangul de art, scriitorul a reuit s fie ntru totul original.

16 17

Nicolae Manolescu, op. cit., p. 94. Idem, p. 92. 18 Ibidem. 19 Idem, pp 94.

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Bibliografie: Adamescu, Ghe., Istoria literaturii romne, Ed. Eminescu, Bucureti, 1998. Cornea, Paul, Originile romantismului romnesc, Ed. Cartea Romneasc, Bucureti, 2008. Cioculescu, erban, Istoria literaturii romne moderne, Ed. Eminescu, Bucureti. Cioculescu, erban, Streinu, Vladimir, Vianu, Tudor, Istoria literaturii romne moderne, Ed. Eminescu, Bucureti, 1985. Iorga, Nicolae, Istoria literaturii romneti. Arta i literatura romnilor, Ed. Fundaiei Culturale Romne, Bucureti, 1999. Manolescu, Nicolae, Istoria critic a literaturii romne I, Ed. Minerva, Bucureti, 1990. Manolescu, Nicolae, Poei romantici, Ed. Fundaiei Culturale Romne, Bucureti, 1999. Piru, Alexandru, Istoria literaturii romne de la nceput pn azi, Ed. Univers, Bucureti, 1981. Vrgolici, Teodor, Aspecte ale romanului romnesc din secolul al XIX-lea, Ed. Eminescu, Bucureti, 1985. Vatra, nr.4/ aprilie, 2008.

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Structures mytho-politiques et satire antitotalitaire dans La Ferme des animaux par George Orwell
Lect. dr. Alina Crihan Universitatea Dunrea de Jos din Galai Abstract: Animal Farm, a satirical allegory of the Stalinist totalitarian ideology, becomes much more than a simple roman thse rooted both in the epic beastly fable and the philosophical story enhancing covert political meaning. Beyond the explicit deconstruction of the great communist myths, such as the Prometeic religion or the Revolution oriented towards getting to the Realm of Justice, Orwells satire meditates on the mental, sociopolitical mechanisms allowing the pathologic totalitarian deviation within any type of historical context. Key words: satirical allegory, totalitarian ideology, communist myths, socio-political mechanisms, totalitarian deviation

Animaux de tous les pays, Prtez loreille lesprance Un ge dor vous est promis. (George Orwell, La Ferme des animaux1) La Ferme des animaux commence avec le rcit dun rve que Sage lAncien, le prsident dge parmi les cochons de la Ferme du Manoir, vnr pour avoir t proclam, en son jeune temps, laurat de sa catgorie (il avait concouru sous le nom de Beaut de Willingdon) fait apprendre aux animaux instigus, au pralable, au Soulvement : Quelle est donc, camarades, la nature de notre existence ? Regardons les choses en face: nous avons une vie de labeur, une vie de misre, une vie trop brve. (...) Mais, puisque telle est la triste ralit, pourquoi en sommes-nous toujours vgter dans un tat pitoyable ? Parce que tout le produit de notre travail, ou presque, est vol par les humains. Camarades, l se trouve la rponse nos problmes. Tout tient en un mot : lHomme. Car lHomme est notre seul vritable ennemi. Quon le supprime, et voici extirpe la racine du mal. () Eh bien, travailler de jour et de nuit, corps et me, renverser la race des hommes. Cest l mon message, camarades. Soulevons-nous ! Quand aura lieu le soulvement, cela je lignore : dans une semaine, peut-tre, ou dans un sicle. Mais, aussi vrai que sous moi je sens de la paille, tt ou tard justice sera faite. () Tous les hommes sont des ennemis. Les animaux entre eux sont tous camarades. Le rve racont par le Matre condense un souvenir denfance, celui de la chanson que le cochon de lait avait entendue chanter par sa mre2 et par les autres truies, un vritable hymne aux accents militants, consacr aux Btes dAngleterre et domin par limage dune terre promise ayant comme modle explicite le mythe de lge dor. Lutopie radieuse propose par Sage lAncien aux animaux traumatiss par Mr. Jones, le propritaire transform en ennemi gnrique (et sacrifi, en raison de cette coulpe, une fois la Rvolution accomplie), transpose dans lallgorie animalire les scnarios millnaristes de la nouvelle religion lnino-stalinienne. Roman clef reconnu partout par les exgtes dOrwell, o la fable allgorique travestit lhistoire du totalitarisme stalinien et de ses mtanarrations lgitimatrices - une dogmatisation des thses marxistes interprtes par Lnine (Sage lAncien) et mises au service de la terreur lpoque de Staline (Napolon), surtout aprs lannihilation de ses ennemis, tels que Trotski (Boule de Neige), La Ferme des animaux savre, par la prgnance symbolique de ses figures et scnarios, une parabole politique qui fait le procs de toute idologie cannibale . En tant quallgorie fonde sur lhermneutique dune histoire ensanglante, le roman est le lieu dune dconstruction des mythmes du millnarisme lnino-stalinien tels que le promthisme, la Rvolution, le Royaume de justice, placs dans le schma mythique du Juste rdempteur, du

Toutes les citations sont tires de la version lectronique, Edition du groupe Ebooks libres et gratuits , 2004, texte disponible ladresse http://www.ebooksgratuits.com/pdf/orwell_ferme_des_animaux.pdf. 2 Soulignons, avec Jean-Jacques Wunenburger, que limaginaire utopique, surtout dans le cas de lutopie livresque, est intimment li la rverie maternalisante : Cest ainsi qu linverse de linconscient messianique, linconscient de lutopie livresque serait hant par un fantasme maternel : linterprtation psychanalitique des matriaux symboliques de modles de cits idales a aliment le thme dune utopie maternalisante. (Lutopie ou la crise de limaginaire, Editions Universitaires, 1979, p. 178).

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serviteur souffrant3, un rle pour lequel tout animal est bon, sauf le porc, cest--dire le candidat idal du scnario sacrificiel dans le monde du pass diabolis, celui gouvern par lHomme. En oprant un renversement dans le schma du conflit eschatologique rcupr par le Dogme stalinien de sorte que lHomme devienne la Bte (capitaliste !), lallgorie orwellienne propose une histoire des animaux contamins du mal utopique. Prisonniers dun univers perverti par une perspective renverse, celles-ci illustrent les sacrifices accomplis par le proltariat messianique engag dans le marche vers ce Royaume qui est le produit ncessaire du dynamisme interne de lhistoire, cette Histoire qui mne quelque part, vers une fin, car elle a un plan, forme scularise du plan divin (...).4 Du dbut subversif de la fable, fixant un moment o lutopie na pas encore gliss vers le ple idologique5 (avant la prise du pouvoir par les cochons idologues du Soulvement) jusquau final qui met en position dgalit hommes et porcs, le roman de cet anarchiste conservateur 6 Orwell poursuit le trajet de la transformation du meilleur des mondes en dystopie totalitaire, o tous les animaux sont gaux, mais certains sont plus gaux que dautres . Comme lavait observ Michel Anthony, ce monde apparemment autogr par tous les animaux, est en fait dirig par les porcs bureaucrates. Cette fable au vitriol, dans la ligne de Swift, utilise un humour dcapant contre le culte de la personnalit et lhymne au dictateur est un modle du genre et un camouflet radical contre tous les tnors du ralisme socialiste et de la vile allgeance.7 La bonne nouvelle annonce par Sage lAncien, la Rpublique des Animaux reste un espoir dans le monde gouvern par Napolon, o la vie tait comme elle avait toujours t. Ils avaient le plus souvent faim, dormaient sur la paille, buvaient leau de labreuvoir, labouraient les champs. Ils souffraient du froid lhiver et lt des mouches. Parfois les plus gs fouillaient dans le flou des souvenirs, essayant de savoir si, aux premiers jours aprs le Soulvement, juste aprs lexpropriation de Jones, la vie avait t meilleure ou pire qu prsent. Ils ne se rappelaient plus. Il ny avait rien quoi comparer leurs vies actuelles ; rien quoi ils puissent sen remettre, que les colonnes de chiffres de Brille-Babil, lesquelles invariablement prouvaient que tout toujours allait de mieux en mieux. Les animaux trouvaient leur problme insoluble. Ce drapage de la cit ensoleille de lavenir, allgorise dans limage du moulin vent, projection de lutopisme quichottesque, vers le monde lenvers o les cochons marchent sur leurs pattes de derrire, aprs avoir impos comme principe souverain de lAnimalisme le Quatrepattes, oui ! Deuxpattes, non !, est marqu avec les instruments de la satire. Dans les termes de Nikola Kova, cette contre-utopie satirique, exprimant la dception des insurgs, est conue comme une fable moderne (fairy story) () traduisant la dgradation successive des valeurs dans un univers bureaucratis. () La projection utopique dOrwell est cense rendre une image satirique de la ralit : elle dmasque les engagements pris par les insurgs, qui, une fois le pouvoir conquis, oublient toutes leurs promesses. Le pouvoir na dautre objectif que de rester en place tout prix. Cest pourquoi la fin de cette fable sur le bonheur impossible, il ny a pas de solution miraculeuse ; les grandes illusions aboutissent un moralisme fallacieux et cynique : Le bonheur le plus vrai () rside dans le travail opinitre et lexistence frugale 8 . Comme dans le conte philosophique voltairien, la satire orwellienne confronte partout la ralit dystopique aux thses mis en circulation par le Dogme du pouvoir, tout en dnudant les mcanismes qui permettent les ramnagements doctrinaires de faon que les grands commandements idologiques puissent se plier sur lordre social existant. Au moment o lon dcouvre non seulement que les cochons prenaient leur repas la cuisine et avaient fait du salon leur salle de jeux, mais aussi quils dormaient dans des lits, le commandement qui interdisait aucun animal utiliser le lit pour le
Dans les termes de M. Eliade, le discours marxiste (qui fait lobjet dun processus de dogmatisation dans lidologie lninostalinienne) reprend et prolonge un des grands mythes eschatologiques du monde assiatico-mditerranen, savoir le rle rdempteur du juste (l lu , l oint , l innocent , le messager , de nos jours le proltariat) dont les souffrances sont appeles changer le statut ontologique du monde. (Mythes, rves et mystres, Paris, Gallimard, 1957, pp. 20 21) 4 J.-P. Sironneau, Scularisation et religions politiques, La Haye-Paris-New York, Mouton Editeur, 1982, p. 393. 5 Selon P. Ricoeur, qui reprend une distinction de K. Mannheim, limaginaire social aurait deux ples antagonistes: un ple utopique et un ple idologique. Tandis que limaginaire utopique vise une socit autre, tant une contestation du prsent et ayant une fonction de subversion, limaginaire idologique sert lgitimer la socit prsente avec son systme dautorit, ayant donc une fonction dintgration sociale. (Cf. Limagination dans le discours et dans laction, dans Savoir Faire Esprer Les Limites de la Raison, Facults universitaires St. Louis, 1976, apud J.-P. Sironneau, op. cit., p. 500). 6 Philippe Sollers, Une biographie et deux essais: Orwell: gauche toute!, dans Le Nouvel Observateur, no. 2288, septembre 2008, texte diponible http://hebdo.nouvelobs.com/hebdo/parution/p2288/articles/a383189-.html?xtmc=sollers&xtcr=1 7 Michel Anthony, Dystopies et anti-utopies sont-elles libertaires?, texte diponible http://artic.acbesancon.fr/histoire_geographie/HGFTP/Autres/Utopies/u3b-ferm.doc. 8 Nikola Kova, Le Roman politique. Fictions du totalitarisme, Paris, Michalon, 2002, pp. 203 204.
3

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repos devient Aucun animal ne dormira dans un lit avec des draps. De la mme faon, aprs les purations aux apparences sacrificielles (lannihilation des ennemis idologiques, tels que les cochons et les poules qui avaient protest contre les injustices de Napolon et qui furent massacrs aprs avoir fait leur autocritique), pisode qui rappelle le scnario du massacre des impurs de lutopie messianique9, le Sixime Commandement Nul animal ne tuera un autre animal se transforme en Nul animal ne tuera un autre animal sans raison valable. On se raconte des confessions dues de lancien combattant dans la guerre civile espagnole, face au mcanisme de la terreur stalinienne, dont il nous livre la satire froce: Jai vu, en fait, lhistoire rdige non pas conformment ce qui stait pass, mais ce qui tait cens stre pass selon les diverses lignes du parti [] Ce genre de choses me terrifie, parce quil me donne limpression que la notion mme de vrit objective est en train de disparatre du monde [] Le mensonge est devenu vrit [] Laboutissement implicite de ce mode de pense est un monde cauchemardesque dans lequel le Chef, ou quelque clique dirigeante, contrle non seulement lavenir, mais le pass. Si le Chef dit [] que deux et deux font cinq, alors deux et deux font cinq .10 Cette constatation amre est mise en fable dans lunivers concentrationnaire de La Ferme des animaux o, une fois teinte la ferveur utopique du Soulvement, le Chef tout redress et majestueux, jetant de droite et de gauche des regards hautains, les chiens gambadant autour de sa personne, (...) tenait un fouet dans sa patte, accompagn par les blements des mouttons rduqus: Quatrepattes, bon ! Deuxpattes, mieux ! Lutopie galitaire promise dans le discours fondateur de Sage lAncien montre son revers une fois de plus lorsque, aprs un hiver draconien, les portions furent encore plus rduites sauf pour les cochons et les chiens. Une trop stricte galit des rations, expliquait Brille-Babil, eut t contraire aux principes de lAnimalisme. De toute faon, il navait pas de mal prouver aux autres animaux que, en dpit des apparences il ny avait pas pnurie de fourrage. Pour le moment, il tait apparu ncessaire de procder un rajustement des rations (Brille-Babil parlait toujours dun rajustement, jamais dune rduction), mais lamlioration tait manifeste qui se rappelait le temps de Jones. Au fur et mesure que les conditions de vie deviennent peine supportables, les citoyens de la Rpublique des Animaux sont ramens la condition de sujets totalitaires , prisonniers dun monde logomachique11 , o le discours du pouvoir va dans le sens dun dcollement de plus en plus grand de la ralit vers une surralit imaginaire, dans le sens dune formation dogmatique, manichenne et eschatologique (n. s.)12. Graduellement, la fable dystopique dOrwell arrive rduire au mme dnominateur la terre promise par le leader messianique et les lucubrations millnaristes du corbeau Mose, le doublet de Brille-Babil (projection allgorique de Zinoviev), incarnant la logocratie totalitaire13: L-haut, camarades, affirmait-il dun ton solennel, en pointant vers le ciel son bec imposant, de lautre ct du nuage sombre, l se trouve la Montagne de Sucrecandi, cest lheureuse contre o, pauvres animaux que nous sommes, nous nous reposerons jamais de nos peines. Cest ce point que le discours sur le Royaume de justice rvle son rationnalisme morbide et que lallgorie politique glisse vers la mditation parabolique: ce nouvel monde dont la construction a exig tant de sacrifices (rappellons seulement lhistoire exemplaire de Malabar / Stakhanov, le modle dune abngation qui va jusqu la ... btise et au sacrifice inutile) on ne le regagnera quaprs la mort. Le cheval qui prend le chemin de labattoir, aprs de longues annes de travail extnuant, qui tait convaincu que le camarade Napolon ne se trompe jamais, y est lincarnation du postulat orwellien selon lequel le totalitarisme opre avant tout dans le sous-sol de la conscience et (...) la meilleure police secrte nest pas celle qui est poste tous les coins de rue14.
Dans Lutopie ou la crise de limaginaire, Jean-Jacques Wunenburger reprend le commentaire de J.Servier (Histoire de lutopie, Gallimard-Ides,1967) concernant la signification dipienne du massacre des impurs comme mythme du scnario messianique : lobsessionnelle puret et la recherche dun ordre absolu et parfait seraient la rponse angoisse une situation intrapsychique insupportable, qui fait paratre le monde extrieur lui-mme comme insupportable, avant quon ne cherche lpurer pour se purifier soi-mme. Lactivisme destructeur accomplirait donc la destine dun tragique complexe dipien, projet sur lhistoire dun groupe traumatis par la mme blessure intrieure. (d. cit., p. 177). 10 G. Orwell, Rflexions sur la guerre dEspagne, apud Francis Pallars Arn, Orwell, plus que jamais actuel. A propos de louvrage de Louis Gill, George Orwell, de la Guerre civile espagnole 1984, dans Carr rouge, nr. 38, avril 2007, p. 54. 11 ...les socits totalitaires sont des mondes logomachiques, dans lesquels on ne triomphe des faits que par le recours une parole mimtique et utopique. On peut donc parler dune vritable logocratie (...) (ibidem, p. 222). 12 J.-P. Sironneau, op. cit., p. 384. 13 Cest ce qui explique lattitude des cochons lgard de Mose: Ils taient unanimes proclamer leur mpris pour la Montagne de Sucrecandi et toutes fables de cette farine, et pourtant ils le laissaient fainanter la ferme, et mme lui allouaient un bock de bire quotidien. 14 ric Faye, Dans les laboratoires du pire: totalitarisme et fiction littraire au XXe sicle, Jos Corti, 1993, p. 217.
9

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La dstructuration du discours utopique rappelle de lautophagie15 qui est, en logique et en rhtorique, leffet dune stratgie de rtorsion16 : toutes les actions des soutenants de lutopie officielle, commenant avec le camarade Napolon, le grand dispensateur, impliquent ce que leurs paroles nient, ce qui entrane, au niveau de la fable, lengendrement de lunivers absurde. En exposant comme ngatives les prmisses que les auteurs de projets utopiques posent comme positives, lantiutopie dOrwell procde par une rduction labsurde : les principes de lutopie que la contreutopie veut dmasquer sont mis en marche jusqu ce que les rsultats obtenus savrent draisonnables ou abominables17. En difiant un monde fictionnel qui rappelle celui de la parabole absurde kafkaenne, le roman dOrwell est plus quune allgorie politique se subordonnant lcriture thse o les contraintes jouent tous les niveaux du rcit de sorte quon arrive une image dforme [de la ralit], construite en vue dune dmonstration. Bien quil y existe un intertexte doctrinal et que la dtermination des valeurs, ainsi que des rgles daction, se fait par rfrence une doctrine qui existe en dehors du texte romanesque et qui fonctionne comme son contexte intertextuel18, savoir le Dogme stalinien, La Ferme des animaux propose une hermneutique du phnomne totalitaire qui dpasse la simple allgorie et nous fait dcouvrir, travers lhistoire positive les mystres ternels du Politique et de ses dviations pathologiques.
Bibliographie : Anthony, Michel, Dystopies et anti-utopies sont-elles libertaires?, texte diponible http://artic.acbesancon.fr/histoire_geographie/HGFTP/Autres/Utopies/u3b-ferm.doc. Braga, Corin, Utopie, eutopie, dystopie et anti-utopie, dans Metabsis, Rivista di filosofia on-line, septembre 2006, an I, no. 2 Ciornescu, Alexandru, Viitorul trecutului. Utopie i literatur, Bucureti, Cartea Romneasc, 1996. Constantinescu, Ctlin, Paradigme literare ale utopiei, Iai, Editura Universitii Alexandru Ioan Cuza, 2004. Eliade, Mircea, Mythes, rves et mystres, Paris, Gallimard, 1957. Faye, ric, Dans les laboratoires du pire: totalitarisme et fiction littraire au XXe sicle, Jos Corti, 1993. Gensane, Bernard, Politique de l'criture et responsabilit auctorielle chez George Orwell, thse de doctorat, Nantes, 1989, version abrge (et augmente), texte diponible http://www.iquesta.com/MemoiresTheses/Lettres-et-Langues/Telecharger-These-politique-de-l-ecriture-et-responsabilite-auctorielle-chez-georgeorwell-7.html. Kova, Nikola, Le Roman politique. Fictions du totalitarisme, Paris, Michalon, 2002. Meyers, Jeffrey, George Orwell: the critical heritage, Routledge, 1997. Pallars Arn, Francis, Orwell, plus que jamais actuel. A propos de louvrage de Louis Gill, George Orwell, de la Guerre civile espagnole 1984, dans Carr rouge, nr. 38, avril 2007. Perelman, Cham, Lempire rhtorique. Rhtorique et argumentation, Librairie philosophique J. Vrin, 1999. Ricoeur, Paul, Savoir Faire Esprer Les Limites de la Raison, Facults universitaires St. Louis, 1976. Sironneau, J.-P., Scularisation et religions politiques, La Haye-Paris-New York, Mouton Editeur, 1982. Sollers, Philippe, Une biographie et deux essais: Orwell: gauche toute!, dans Le Nouvel Observateur, no. 2288, septembre 2008, texte diponible http://hebdo.nouvelobs.com/hebdo/parution/p2288/articles/a383189.html?xtmc=sollers&xtcr=1 Wunenburger, Jean-Jacques, Lutopie ou la crise de limaginaire, Editions Universitaires, 1979. Wunenburger, Jean-Jacques, Une utopie de la raison. Essai sur la politique moderne, Editions de la Table Ronde, Paris, 2002.

15 Parmi les innombrables cas dincompatibilit, il y en a qui rsultent non du fait que deux rgles diffrentes sopposent, mais de ce que laffirmation dune rgle est incompatible avec les conditions ou les consquences de son assertion ou de son application: on peut qualifier ces incompatibilits dautophagie. La rtorsion est largument qui attaque la rgle en mettant lautophagie en vidence. (Cham Perelman, Lempire rhtorique. Rhtorique et argumentation, Librairie philosophique J. Vrin, 1999, p. 84). 16 Selon Jean-Marc Gouanvic, la stratgie de rtorsion prsente des analogies formelles avec la satire et avec lanti-utopie. La rtorsion consiste tirer de largumentation adverse ce qui est dmontrer; le satiriste et lanti-utopiste noncent: tant donne la logique de ladversaire, si nous le suivons sur son propre terrain, voil jusquo il va nous conduire. Cet argument dautophagie est un cas particulier de stratgie de rtorsion. (La science-fiction franaise au XXme sicle (1900 1968). Essai de socio-potique d'un genre en mergence, Rodopi, 1994, p. 136. 17 Corin Braga, Utopie, eutopie, dystopie et anti-utopie, dans Metabsis, Rivista di filosofia on-line, septembre 2006, an I, no. 2, p. 26, texte disponible http://www.metabasis.it/2/frammenti/ricercaBraga.pdf. 18 Bernard Gensane, Politique de l'criture et responsabilit auctorielle chez George Orwell, thse de doctorat, Nantes, 1989, version abrge (et augmente), pp. 2 3, texte diponible http://www.iquesta.com/Memoires-Theses/Lettres-etLangues/Telecharger-These-politique-de-l-ecriture-et-responsabilite-auctorielle-chez-george-orwell-7.html.

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De la science sacre aux livres sacrs : idologmes politiques et hermneutique romanesque dans Un Tombeau pour Boris Davidovitch par Danilo Kis
Lect. dr. Alina Crihan Universitatea Dunrea de Jos din Galai Abstract: A Tomb for Boris Davidovich, a political parable focusing the horrors of the Stalinist world between the two World Wars, turns to be a poietic novel also, reflecting its own structures and patterns. By building up a historiographic metafiction based on different existential files put together by an historian playing the role of both mythical and real history bricoleur, the main character named Danilo Kis de-constructs the symbolical scenarios of the new Stalinist religion, re-reading them through the holly Jewish and Christian books where, beyond the great utopias, he looks for the totalitarian type of crossing the boundaries. Key words: political parable, historiographic metafiction, mythical history, utopia, deconstrucion

(...) Je leur ai dit, de nouveau, de ne pas les rompre [les livres, n. n.], parce quen lisant beaucoup de livres, lhomme gagne de la sagesse, tandis que la lecture dun seul livre mne lignorance, qui est toujours renforce par la haine et par la dmence. Et ils mont dit que tout est crit dans la Nouvelle Loi o sont inclus les livres de tous les temps ; ce qui y est crit est repris dans tous les autres livres qui doivent tre brls justement pour cela et, sil existe, dans ces autres livres, quelque chose qui nest pas dit dans ce Livre Unique, ils doivent tre brls plus forte raison, car ils sont hrtiques 1. Le dialogue narrativis cit ci-dessus fait partie de la confession dun Hbreu perscut par lInquisition toulousaine dans les annes 1330, pour ne pas accepter de bon grs le baptme, confession qui constitue la principale source documentaire de la sixime partie du rcit apocalyptique que Danilo Kis livre dans Un tombeau pour Boris Davidovitch. Lhistoire mdivale de Baruch David Neumann y est la preuve que, tout comme dans les livres sacrs du judasme (leschatologie byblique de lpoque hellnistique et romaine, mais surtout leschatologie rabbinique2 laquelle fait allusion le texte sotrique de Danilo Kis), lHistoire celle des hommes et celle sacre construite partout au niveau des discours religieux, par-del les diffrences apparentes -, se rpte dans la mesure o elle nest que le miroir dune fiction lgitimatrice. La parabole politique de Danilo Kis rvle quil ny a pas de hors-fiction, soit quil sagisse des documents authentiques (historiographiques ou personnels, subjectifs) partout parsems dans un rcit qui se veut, une lecture littrale, historique , soit quil sagisse des livres sacrs des grandes religions du judasme et du christianisme traditionnellement opposs, jusquau millnarisme lnino-stalinien, en dpit des prtentions athistes et rationnelles du discours idologique. En redoublant, dune manire explicite, le scnario dont le protagoniste est Boris Davidovitch Novski, le hros qui donne le titre de ce livre o les sept chapitres de la mme histoire deviennent les miroirs de la Rvolution bolchvique (en tant que ralit historique, mais aussi en tant que construction mythique), reconstitue par le biais des histoires individuelles, la biographie du proscrit qui porte le nom de ce juif cartsien Spinoza, pour qui la raison participe () la puissance inviolable et aux intrts sacrs de la vie 3, reprsente un texte matriciel. Ici (dans le chapitre Chiens et livres), comme dans tous les cnotaphes de lettres construits par Danilo Kis, la rtrospection biographique vient aprs et non avant la destruction
1

Notre traduction. Toutes les citations sont tires de la version roumaine, Cript pentru Boris Davidovici. apte capitole ale uneia i aceleiai istorii, Traducere de Simeon Lzreanu, Postfa de Cornel Ungureanu, Timioara, Editura de Vest, 1992. 2 Selon Gebern S. Oegema, la priode rabbinique est caractrise par le rejet ou la transformation de lesprance politique, remplace par lattention exclusive accorde linterprtation du temps comme une conception thologique et liturgique. Le temps y est vu dune manire cyclique (). (Conceptions de lge messianique dans le judasme, dans Vinciane Pirenne-Delforge, Onhan Tunca (diteurs), Reprsentations du temps dans les religions : actes du colloque organis par le Centre dHistoire des Religions de lUniversit de Lige, Librairie Droz, 2003, pp. 83 84). 3 Victor Delbos, Le problme moral dans la philosophie de Spinoza et dans lhistoire du Spinozisme, Georg Olms Verlag, Hildesheim, 1988, p. 11.

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totalitaire du moi : lexaltation de la naissance apatride, et le flou heureux du souvenir denfance, se muent en restitution imprative dune vie individuelle surdtermine et broye par un pouvoir 4. En analysant les ressorts secrets de la transformation de la narration politique lgitimatrice en histoire sacre rapportable au Talmud ou la Bible, les grands livres prsents dans la bibliothque du texte second quest le rcit de Danilo Kis, le narrateur-bricoleur fait parvenir un lecteur5 toujours invoqu au niveau des mta-rcits reflexifs6 non seulement une histoire autre que celle oficielle, mais aussi une histoire de lAutre travesti sous le masque allgorique du Juif ternellement errant sur les chemins de la libert. Dans un roman o la logique dopression transforme tout ordre de valeur en fatalit, construisant limage dun monde tragique marqu par la dgradation des valeurs et dpouill de ses prmisses, savoir lordre rationnel et la dignit morale7, le thme central de la my(s)thification de lHistoire prend consistance travers la mise en question des constellations symboliques de la mythologie communiste et de ses dramatisations rituelles. Par le biais des aventures des hros tombs dans lanonymat dans lhistoriographie officielle, le chroniqueur du Tombeau dconstruit ces grands idologmes8 du communisme lnino-stalinien, en lui cherchant les origines (ou seulement les affinits ) dans les livres sacrs cits ci-dessus. Par-del le scnario de la Rvolution, le prtexte historique qui unit tous les aventures individuelles des rvolutionnaires, de bagnards ou de terroristes, la parabole de Kis souvre vers une hermneutique de lHistoire, sinterrogeant sur les rapports que cette dernire entretient avec la littrature. Soit quil sagisse de la simple citation des sources littraires (des potes rvolutionnaires jusquaux bourreaux vellits littraires), soit quil sagisse des commentaires mta-narratifs de lauteur de ces dossiers dexistences, la mtafiction historiographique de Kis multiplie les mditations sur la transformation de lHistoire en mythe, sous la pression dune idologie cannibale . Dans le Tombeau de Boris Davidovitch, la littrature vient corriger lHistoire, parce que lHistoire est gnralit tandis que la littrature est concrte. LHistoire, c'est le nombre, le pluriel alors que la littrature, cest le singulier, lindividu(el). (...) La littrature est la concrtisation de labstrait de lHistoire, car si lcrivain se fie uniquement limagination, il court le danger de retomber dans labstrait. La littrature doit donc corriger lHistoire en la concrtisant. Le but de Kis est de donner chaque individu victime de lHistoire, son visage et son histoire. Pour cela, la littrature ne doit pas se fier uniquement limagination. Do la ncessit de se servir de documents, de traces, de fragments de vie, et de l, essayer de construire une image vridique de la totalit9. Initis dans la gnose10 qui doit lgitimer cette nouvelle religion appele changer le visage du monde travers un sacrifice fondateur, Mihail Hantescu, Gould Verschoyle, A. L.
Catherine Coquio, Lhomme-sans. Posie de lindtermin, histoire des extermins, dans Potique de lindtermin. Le camlon au propre et au figur, Etudes rassembls et prsentes par Valrie-Anglique Deshoulires, Presses Universitaires Blaise Pascal, Clermont-Ferrand, 1998, p. 399. 5 Selon Alexandre Prstojevic, la stratgie narrative de Kis consiste disposer un peu partout dans son recueil de petits piges narratifs visibilit variable destins trois types de lecteurs (...): lecteur ordinaire, lecteur clair, et lecteur idal ou potique. Il en rsulterait trois types de lectures possibles: celle historico-politique, celle claire, de lcriture archologique dont les modles seraient Borges et Foucault, et celle potique intresse de lesprit de la Cabale reprable dans le rcit de Kis. (Un certain got de l'archive (Sur l'obsession documentaire de Danilo Kis), dans L'effet de fiction, Actes du colloque en ligne Fabula 2001, texte disponible http://www.fabula.org/effet/interventions/13.php). 6 Cest Guy Scarpetta qui souligne, entre autres, les nombreuses squences de mise en abyme, o lcriture parle mtaphoriquement delle-mme (notamment dans lvocation de livres imaginaires, utopiques ou encyclopdiques). (Danilo Ki ou lart du mentir-vrai, dans Le Monde diplomatique, juin 2007, texte disponible http://www.mondediplomatique.fr/2007/06/SCARPETTA/14860). 7 Nikola Kova, Le Roman politique. Fictions du totalitarisme, Paris, Michalon, 2002, p. 179. 8 Comme lavait montr Ph. Araujo, il existe entre le mythe et lidologie, un idologme, comme unit significative et mobilisatrice dnrgies smantiques, au niveau de limaaginaire social, capable de traduire et darticuler les idesforces (dimension idologique) et les traces mythiques (dimension mythique: mythologmes, mythes directeurs) du discours analys. (Ph. Araujo, in J. Thomas (sous la dir.), Introduction aux mthodologies de limaginaire, Ellipses, 1998, p. 302, apud J.-J. Wunenburger, LImaginaire, PUF, Paris, coll. Que sais-je?, 2003, pp. 7 8). 9 Katarina Melic, La fiction de l'Histoire dans Un tombeau pour Boris Davidovitch de Danilo Kis, dans L'effet de fiction, colloque en ligne Fabula 2001, texte disponible http://www.fabula.org/effet/interventions/18.php. 10 Cest Alain Besanon qui dcouvre dans la religion politique lnino-stalinienne les lments dfinitoires de la gnose: Blocage dune cosmologie encyclopdique et dune sotriologie; la surinterprtation de lhistoire; la morale dduite de la doctrine, et prenant en elle ses critres; lautocritique comme rapprentissage du systme interprtatif; la relativisation de
4

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Tcheliousnikov, Karl Gheorghievitch Taube, Boris Davidovitch Novski, A. A. Darmolatov sont, tout comme leur anctre archtypal11, Baruch David Neumann, les protagonistes dun chemin vers le centre dont la fin, toujours tragique, est envisage du double point de vue historique et littraire. Si lHistoire se tait sur les destins des hommes qui ont fait la Rvolution russe, la Littrature transforme les figures de ces obscurs militants en hros mythiques : Quand lHistoire (...) nous montre sa tout-puissance, sa capacit extrme rduire rien lindividu, sa force dabstraction surdtermine par la technique (la guerre, les camps de concentration, lextermination systmatique des hommes), sa capacit mme de rendre drisoire, ou mme criminelle, toute action potique de lhomme, la reprsentation du cas particulier, de lindividu est paradoxalement force datteindre labstrait, lessentiel, la structure mathmatique de ltre. Pour arriver ce rsultat le roman a besoin dune mthode dexploration existentielle suprapersonnelle, suprahistorique, de ce que Kis appelait une chronologie spirituelle et non historique 12. Cest ainsi que lambition documentaire, double de larchologie historico-littraire dextraction borgsienne (donnant naissance non seulement un roman politique sur les atrocits staliniennes, mais aussi une parabole des univers concentrationnaires transcendant ce contexte historique) glissent vers une criture potique qui fait du Tombeau un roman-recherche sintressant tant lhistoire des hommes qu lhistoire des livres, y compris de celui de Kis. On y fait usage de tout un rseau de symboles qui rvlent / cryptent , entre autres, les trajets anthropologiques qui mnent de la science sacre communiste aux livres sacrs anciens o le chroniqueur-hermneute de Danilo Kis lit, par-del les utopies radieuses, la tentation de la dmesure totalitaire. Cette dernire se fonde sur un dogme reprable, sous une forme allgorique, dans le discours accusateur adress par les soldats du Christ Baruch David Neumann : la Nouvelle Loi y est le masque de la doctrine marxiste dogmatise dans lidologie stalinienne, qui ne peut pas () tre expos(e) la critique ; [elle] fonctionne dans une autonomie presque totale par rapport au rel ; [elle] a une existence en soi et indpendante. [Elle] nest plus que la rationalisation dune croyance, dune conviction qui senracine, par del les exigences de la raison critique et scientifique, dans une exprience affective de type religieux (...)13. Le processus de dogmatisation est insparable de la foi quon retrouve chez tous les hros du roman: lengagement total impliquant la rupture avec le pass, leffacement de la raison14 doubl du refoulement de la critique, lesprance indracinable entranant une abngation qui va jusquau sacrifice total sont les traits de cette adhsion qui est la fois politique, existentielle et idologique. Les protagonistes de sept histoires du Tombeau... sont des croyants dont la raison de vivre rside en une vrit aveugle qui sintgre, pour certains dentre eux, dans le systme dune valeur suprieure, dune justice suprieure qui exige des sacrifices et qui ne doit pas tenir compte des faiblesses humaines [notre trad.]. Cette croyance que le discours de lidologie rgnante transforme en science sacre abolit, comme le montre le cas de Boris Davidovitch et de son double mdival, les bornages entre les victimes et les bourreaux. Cette pathologie rvolutionnaire est explicite dans le rcit exemplaire quest Un tombeau pour Boris Davidovitch la cinquime narration du roman de Kis, o la mditation qui rvle cette galisation des destins apparemment antagoniques est attribue au tortionnaire Fdioukine, qui reconnat en Novski, sa victime, un modle, aprs avoir t assume par le chroniqueur : Au bout du compte, tous les deux agissaient, mon avis, selon des raisons qui dpassaient quelques buts troits et gostes : Novski luttait pour sauvegarder, dans sa mort, dans sa chute, la dignit non seulement de sa personnalit, mais aussi de limage du rvolutionnaire en gnral, et Fdioukine, dans ses qutes de fiction et de suppositions, sefforait de
lhomme sa contribution au salut; la division tranche entre militants et masses; le militant dtenteur du savoir, asctique, professionel, dbarass des tches ordinaires de la vie; le dualisme go-historique entre les rgions ontologiquement condamnes et les rgions sauves (Les origines intellectuelles du lninisme, Paris, Calmann-Lvy, 1977, p. 23.). 11 Lakis Proguidis, Danilo Kis, portrait de famille, dans Vox potica, texte disponible http://www.voxpoetica.org/ecrivains/KIS/proguidis01.htm. 12 Massimo Rizzante, De l'idal encyclopdique, dans Vox potica, texte disponible http://www.voxpoetica.org/ecrivains/KIS/rizzante01.htm. 13 Jean-Pierre Sironneau, Scularisation et religions politiques, La Haye-Paris-New York, Mouton Editeur, 1982, p. 406. 14 Peu peu on prend lhabitude de ne regarder le rel qu travers les lunettes dformantes de lidologie, plus souvent on le nie purement et simplement : les procs, les camps de concentration, les rvoltes, tout cela nexiste pas. Seul lobjet de la foi existe et le rel doit sy plier (...). Cest le mcanisme de lalibi, du refus de lclaircissement intellectuel (idem, p. 459).

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prserver laustrit et lesprit de suite de la justice rvolutionnaire et de ceux qui la rendent, en ralit; parce quil vaut mieux sacrifier la vrit dun seul homme, dun menu organisme, plutt que de mettre en question, cause de ce dernier, les intrts et les principes suprieurs [notre trad.]. Histoire dune tentative de reducation qui doit dtruire le mythe du rvolutionnaire Novski, oblig par Fdioukine, sous la torture, de signer un aveux mensonger (ou bien apocryphe ), la nouvelle sur la vie et la mort de Boris Davidovitch devient, ce point, une mise en abyme ayant reflter ce processus de fictionnalisation qui fait de lhistoire une narration politique lgitimatrice, cest--dire le grand thme du livre de Danilo Kis. Ce faisant, la victime et le bourreau, manipulant chacun les faits et les hypothses, colmatant les brches avec des pisodes invents et jouant des sous-entendus, se battent des nuits entires avec le texte jusquau moment o le manuscrit dfinitif des aveux sanctionne le triomphe de celui qui a su imposer sa version, savoir linstructeur Fdioukine lequel est capable de prendre ses hypothses pour une ralit vivante plus vraie que le brouillard des faits 15. La construction de lhistoire sacre, fonde sur le sacrifice du rvolutionnaire devenu victime de l puration , mais construite par tous les deux Novski et Fdioukine devient objet de la mditation tant dans le roman politique comme critique des idologies totalitaires superposes aux utopies / fictions compensatoires des militants, que dans le mta-roman qui sinterroge sur ses propres stratgies et mcanismes de fonctionnement. Satire antitotalitaire, le roman de Danilo Kis dnonce la drive idoltrique 16 qui entrane, au niveau de limaginaire politique stalinien, les dviations pathologiques responsables des renversements reprables dans la matrice mythique eschatologique ayant pour effet la transformation de lutopie en dystopie. Lhermneutique des idologmes de la religion stalinienne y consiste dans la rvlation des mythmes latents dont l imprialisme fait possible ces glissements hrtiques et schismatiques 17 du Royaume de justice vers l Enfer , distorsions allgoriss dans la fable mdivale de Baruch David Neumann. Elle encrypte, mais aussi dvoile ce que le discours idologique tend camoufler sous lutopie de la raison , idal qui runit, nouveau, la victime (le cartsien Baruch) et ses bourreaux ( le clerg qui joue le rle de mdiateur entre la rvlation (le dogme) et la masse des fidles 18), cet autisme utopique doubl du rationalisme morbide 19 (les lments qui font de lutopie un anctre du totalitarisme). Dune manire apparemment paradoxale, la rponse du juif, interrog par un inquisiteur renvoyant la figure du lieder messianique sovitique (Jean Gui En fer rappelle Staline - en acier) pourquoi sexpose-t-il volontairement aux dangers dune pense hrtique parce que je veux vivre en paix avec moi-mme et non avec le monde20 parvient dnuder le mcanisme mental qui permet lexpansion des totalitarismes. Lhrsiarque de Danilo Kis nest pas seulement la projection allgorique de lennemi politique dnonc comme opposant de lorthodoxie stalinienne, il est lanthropomorphisation de ce dogmatisme qui se fonde tant sur le discours du pouvoir que sur la foi (exigeant ladhsion absolue) des victimes : de fait, il ny a pas de vritable antagonisme entre la Nouvelle Loi et la Loi Ancienne, codifie dans le Talmud, Le Livre du Malin , dfendu par le juif martyris. Ce renversement opr par la satire antitotalitaire au niveau des mythologmes staliniens est dnud, une fois de plus, dans le chapitre le plus rflexif du roman, La rotation magique des livres, vritable mise en abyme du code sur lequel se fonde la stratgie hermneutique de Danilo Kis. Le dcor du monde lenvers quest la Sibrie dnomme ironiquement la nouvelle Atlantide , parodie grotesque de ce monde submerg, o les bagnards criminels socialement rcuprables sont les nouveaux souverains divins , devient une mtaphore pour ce glissement de la cit radieuse utopique vers lEnfer, c'est--dire de la parole sainte idologique vers la ralit dystopique. La Grande Loterie dont parle lauteur du Trait sur les jeux de hasard nest pas seulement limage de ce Grand Mcanisme de lHistoire, du carrousel infernal qui
Katarina Melic, op. cit. Jean-Jacques Wunenburger, Imaginaires du politique, Paris, Ellipses Edition, 2001, p. 84. 17 Gilbert Durand, Introduction la mythodologie. Mythes et socits, Paris, Albin Michel, 1996, pp. 170 171. 18 J.-P. Sironneau, op. cit., p. 421. 19 Jean-Jacques Wunenburger, Lutopie ou la crise de limaginaire, Editions Universitaires, 1979, p. 171, 181. 20 Rappelons que ladhsion communiste signifiait pour les militants une rconciliation avec soi-mme et avec le monde et un sentiment de communion qui attnue ou dissipe lobsession du malheur, de linutilit, du nant, de la solitude . (E. Morin, Autocritique, Juillard, 1959, p. 52, apud J.-P. Sironneau, op. cit., p. 464)
16 15

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matrialise le principe mythique et le mal divin , en tant quallgories du spectacle de la scne du pouvoir, mais aussi le miroir des jeux hermneutiques du romancier. Celui-ci plonge dans ce continent perdu quest lutopie livresque construite par le truchement du discours idologique, en cherchant dchiffrer le sens cach dans le sens apparent, dployer les niveaux de signification impliqus dans la signification littrale 21. Cest le lieu o larchologue dcouvre le double sens de lidologie, dont le rle est de montrer en cachant 22, celui encrypt dans la description spculaire du tatouage des btards de Makarenko : en face, laigle qui becquette la poitrine de Promthe ; en arrire, un chien en sodomie avec une femme. Deux facettes de la mme mdaille. La face et le revers. La lumire et les tnbres. La tragdie et la comdie. La parodie de la propre noblesse. La proximit du sexe et du rire. Du sexe et de la mort.
Bibliographie : Besanon, Alain, Les origines intellectuelles du lninisme, Paris, Calmann-Lvy, 1977 Chauvin, Danile, Siganos, Andr, Walter, Philippe (dir.), Questions de mythocritique: dictionnaire, Paris, Imago, 2005 Coquio, Catherine, Lhomme-sans. Posie de lindtermin, histoire des extermins, dans Potique de lindtermin. Le camlon au propre et au figur, Etudes rassembls et prsentes par Valrie-Anglique Deshoulires, Presses Universitaires Blaise Pascal, Clermont-Ferrand, 1998 Durand, Gilbert, Introduction la mythodologie. Mythes et socits, Paris, Albin Michel, 1996 Guy Scarpetta, Danilo Ki ou lart du mentir-vrai, dans Le Monde diplomatique, juin 2007, texte disponible http://www.monde-diplomatique.fr/2007/06/SCARPETTA/14860) Kova, Nikola, Le Roman politique. Fictions du totalitarisme, Paris, Michalon, 2002 Melic, Katarina, La fiction de l'Histoire dans Un tombeau pour Boris Davidovitch de Danilo Kis, dans L'effet de fiction, colloque en ligne Fabula 2001, texte disponible http://www.fabula.org/effet/interventions/18.php Pirenne-Delforge, Vinciane, Tunca, Onhan (diteurs), Reprsentations du temps dans les religions : actes du colloque organis par le Centre dHistoire des Religions de lUniversit de Lige, Librairie Droz, 2003 Proguidis, Lakis, Danilo Kis, portrait de famille, dans Vox potica, texte disponible http://www.voxpoetica.org/ecrivains/KIS/proguidis01.htm Prstojevic, Alexandre, Un certain got de l'archive (Sur l'obsession documentaire de Danilo Kis), dans L'effet de fiction, Actes du colloque en ligne Fabula 2001, texte disponible http://www.fabula.org/effet/interventions/13.php Ricoeur, Paul, Le Conflit des interprtations : essais dhermneutique, Paris, Le Seuil, 1969 Rizzante, Massimo, De l'idal encyclopdique, dans Vox potica, texte disponible http://www.voxpoetica.org/ecrivains/KIS/rizzante01.htm Sironneau, Jean-Pierre, Scularisation et religions politiques, La Haye-Paris-New York, Mouton Editeur, 1982 Thomas, Jol (sous la dir.), Introduction aux mthodologies de limaginaire, Ellipses, 1998 Wunenburger, Jean-Jacques Imaginaires du politique, Paris, Ellipses Edition, 2001. Wunenburger, Jean-Jacques, LImaginaire, Paris, PUF, coll. Que sais-je?, 2003.

Paul Ricoeur, Le Conflit des interprtations : essais dhermneutique, Paris, Le Seuil, 1969, p. 16. J.-P. Sironneau, Idologie et mythe, dans Questions de mythocritique : dictionnaire, sous la direction de Danile Chauvin, Andr Siganos et Philippe Walter, Editions Imago, 2005, p. 91.
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21

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Le personnage de Guica: hypostases du colportage (II)

Asist. drd. Matei Damian Universitatea Dunrea de Jos din Galai Rsum : Notre recherche se propose de mettre en vidence la complexit dun personnage-cl du premier volume de Moromeii de Marin Preda. Nous analyserons Maria Moromete, surnomme Guica, la sur du protagoniste et la force noire qui guide la narration. Si Ilie Moromte est peru comme facteur dquilibre de laction, Guica reprsente sans doute, le ple oppos, puisqu une analyse plus raffine, nous crditons facilement ce personnage-l comme principale source de la dsagrgation et du dsastre. Guica sait parler delle si prcisment de sorte quelle russit saper de manire programmatique la famille de Moromete selon un projet bien dress. Guica nest pas chicanire comme on croirait, mais, au contraire, pratique un monopole rudimentaire de linformation, ce qui dernirement larme la plus redoutable de toute dispute au niveau du sujet. Nous passerons en revue les dernires tapes de lvolution de Maria Moromete pendant le droulement de lintrigue du premier tome du roman en question. Mots-cls : rumeur, information, colporteur

According to the Webster Dictionary, the term newsmonger refers to a person who is active in gathering and repeating news; especially: gossip. The novel Morometii assimilated in the first volume a classic, clear-cut case of individual newsmongery. The typical newsmonger in the first part of the novel is Guica. Being Ilie Morometes older sister, her actual name is Maria; however, some squeals produced in the rink during a confrontation with a shepherd of a superior category, left her with this particular stage name. Guica is engaged in the eternal rebellion against a destiny whose warfare is rather imaginary, and its fragmentation along the three princes is the feast which keeps her in the castle, as a buffoon without a king. The destiny is singular and inherently adverse; the feast is spread in three directions: him (Ilie Moromete), her/their ma (Catrina) and those (Tita and Ilinca). Occasionally, the lilone enters the scene (Niculae). Guicas description is a truly anthological piece; the whole lot of her interventions in the flow of the narrative are inextricably connected to an umbrella-like characteristic, that of newsmonger, doubled by an irresistible curiosity. We shall provide illustrations for this at the appropriate time, but not before quoting Jean-Nel Kapferer, who makes an important observation on the role of the woman in the economy of the rumour. One can notice the considerable extent to which Kapferers remarks overlap the character in focus. A discussion about women and rumours entails assuming the risk of being accused of rekindling some old clichs belonging to primary anti-feminism. Nevertheless, this is how things stand: popular culture registers an association between woman and rumour. The origin of such associations may have a historical motivation. Thus, in the series of great fears that marked the Western world between the 14th and the 18th century, [] the starting point of all upheavals caused by rumours is connected to women. Whether speaking of the rebellions against price increase or the lack of grains, of the protests against child-abduction in Paris 1750, taxes, or the menace of French Revolution, women played a decisive role []. Etymology can provide one more lead to understand the association made between woman and rumour. In French, commre (gossip referring to a person) which also resulted into commrage (gossip the act) comes from the Latin commater (Godmother). In time, the word kept only the meaning of rumour, chit-chatting about the other peoples private life. In English, gossip has exactly the same components: god-sib (god-sibling) coming from the same word denominating godmother [] The English etymologists believe that the initial meaning changed due to the habit of women to gather and talk around a relative about to give birth. Even if the deduction is correct, the pejorative nuance added to the meaning of the word cannot be explained [] A certainty is the fact that gossip (commrage) is a visible sign of womens solidarity: to talk implies someone elses participation. Could it be that patriarchal societies were hostile towards such displays of solidarity? It is no less true that in such societies women were excluded from public activities, being denied the formal right of taking part in the discussions concerning the matters of the city. By gossiping, they regained this right, the discussion focusing not only on the city proper, but on its secret life.

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Being denied a public life, they would make private life public. Perhaps the habit lives on, but, from a historical point of view, it has its origins in the exclusion of women from public life by men. (Kapferer, 1993:116-117) Therefore, starting from Kapferers views, Guica is, historically, an excluded being, because she is a woman. In this case, however, the woman manages to slink in completely, almost fluidly, precisely because she is a woman. The first volume of Morometii brings forth five cases of direct contact Guica family. Before summing up the first occurrence, we would like to underline the following aspect: regardless the scene indicating Guica as kernel, the character is, undoubtedly, a absolute newsmonger, one of the most successfully drawn ones in Romanian literature. This particular sequence is of extreme importance, although it is a small one. It follows with a victory the step back taken by the army of schemes concocted by Guica in the previous episode. After the apparent failure of the plan of attack against the Morometes, the confrontation continues, this time having many chances of success, because we find ourselves at the moment when Maria Moromete becomes once again Guica, a general leading the forces of dissolution. One should not disregard the crusade feeling with which Guica surrounds the challenge: the previous sequence is mourned in black, whereas here we witness a genuine rebirth, depicted in another anthological page: - Come here. I have something to tell you. Come on, Nila, you fool, I told you so, but you would go on about this and that. You hear? They want to make a landlord out of the lilone. You hear, Paraschiv? - Who should they make a landlord? The lilone, the Niculae brat. His ma wants him to go to school! And she talked your father into it. You have no idea, its like you dont live in the same house. Get out of here, aunt Maria! [] Who told you they want him to go? Priest Petre came with a teacher, a week ago, at their house! Marita of Udubeasca told me! But she didnt know why and I found out. Niculae bragged about it to the girl of the Botochina, who he shares a class with, and she told her ma and her ma told Stiucas daughter who also has a boy in the same class with Niculae []. Get out of here, aunt Maria, Niculae was just bragging to that girl, Paraschiv kept doubting. Thats what I thought, but what do you think, that I didnt ask the priest? I sure did! I went to him for a confession and I asked him, Guica answered triumphantly. (our emphasis) Father, says I, I have a nephew too and Id like him to go to school too, but his father wont hear of it. What do you mean: he wouldnt hear of it? He says. When I talked to him, he said he is in favour of it. Well?! [] See? See?!... (Preda, 1981: 393-394) It is the final piece of news, breathed mustily under the stole, announcing victory. It is not hard to notice that the weapon used by Guica in the war is information, regardless of the shape and origin. Whether the rumour is started , then completed at different levels, or the information is taken and re-directed, Guica does not draw back from collecting it even during confession, an endeavour masked as a simple act of the source. The character is the Source itself, an alphabet of information, a collection of all the stages in circulation and perfect camp for the links of notification. In a virtual arena of the village, Guica has the traits of a Roman emperor and gladiator muscles. She provides the spectators with meat and olives or sweeps the arena after some bloody stage. Guica is the Village itself: - Now that we got used to them (the sheep), its going to be bad If only we hadnt bought them and we wouldnt have this load with the bank! Its all your fault: with the five thousand lei we paid last autumn at the bank we should have bought a cow and poor Niculae wouldnt have had to bother to take them to pasture We said its for the wool, that the cow gives milk, but sheep also give wool And now we wont have any, and these girls are the laugh of the village! Guica is all laughs! (our emphasis) - Eh, Guica be damned! Said Moromete, his head drooping. (Preda, 1981: 197) Moromete bows his head with the same expression that would mark his sinking in the pages of a newspaper, when the latter is joined by dull bank documents and the cold menace of the

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hungry land tax. Then he would throw at Neculae the envelope with the mark of the bank and take the paper instead, as an eternal defensive impulse; now he seems to shake the coarseness of a virus. However, the paper and the shake form too weak a coalition; finally, they will be blown away by the evil eyes of a world with a multitude of hands, which seem to work in too tight a league, an almost bloody one, but characterized by stability. In conclusion, Guicas final observation should be taken into consideration: Let your father sell, and one night lay your hands on the money and run away. Am I to teach you everything? (our emphasis) (Preda, 1981: 394). It is, at the same time, the last breath of a council, since the solid orchestra of efforts fulfilled its purpose. The character Guica is a sturdy evidence of the fact that he who guards the gates of information holds the reins of power.
Bibliography: Rebreanu, Liviu, Rscoala, Cluj-Napoca, Dacia, 1971. Preda, Marin, Moromeii, vol. I, Bucureti, Cartea Romneasc, 1981. Preda, Marin, Moromeii, vol. II, Bucureti, Cartea Romneasc, 1981. Blu, Ion, Marin Preda, Bucureti, Albatros, 1976. Clinescu, George, Istoria literaturii romne de la origini pn n prezent, ediia a II- a, Bucureti, Minerva, 1982. Coman, Mihai, Introducere n sistemul mass-media, ediia a II-a, Iai, Polirom, 2004. Kapferer, Jean-Nel, Zvonurile, Bucureti, Humanitas, 1993. Marcu, Florin; Mnec, Constant, Dicionar de neologisme, Bucureti, Editura Academiei, 1986. Popescu, Cristian Florin, Dicionar explicativ de jurnalism, relaii publice i publicitate, Bucureti, Tritonic, 2002. Raicu, Lucian, Liviu Rebreanu, Bucureti, Editura pentru literatur, 1967. Ungheanu, Mihai, Marin Preda; vocaie i aspiraie, Bucureti, Ed. Eminescu, 1973. Vianu, Tudor, Studii de literatur romn, Bucureti, Editura Didactic i Pedagogic, 1965. Vldescu, Andreea, Marin Preda sau triumful contiinei, Bucureti, Cartea Romneasc, 1993. *** Liviu Rebreanu dup un veac, Cluj-Napoca, Dacia, 1985.

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Les professions de foi du thtre romantique franais

Lector dr. Mirela Drgoi Universitatea Dunrea de Jos din Galai Rezumat: Paginile care definesc drama romantic proiecteaz o nou concepie asupra teatrului. Iniiatorii acestui gen dramatic propun subiecte legate de marile evenimente istorice i o tehnic mai puin riguroas n redarea lor, pentru a apela la toate simurile spectatorilor. Teoriile elaborate ntre 1809 i 1827 continu reforma nceput n secolul al XVIII-lea i schieaz o schimbare decisiv n arta teatral. Ele nu fac ns dect s pregteasc terenul pentru ceea ce se ntmpl dup 1827 n textele lui Stendhal, Victor Hugo i Alfred de Vigny. Pornind de la aceste pagini, ne propunem s identificm formulele eseniale ale dramei romantice franceze, dar mai ales punctele comune i/sau divergenele reperabile n poetica teatrului din secolul al XIX-lea. Cuvinte-cheie: teatrul romantic, arta teatral, poetica teatrului, evenimente istorice, sec. al XIX-lea

Dans la premire moiti du XIXe sicle, le thtre franais est sensible aux tentatives de renouvellement enregistres dans tous les domaines artistiques et surtout aux circonstances politiques, sociales et historiques caractrises par de nombreux pisodes rvolutionnaires. Aprs la coup dEtat de 1851, la nouvelle situation socio-politique engendre une nouvelle tendance dramatique, plus apte reflter lexpansion conomique et le pouvoir de la bourgeoisie. Le drame (le mot grec drama signifie action ) acquiert alors une importance essentielle, due trois facteurs dterminants: le dclin de la tragdie1, la redcouverte de Shakespeare et des dramaturges allemands et le got du XVIIIe sicle pour le mlodrame2 et pour ses motions simples. Dautre part, la Rvolution franaise et ses aspirations libertaires touchent le domaine thtral. Le libralisme politique va de pair avec la libert dans lart prche par Victor Hugo. Les thories dramatiques sont cohrentes, exprimant toutes une seule ide majeure: la libert absolue du genre thtral. Elles sopposent directement au pseudo-classicisme, reprsent par les dramaturges qui imitaient Racine et Corneille au XVIIIe sicle et au dbut du XIXe. Les premiers textes thoriques slaborent de 1809 1827 et proposent une rforme de la tragdie. Lidal thtral qui y apparat rassemble des ides sur la cration de la tragdie historique, savoir: la prsentation dun moment important de lhistoire nationale franaise, la mise en jeu de passions dans un milieu social lev et le refus de la rgle des units. En 1809, Benjamin Constant adapte en franais la trilogie Wallenstein de Schiller et la prsente par une prface empreinte dlments nouveaux. Il prne dans ses Rflexions une dramaturgie de la totalit, veut ancrer le drame dans lHistoire et critique la rgle des units, qui force le pote ngliger souvent dans les vnements et dans les caractres, la vrit de la gradation, la dlicatesse des nuances 3. Mme de Stal plaide dans De lAllemagne (1810) pour des formes nouvelles et pour ltude des modles trangers. Pendant son exil Coppet sous lEmpire, elle runit dans son salon un groupe desprits clairs, dont fait partie Schlegel lui-mme4. Elle est la premire qui oppose
Lorigine de ce fait culturel se trouve dans les dmarches inities par Pierre de Marivaux (qui inaugure un thtre de la sensibilit auquel il donne un clat inoubliable), par Franois Voltaire (qui mle dans ses textes dramatiques les problmes de lhistoire aux questions de philosophie et de morale) et par Denis Diderot, dont les thories (Entretiens sur le Fils naturel) prparent lirruption de la dramaturgie moderne par le recours aux sujets actuels. 2 Le mlodrame ( melos - cadence et drama - action thtrale) fait partie du thtre populaire, moralisant. Il est apparent au drame bourgeois, mais plus riche comme art du spectacle musique, danse, pantomime. N aprs la Rvolution de 1789, il a t le premier ferment de la dmocratisation de la scne, par ses lments nouveaux: lutilisation du langage quotidien, la rupture de la linarit de laction par des quiproquos et des retournements fortuits, la typologie contraste des protagonistes et lassociation du comique et du tragique. Vu comme un porte-parole de lthique bourgeoise, le mlodrame annonce et facilite lavnement du drame romantique. 3 Apud Philippe van Tieghem, Les grandes doctrines litteraires en France, Presses Universitaires de France, Paris, 1993, p. 185. 4 Schlegel compose un Cours de littrature dramatique, publi en allemand en 1811 et traduit en franais en 1813. Dans son opinion, il faut abandonner les sujets chers aux classiques franais, pour sintresser luvre de Shakespeare et de Caldern. Il plaide ensuite pour une dramaturgie de limagination et pour une alliance potique des contraires.
1

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la tragdie franaise le systme dramatique des Anglais et des Allemands. Mme de Stal considre que la tragdie franaise, qui prtend imiter la tragdie grecque, est en ralit un genre indcis, qui ne saccorde ni avec le sicle, ni avec les murs nationales des personnages quen reprsente . Le ton uniformment noble de la tragdie franaise prive de bien des motions quon trouve dans le thtre tranger. Cest pourquoi elle veut opter pour un autre systme dramatique. Il faut quandmme dire quelle reste attache lancienne conception qui regardait les units comme ncessaires lillusion thtrale, car celles-ci rendent une pice plus vive . Npomucne Lemercier rdige un Cours de littrature en 1819 et des Remarques sur les bonnes et mauvaises innovations dramatiques, en avril 1825. Il y expose la ncessit dlargir la rgle des units. Sa pice Christophe Colomb, annonce comme une comdie shakespearienne , montre peu de respect pour les rgles de la dramaturgie classique. Il soppose toutefois au mlange des tons, car cest le langage lev, mlodieux, choisi qui doit prsenter les intrts de la nation , les dieux, les souverains et les tribuns. Cest pourquoi il faut rejeter les intrigues vulgaires et la familiarit prosaque 5. Alessandro Manzoni, dans sa Lettre Monsieur Chauvet sur lunit de temps et de lieu dans la tragdie (1823), considre lunite daction comme essentielle, mais blme les autres units: Dans une question aussi rebattue que celle des deux units, il est bien difficile de rien dire dimportant qui nait t dit: vous avez cependant envisag la question sous un aspect en partie nouveau; et je la prends envisag volontiers telle que vous lavez pose: cest, je crois, un moyen de la rendre moins ennuyeuse et moins superflue. Javais dit que le seul fondement sur lequel on a pendant longtemps tabli la rgle des deux units est limpossibilit de sauver autrement la loi essentielle de la vraisemblance; car, selon les partisans les plus accrdits de la rgle, toute illusion est dtruite ds que lon savise de transporter dun lieu dans un autre, et de prolonger au-del dun jour, une action reprsente devant des spectateurs qui ny assistent que pendant deux ou trois heures, et sans changer de place. Vous paraissez donner peu dimportance ce raisonnement.6 Il affirme que le drame doit tre vrai et imiter la nature, mais le mlange du grave et du burlesque, du touchant et du bas ne doit pas dtruire lunit daction. Franois Guizot dveloppe dans sa Vie de Shakespeare (1821) la prsentation de la rgle dunit, ce lien puissant qui force limagination marcher de lavant, pleine de trouble et dattente 7. Il considre galement que le thtre est fait pour lensemble de la nation, en particulier pour le peuple et quil ne faut pas ngliger les faits mineurs, car ils peuvent clairer mieux le centre dintrt. Tous les lments que cet esthticien vritable essaie de dgager du thtre de Shakespeare forment une technique dramatique prcise, capable de remplacer la thorie classique du thtre. Son idal est Shakespeare, car luvre de celui-ci offre une libert sans frein, une latitude infinie laisse aux carts de limagination : Si le systme romantique a des beauts, il a ncessairement son art et ses rgles. Rien nest beau pour lhomme qui ne doive ses effets certaines combinaisons dont notre jugement peut toujours nous donner le secret quand nos motions en ont attest la puissance. La science et lemploi de ces combinaisons constitue lart. Shakespeare a eu le sien. Il faut le dcouvrir dans ses ouvrages, examiner de quels moyens il se sert, quels rsultats il aspire; alors seulement nous connatrons vraiment le systme8. Pierre Lebrun expose ses thories sur le thtre dans des articles sur Jeanne dArc de Davrigny (en juin 1819, dans La Renomme) et dans la prface de sa Marie Stuart (1820). Il bannit les conventions de la tragdie classique pour crer un genre thtral sensible aux ides de patrie, de

5 6

Apud Philippe van Tieghem, oeuvre cite, p. 188. http://www.classicitaliani.it/manzoni/chauvet1.htm. 7 Apud Philippe van Tieghem, oeuvre cite, p. 186. 8 Idem, p. 189.

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gloire et dindpendance. Le sujet doit porter sur des sentiments et des intrts qui touchent lensemble de lhumanit et qui soient en accord avec une nouvelle France. Alexandre Soumet expose dans Les Scrupules littraires de Mme la baronne de Stal ou rflexions sur quelques chapitres du livre De lAllemagne (1814) les mrites des dramaturges allemands qui ont agrandi pour nous le domaine des beaux-arts 9. Charles Nodier propose lui aussi un renouvellement du thtre franais dans sa forme et dans sa matire. Il oppose dans un Compte rendu de la Gaule potique de M. de Marchangy (dans Mlanges de littrature et de critique, 1820) la tragdie classique tellement dsute lhistoire moderne, bien plus fertile en sujets dramatiques. Lexamen de ces thories labores jusquen 1827 nous aide observer lidal commun vers lequel tourne lart dramatique: un thtre vivant, dont les proccupations refltent celles de la socit contemporaine. Toute cette prsentation des crits thoriques a le rle de dmontrer le fait que Hugo nest pas l inventeur du drame romantique. La plupart des principes quil formule taient dj esquisses par ses prdcesseurs et il na fait que les exprimer avec la force de son talent. La revendication fondamentale de libert et la volont de peindre totalement la ralit de ltre humain se retrouvent aprs 1827 dans trois professions de foi qui forment le support de notre demarche interpretative. Il sagit de Racine et Shakespeare de Stendhal (1823), de la Prface de Cromwell (1827) de Hugo et de la Lettre Lord sur la soire du 24 octobre et sur un systme dramatique de Vigny (qui devient en 1829 la prface du drame More de Venise). Les trois auteurs y exposent les modifications du contexte socio-culturel une sensibilit nouvelle, la nostalgie des lans hroques dans une socit conformiste et le besoin dune rflexion sur lengagement, sur le pouvoir et sur le destin. *** Racine et Shakespeare de Stendhal ne constitue pas un manifeste organis du romantisme, comme la Prface de Cromwell. Il a t dabord, en 1823, un petit trait en trois chapitres sur la tragdie, le rire et le romantisme en gnral. En 1825, Stendhal y joigne une suite de lettres adresses par un romantique un classique, o il estime que les genres dramatiques qui ont de lavenir sont la tragdie historique et la comdie raliste en prose. Lacadmicien dfend les units au nom de lillusion, tandis que le romantique, invoquant les faits et lexprience, montre quil ny a pas de vritable illusion au thtre et que par suite largument traditionnel porte faux. Il y a seulement de petits moments dillusion parfaite dans les scnes de passion, mais il trouve que ces scnes sont plus nombreuses dans les tragdies de Shakespeare que dans celles de Racine. Dans cet article, Stendhal considre aussi quil ne faut pas diminuer le mrite et la gloire des classiques du thtre franais (il voit Racine comme lun des plus grands gnies qui aient t livrs ltonnement et ladmiration des hommes ), mais de faire autrement queux, daprs les enseignements de lexprience. Ce parallle entre Shakespeare et Racine oppose deux couples de mots romanticisme - modernisme et classicisme - traditionalisme: Le romanticisme est lart de prsenter aux peuples les uvres dart qui, dans ltat actuel de leurs habitudes et de leurs croyances, sont susceptibles de leur donner le plus de plaisir possible. () Le classicisme, au contraire, leur prsente la littrature qui donne le plus grand plaisir possible leurs arrire-grands-pres10. Pour ce qui est des units, Stendhal rfute une fois de plus, avec une singulire justesse danalyse, le thtre des units ncessaires lillusion. Lauteur considre enfin que cette dispute entre Racine et Shakespeare se rduit savoir si en observant les deux units de lieu et de temps, on peut faire des pices qui intressent vraiment les spectateurs du XIXe sicle , des pices qui offrent aux spectateurs des plaisirs dramatiques au lieu des plaisirs piques .
Ibidem. Tous les textes illustratifs sont extraits du chapitre La Bataille romantique au thtre de lanthologie ***Littrature. Textes et documents. Le XIXe sicle, coord. Henri Mitterrand, Nathan, Paris, 1986, pp. 117-150.
10 9

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*** En 1827, Hugo publie Cromwell, un long drame historique en vers, en trois actes. Le hros principal, Oliver Cromwell, devient le chef de lopposition larbitraire royal et lpiscopat anglican. Aprs avoir remport des victoires lors des guerres civiles, il se conduit en vritable souverain: rduit le Parlement au minimum, fait condamner mort le roi et soumet par la force lIrlande et lcosse. La pice voque le thme shakespearien de lambition et lon peut facilement deviner la silhouette de Bonaparte derrire la figure pleine de puissance du tyran anglais. Lampleur, la prcision et le mouvement du tableau font de cette pice une illustration exemplaire du thtre historique. Mais elle a t considre comme injouable cause de lincontinence du dialogue. Lhistoire littraire la retient grce la prface qui laccompagne, car Victor Hugo y prne une esthtique de la sensibilit, de la libert et de la vrit et avance sa thorie des grandes poques de lhistoire humaine les temps primitifs, lantiquit classique et les temps modernes - auxquels correspondraient trois genres littraires privilgis la posie lyrique, lpope et le drame -, illustrs chacun par une uvre capitale la Bible, les pomes dHomre et le drame shakespearien. Le christianisme engendre le drame, en postulant la division entre la chair et lesprit et rend esthtiquement possible lunion des contraires du sublime et du grotesque. Ses principes essentiels visent: - le rejet des rgles classiques: Lunit de temps nest pas plus solide que lunit de lieu. Laction, encadre de force dans les vingt-quatre heures, est aussi ridicule quencadre dans le vestibule. Toute action a sa dure propre comme son lieu particulier. Verser la mme dose de temps tous les vnements ! appliquer la mme mesure sur tout ! on rirait dun cordonnier qui voudrait mettre le mme soulier tous les pieds. Croiser lunit de temps lunit de lieu comme les barreaux dune cage, et faire pdantesquement entrer, de par Aristote, tous ces faits, tous ces peuples, toutes ces figures que la providence droule si grandes masses dans la ralit ! cest mutiler hommes et choses, cest faire grimacer lhistoire. () Il suffirait enfin, pour dmontrer labsurdit de la rgle des deux units, dune dernire raison, prise dans les entrailles de lart. Cest lexistence de la troisime unit, lunit daction, la seule admise de tous parce quelle rsulte dun fait: lil ni lesprit humain ne sauraient saisir plus dun ensemble la fois. Celle-l est aussi ncessaire que les deux autres sont inutiles. Cest elle qui marque le point de vue du drame; or, par cela mme, elle exclut les deux autres. Il ne peut pas plus y avoir trois units dans le drame que trois horizons dans un tableau. Du reste, gardons-nous de confondre lunit avec la simplicit daction. Lunit densemble ne rpudie en aucune faon les actions secondaires sur lesquelles doit sappuyer laction principale. () Lunit densemble est la loi de perspective du thtre. le refus de la distinction des genres et des tons:

Le drame est la posie complte. Lode et lpope ne le contiennent quen germe ; il les contient lune et lautre en dveloppement; il les rsume et les enserre toutes deux. () La muse moderne verra les choses dun coup dil plus haut et plus large. Elle sentira que tout dans la cration nest humainement beau, que le laid y existe ct du beau, le difforme prs du gracieux, le grotesque au revers du sublime, le mal avec le bien, lombre avec la lumire Elle se mettra faire comme la nature, mler dans ses crations, sans pourtant les confondre, lombre la lumire, le grotesque au sublime, en dautres termes, le corps lme, la bte lesprit; car le point de dpart de la religion est toujours le point de dpart de la posie. Tout se tient. - la recherche de la couleur locale avec des sujets emprunts l'histoire des XVIe-XVIIe sicles : On conoit que, pour une uvre de ce genre, si le pote doit choisir dans les choses (et il le doit), ce nest pas le beau, mais le caractristique. Non quil convienne de faire,

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comme on dit aujourdhui, de la couleur locale, cest--dire dajouter aprs coup quelques touches criardes a et l sur un ensemble du reste parfaitement faux et conventionnel. Ce nest point la surface du drame que doit tre la couleur locale, mais au fond, dans le cur mme de luvre, do elle se rpand au dehors, delle-mme, naturellement, galement, et pour ainsi parler, dans tous les coins du drame, comme la sve qui monte de la racine la dernire feuille de larbre. Le drame doit tre radicalement imprgn de cette couleur des temps; elle doit en quelque sorte y tre dans lair, de faon quon ne saperoive quen y entrant et quen en sortant quon a chang de sicle et datmosphre. lutilisation de lalexandrin libr:

Si nous avions le droit de dire quel pourrait tre, notre gr, le style du drame, nous voudrions un vers libre, franc, loyal, osant tout dire sans pruderie, tout exprimer sans recherche; passant dune naturelle allure de la comdie la tragdie, du sublime au grotesque; tour tour positif et potique, tout ensemble artiste et inspir, profond et soudain, large et vrai; sachant briser propos et dplacer la csure pour dguiser sa monotonie dalexandrin; plus ami de lenjambement qui lallonge que de linversion qui lembrouille; fidle de la rime, cette esclave reine, cette suprme grce de notre posie, ce gnrateur de notre mtre. (...) Rptons-le surtout, le vers au thtre doit dpouiller tout amour-propre, toute exigence, toute coquetterie. Il nest la quune forme, et une forme qui doit tout admettre, qui na rien imposer au thtre, et au contraire doit tout recevoir de lui pour tout transmettre au spectateur: franais, latin, textes de lois, jurons royaux, locutions populaires, comdie, tragdie, rire, larmes, prose et posie. Malheur au pote si son vers fait la petite bouche! (...) Lide, trempe dans le vers, prend soudain quelque chose de plus incisif et de plus clatant. Cest le fer qui devient acier. La Prface de Cromwell constitue un vritable tournant dans la carrire littraire de Hugo, car cest par ce texte que cet crivain se rallie au romantisme. Il est considr comme le plus brillant manifeste littraire et comme un texte thorique dcisif de lcole romantique, qui exerce une grande influence sur le mouvement. Grce ce texte, Hugo a contribu lclosion du drame romantique et la domination de celui-ci sur la scne franaise entre 1829 et 1843. *** Alfred de Vigny expose ses thories sur le thtre dans une Lettre Lord *** sur la soire du 24 octobre 1829, crite le lendemain de la reprsentation du drame Le More de Venise. Il y opre une forte opposition entre le dramaturge classique et le pote dramatique de lavenir : Considrez dabord que, dans le systme qui vient de steindre, toute tragdie tait une catastrophe et un dnouement dune action dj mre au lever du rideau, qui ne tenait plus qu un fil et navait plus qu tomber. De l est venu ce dfaut qui vous frappe, ainsi que tous les trangers dans les tragdies franaises; cette parcimonie de scnes et de dveloppements, ces faux retardements, et puis tout coup cette hte den finir, mle cette crainte que lon sent presque partout de manquer dtoffe pour remplir le cadre de cinq actes. () Ce ne sera plus ainsi qu lavenir procdera le pote dramatique. Dabord il prendra dans sa large main beaucoup de temps, et y fera mouvoir des existences entires; il crera lhomme, non comme espce, mais comme individu (seul moyen dintresser lhumanit); il laissera ces cratures vivre de leur propre vie, et jettera seulement dans leurs curs ces germes de passion par o se prparent les grands vnements; puis, lorsque lheure en sera venue et seulement alors, sans que lon sente que son doigt la hte, il montrera la destine (); car lart sera tout semblable la vie, et dans la vie une action principale entrane autour delle un tourbillon de faits ncessaires et innombrables. Dans cette critique systmatique de lancienne potique, Vigny oppose les mrites du drame ( la vrit , le mouvement , lindividualit , la grandeur et laction ) aux

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faiblesses de la tragdie ( labstraction , lunit factice , le verbiage , la parcimonie de scnes et de dveloppements , de faux retardements , la hte den finir , la cration de lhomme comme espce ). Le dramaturge caractrise la tragdie classique en des termes qui en offrent la caricature, car elle proposerait aux spectateurs des personnages nallant nulle part, parlant de peu de chose, avec des ides indcises et des paroles vagues () et arrivant ainsi une mort gracieuse et un soupir faux . *** Pour les trois thoriciens mentionns ci-dessus, le drame romantique appartient un systme thtral indit, quils voient comme une machine de guerre contre la tragdie classique. Ils dnoncent volontiers la structure sophistique de celle-ci, labsurdit de la rgle des trois units et lirralisme de ses intrigues et de ses caractres. Le vers a t une question longuement analyse par les thoriciens du drame romantique, qui se demandaient si les dramaturges devaient ou non garder un support mtrique la nouvelle ralit thtrale. Le premier qui ait dnonc le recours au vers comme contraire lobtention de cette illusion parfaite en laquelle rside le plaisir dramatique a t Stendhal. Hugo a une position plutt conservatrice; mme sil refuse de faire du vers une fin en soi, il renonce seulement aux contraintes trop rigoureuses de la prosodie classique. Il ne peut pas sen dispenser et ne veut pas le remplacer par la prose, linstar des autres thoriciens. Son originalit consiste vouloir plier avec souplesse le mtre aux mouvements de la prose. En guise de conclusion, il suffit de rappeler les lments nouveaux du drame romantique, tel quil a t envisag par Stendhal, Hugo et Vigny: le got de la libert et de linnovation technique, le refus des canons dune esthtique dmode, le recours toute forme dveil de la sensibilit et de lmotion, la rfrence lidal romantique du hros rveur et blas, exalt et dsabus, la constante proccupation symbolique et le souci dapporter aux spectateurs un message social ou philosophique.
Bibliographie : ***Histoire de la littrature franaise, IIe tome, (coord. Angela Ion), Ed. Didactic si Pedagogic Bucarest, 1982. ***Littrature. Textes et documents. Le XIXe sicle, coord. Henri Mitterrand, Ed. Nathan, Paris, 1986. SAULNIER, V.-L., Literatura francez, Ed. Albatros, Bucureti, 1971. STEINMETZ, Jean-Luc, La France frntique de 1830, d. Phbus, 1978. Van TIEGHEM, Philippe, Le Romantisme, d. Albin Michel, Paris, 1969. Van TIEGHEM, Philippe, Les grandes doctrines litteraires en France, Presses Universitaires de France, Paris, 1993. UBERSFELD, Anne, Le drame romantique, Ed. Belin, Paris, 1993. http://www.classicitaliani.it/manzoni/chauvet1.htm.

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Discurs ideologic i discurs literar n Viaa romneasc: anul 1958

Lect. dr. Nicoleta Ifrim Universitatea Dunrea de Jos din Galai Abstract : Within the Romanian critical discourse of the 58's, the political constraints and their ideological patterns turn into overt writing strategies to be followed in the creative texts. Secondly, the analysis techniques have to reflect the same political orientation during the reading process, so that the text itself, be it narrative or lyrical, is to convey political values surpassing the aesthetic ones. It is the case of the studies published in Viata romaneasca, the well-known cultural journal of Romanian literature, which seems to develop a special ideological discourse when dealing with the literary text. Key words: ideological patterns, totalitarianism, censorship, writing strategies

Anul 1958 marcheaz, n discursul critic al revistei Vieii romneti, un moment al aezrilor ideologice n planul receptrii literaturii, acum orientate spre stabilirea cvasi-normativ a tiparelor ideologice n actul lecturii. Traseul lectorial urmeaz canoanele demersului politizant pentru a impune, n spaiul ficional, proiectul originar al comunismului (Lucian Boia): eliberarea omului, a omului alienat, cum spunea Marx, de nedreptatea, ipocrizia i minciuna ornduirilor structurate pe exploatare. Omul avea s se regseasc pe sine, s devin liber. (Boia, 1998: 14) Preceptele totalitariste, mascate sub haina amgitoare a libertii individuale i sociale, orienteaz n subsidiarul textual crearea unui nou profil uman, ntr-o societate egalitarist, n care milenarismul ajunge s fie devorat de utopie (n msura n care, simplificnd cele dou concepte, privim milenarismul n semnificaia sa eliberatoare, iat utopia ca o structur rigid i nchis, privilegiind valorile comunitare.) (Boia, 1998: 14) Eforturile lectoriale verbalizate prin vocea autorizat a Vieii romneti nu fac excepie de la linia generalizant ideologic, contribuind, prin articolele semnate de figurile marcante ale criticii contemporane, la legitimarea unei mitologii tipologizante n economia creatoare a textelor vremii. Inserii ale criteriului valoric estetic pun n criz, voalat i subtil omniprezent, dictatura ideologicului, n unele articole reprezentative pentru recuperarea estetic a textelor reprezentative, marcnd, n acelai timp, um moment al dezgheului ideologic. Cu toate acestea, tonul dominant al vocii critice rezoneaz cu cel politic, traseul universului ficional dublnd pe cel doctrinar, inclusiv din punctul de vedere al aezrii tiparelor i tipologiilor. Pe de o parte, mitologia comunist a reuit performana, profund dialectic, de a proclama, cu egal intensitate, rolul decisiv al maselor, al partidului i al conductorului, rolul tuturor, al unei elite i al unui singur om, deplasare de altfel inevitabil o dat cu afirmarea opiunii totalitare. (Boia, 1998: 15) Pe de alt parte, producia literar a vremii se asociaz stereotipiilor totalitariste, propunnd modele umane, sociale i comportamentale convergente ideologic. Acestea migreaz i n aprecierea critic a operelor, devenind elemente eseniale n condiionarea valoric a actelor de creaie. Modelul sovietic al omului nou deschide seria schemelor ontologice regsibile n construcia de personaj: Mitologia omului nou sovietic cuprinde ase ntruchipri principale, ale cror destine se ntreptrund i ale cror traiectorii se intersecteaz ntr-o societate precum cea sovietic. Eroii principali ai acestui imaginar social sunt: muncitorul stahanovist, femeia sovietic, copilul sovietic, soldatul, savantul, activistul de partid. (Boia, 1998: 46) Analiza lui Al.Oprea din numrul prim al Vieii romneti (ianuarie 1958), intitulat sugestiv Tipologii umane i sociale n proza contemporan, vizeaz tocmai structurarea unei configuraii a personajului nou, discutat n opoziie cu proza de dinainte de momentul de referin 23 august: S-a discutat despre tipurile frecvente n proza noastr de dinaintea lui 23 August. Dac am fi ntrebai care au fost eroii preferai am numi fr s ovim, intelectualul inadaptabil i ranul. Tipul ranului l cunoatem n mai multe ipostaze. La nceput, un caracter simplu, ncadrat ntr-o naraiune linitit, ca n primele novele ale lui Slavici i n povestirile lui Creang (...). ntlnim apoi ipostazele moderne ale ranului romn, dezvoltate n dou direcii: n prima caut s-i salveze fondul uman n faa naintrii brutale a capitalismului, retrgndu-se n mijlocul naturii, ntr-o comuniune sacerdotal cu peisajul i istoria strveche (vezi creaia lui Mihail Sadoveanu) i n a doua, ranul care intr n circuitul vieii capitaliste, robit de puterea fabuloas a banului (vezi Slavici, Moara cu noroc .a.) ori de pmnt, neles ca avere (vezi Rebreanu Ion). n ceea ce privete intelectualul inadaptabil, n

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ciuda impresionantului numr de cri n care se afl ca figur principal, gsim de fapt un singur tip, al nvinsului. Amintii-v de interminabila list de eroi de la Dionisie al lui Eminescu, fire boem, cu capul n nori, fantastic, fr nici o aderen cu realitatea practic, i pn la Ladima al lui Camil Petrescu, cu momente de revolt sumbr contra societii, dar care se mpac pn la urm cu gndul sinuciderii izbvitoare (...). Exist ns o categorie de personaje pe care zadarnic o vom cuta n tipologia prozei romneti de pn acum i anume eroul pozitiv. Lipsesc din zugravirea literar figuri ale muncitorimii organizate. (Al.Oprea, 1/1958: 143-144) Universul compesatoriu al personajului nou aduce, prin opoziie, noi linii generatoare ale profilului tipologic, ncadrabil, de altfel, pattern-ului ideologizant, filtru general prin care modelele deja existente sunt selectate critic. Astfel, opunndu-se cu mndrie mediului nconjurtor, eroii istratieni haiduci nu numai n vremurile feudale ci i contemporane apuc pe o cale profund individualist. Ei nu cunosc dect forme anarhice de protest i de lupt ori i gsesc fericirea ntr-o fals libertate a vagabondajului. Nu mai e nevoie s mai demonstrm c acest tip de boem apare nclat cu cunoscuii coturni ai eroului romantic (Al. Oprea, 1/1958: 149) Tara individualismului ce marchez poziia inadaptabilitii umane reprezint o devian caracterologic de la norma egalitarismului / colectivismului asumat politic i la nivelul imaginarului ficional, de astfel identificat critic i n textele lui Camil Petrescu, acum supuse devalorizrii: Tragedia lui Gelu Ruscanu este tragedia intelectualului fascinat de absolut. Ca orice mic-burghez el nu poate s neleag c adevrul e numai concret n funcie de condiii de loc i de timp. Jocul ielelor este jocul ideilor abstracte care mutileaz, pocete pe orice om ce-l contempl. n ceea ce privete tragedia lui Danton, ni se pare c rezid n individualismul su, n dorina sa de a mpca un ideal mic-burghez i cauza dur n acel moment, a Revoluiei care cerea o druire pn la capt. (Al.Oprea, 1/1958: 149) Nici autorii contemporani, precum Francisc Munteanu sau Titus nu ies din raza revizuirii critice, imputnduli-se personaje inadaptabile, cu idealuri individualiste mic-burgheze: acetia reitereaz statutul de eroi romantici care aproape de dou secole au orbit lumea cu strlucirea lor strnind la cititori i scriitori atitudini dintre cele mai controversate i mai controversabile. (Al.Oprea, 1/1958: 154) Dar, semnificativ, exist i un alt tip de raportare la textele acelorai autori: ideologia politizat a facerii personajului este nlocuit subtil de ideologia facerii textului, cu implicite veleiti estetice. Este cazul studiului lui Ov.S.Crohmlniceanu, Fr.Munteanu: Statuile nu rd niciodat din nr.2 / februarie al Vieii romneti, care opereaz critic asupra laboratorului narativ din punctul de vedere al elaborrii ficionale a discursului. Frecvent, amprenta politicului las loc celei estetice pentru a surprinde modalitatea de funcionare a prozei nude: S povesteti direct, fr intenii de literaturizare, lucrurile pe care le-ai cunoscut, s dai drumul vieii n carte, s curg ea singur aa cum vrea. (Ov.S.Crohmlniceanu, 2/1958: 131) Crile lui Francisc Munteanu sunt descoperite cu ochiul analistului literar, nicidecum rigid ideologic, pentru a fi ncadrate valoric unei tipologii narative, care reconstituie efectul de real: Proza de tipul acesta posed fr ndoial cteva caliti imediate. Oroarea de literaturizare i mprumut un anumit aer de autenticitate. Textul saturat de material viu, de fapte i detalii, pe care n aceast mpletire pestri i ntmpltoare, numai realitatea le poate aduna, comunic senzaia lucrului trit. (Ov.S.Crohmlniceanu, 2/1958: 131) Impulsul raportrii la bagajul contextual-politic al vremii reactiveaz ns, conform directivelor discursului critic al vremii, necesara legtur cu ideologia facerii personajului: Romanul reconstituie chiar atmosfera tulbure a anilor de imediat dup eliberare. E prins destul de bine lupta cu nsi ineria clasei muncitoare, prad nc demagogiei ieftine pe tema nevoilor zilnice, lapte, mrfuri de la cooperativ, tain din producie. Sunt intuite mai ales reflexele psihologice ale unei asemenea lupte, care-i aduce pe comuniti, nu o dat, n situaii pe ct de dificile, pe att de ingrate. (Ov.S.Crohmlniceanu, 2/1958: 132) Deosebit de semnificativ, finalul studiului este orientat asupra lipsurilor crii, dar care nu gliseaz spre politic, ci estetic: Nu-l preocup, de pild, problema naratorului. (...) E evident ns c sentimentul autenticitii se mpiedic n aceste convenii ale prozei, la care autorul face netulburat apel, opernd tranziii stridente de la naraiunea fcut n prezent, cu intenia de a nfia direct faptele, la istorisirea unor ntmplri petrecute mai demult i amintite acum. Scenele, care se desfoar naintea ochilor notri, capt astfel un teribil aspect de literar, adic de pregtit. (...) Toat simbolistica statuilor care nu rd niciodat, neurmrit n roman, dar sugerat prin titlu i final, pare a voi s dea cu sila i i din afar o moral istorisirii. Aceasta de altfel nu ncepe i nu sfrete, a spune, destul de firesc, lsnd deschise diferite situaii i crend impresia tranei de

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via. Destinele rmase nencheiate (al lui Walter, al Clarei, al baronului) au fost de fapt configurate i abandonarea lor e strict formal. (...) Ai sentimentul c scriitorul vrea s obin, servindu-se de foarfeci, o bucat de hrtie cu marginile rupte ct mai natural. Pe alocuri rzbate chiar i o documentare literar, plin de detalii culese nu din via ci din lexicon. (Ov.S.Crohmlniceanu, 2/1958: 132) Linia argumentaiilor critice, deschis anterior pe direcia validitii autenticitii ca efect de real, este continuat de Crohmlniceanu, n numrul urmtor al Vieii romneti, prin combaterea, prin contra-exemplu, a schematismului ca maladie literar. Nopi nfrigurate, textul selectat drept baz a demonstraiei, i aparine lui Aurel Mihale, prin care criticul pledeaz pentru scriitura-terapie: Unul din cele mai puternice e contactul cu realitatea vie, schematismul fiind, dup umilele mele opinii medico-literare, o boal social a imaginaiei. Autorul nu mai descrie lucrurile pe care le cunoate i le-a trit, ci altele nchipuite i nici mcar cu capul lui, ci cu un fel de cap abstract, impersonal i mbcsit de dogme. (...) O demonstraie a succesului unui astfel de tratament o face cu ultima lui carte Nopi nfrigurate Aurel Mihale. (Ov.S.Crohmlniceanu, 3/1958: 94) Vzut ca o culegere de povestiri despre ultimul rzboi, atribuite ctorva participani direct la el, cartea propune o naraiune nud, fr pretenii de literaturizare, rezumat la reconstituirea faptelor i reaciilor sufletete ncercate de povestitor i la comunicarea lor autorului, care pare s le fi transcris ct mai exact n carnet. (Ov.S.Crohmlniceanu, 3/1958: 94) Tablourile surprind, prin detaliul autenticist, dinamica psihologic a personajelor ipostaziate pe fundalul combatant, adunndu-se unitar ntr-o imagine de ansamblu care proiecteaz o sum de date sufleteti ale experienei umane. Intruzia argumentului politic n discursul critic fragmenteaz ritmic argumentaia instrumentat estetic, dar normalizeaz tipul de lectur conform canonului ideologizant: O ur surd mpotriva fascitilor, grbii s dispar cu motorizatele lor, se adun n suflete. Autorul izbutete n cteva din paginile acestei cri modeste despre rzboi, s sugereze fondul moral pe care s-a petrecut actul de la 23 August. Cum au ajuns soldaii romni s execute ordinul de ntoarcere a armelor mpotriva nemilor fr o pregtire special, cum au gsit n ei resurse sufleteti spre a ncepe o nou lupt, de ast dat eroic, pentru dezrobirea rii? Iat nite elemente de psihologie colectiv, deosebit de preioase, fcute sensibile prin aceste nopi nfrigurate. (Ov.S.Crohmlniceanu, 3/1958: 95) Dac Crohmlniceanu pune n discuie mai ales strategii ale ficiunii narative, discursul su moderat politic asupra literaturii este contrabalansat, n acelai numr al Vieii romneti, de replica virulent al lui A.Oprea focalizat pe sindromul complexitii personajului. Studiul su mbin explicit cele dou jumti argumentative necesare oricrui discurs critic al vremii: supralicitarea mizei politice i reflectarea acesteia n actul de creaie al vremii, uneori dublat de necesarele revizuiri de ideologie literar. Finalul grupeaz unitar ntregul eafodaj motivaional: Ct de fundamental se pot schimba formele sociale i umane sub influena binefctoare a furtunilor istoriei! S-a dus vremea cnd oamenii fascinai de peroraiile patetice ale eroilor romantici despre dreptate absolut, adevrul etern, ateptau de la ei fericirea omenirii. Cu timpul, lumea a observat c aceste fiine unice cu sentimente alese, nobile, se pricep numai s plvrgeasc plvrgeala dovedind a doua lor natur i s-i etaleze, impudic, ca la o tarab de precupei, eul lor umflat fiind n fond nite creaturi jalnice, neputincioase. S-au apucat apoi nsei acele mulimi, dispreuite de romantici ca fiind cenuii, fr contiin, s lupte pentru a gsi drumul ctre luminiul istoriei. i i-au dat seama, cu uimire, oamenii de rnd, c i ei pot fi eroi, i nc eroi cu majuscul.. ntre timp, vzndu-i existena lor comod tulburat n aceste cutremure sociale, oamenii notri compleci au nceput s se agite o parte dintre ei neovind s mearg pn a-i vinde contiina lor generoas forelor retrograde ale omenirii. Numai cu adevrat cei mai nobili, mai puri, au cobort de pe amvonul izolrii luciferice amestecndu-se cu masele, cutnd s se lecuiasc de nravurile lor individualiste, luptnd cot la cot cu oamenii de rnd, ale cror caliti au nceput s le preuiasc i s doreasc a le avea. Aureola unor vechi eroi apune. Era noilor eroi abia a nceput. (Al.Oprea, 3/1958: 155-156) O astfel de concluzie tranant are nevoie de o solid baz ideologic la nivelul cmpului literar i, aici, sunt iniiate revizuirile de poziie teoretic, ocupnd prima jumtate a studiului. Primul punct de sprijin l ofer perspectiva clinescian asupra personajului complex, care combate, ntr-un articol celebru, teza camilpetrescian asupra naturii acestuia: G.Clinescu discut acolo tocmai ceea ce nseamn eroul complex. Este complex, aa cum susinea Duiliu Zamfirescu, numai boierul, reprezentant al clasei superioare? Nu, rspunde Clinescu, acela poate fi numai stilat, i de fapt un manechin, gol de sentimente i de gnduri reale.

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Sunt ncrcai cu probleme de contiin numai orenii n opoziie cu ranii, fiine rudimentare, prin definiie teza lui Eugen Lovinescu i Camil Petrescu? Nu, rspunde Clinescu, nu putem confunda complexitatea cu fineea. (Al.Oprea, 3/1958: 148) Modelul eroului din proza modernist interbelic este desfiinat, ajungndu-se la urmtorul verdict: Eroii unitari, consecveni cu ei nii sunt privii cu suspiciuni i dimpotriv, eroii mbuctii n trsturi contradictorii provoac admiraii fr rezerve. (Al.Oprea, 3/1958: 148) Plvrgeala dogmatic a spiritului modernist opta pentru fluiditatea i imprevizibilitatea strilor de spirit ale eroilor, pentru concretul psihologic mai ales acest termen era n vog. Tot ceea ce constituia determinare strict, distincie, limpezime, previzibilitate irita ca nite dogme care opreau pe creatori s redea nsi micarea vieii. Se fcea n schimb cultul incertului, al compoziiilor neunitare, al personajelor contradictorii. (Al.Oprea, 3/1958: 148) n opoziie, modelul noului personaj, regsibil n literatura sovietic ce se ine departe de individualismul abstract i agresiv al literaturii moderne occidentale, i propune s refac vechiul ideal umanist: Cci secolul nostru nu e numai secolul zvrcolirilor isterice ale sufletului micilor burghezi n faa cutremurelor sociale contemporane, ci i secolul realizrii vechilor nzuine ale umanitilor: nflorirea multilateral a omului eliberat din sclavia moral i social, egalitatea n drepturi a ntregului sistem colonialist - , fora de care dispune n zilele noastre veche idee a pcii. (Al.Oprea, 3/1958: 151) De altfel, un asemenea tip de discurs critic, virulent fa de orice tentativ de lectur estetic, denudeaz vechile practici interpretative, asumndu-i, la nivel teoretic, modelul filosofic leninist i schemele ideologice ale realismului socialist. Nu ntmpltor, numrul 4 al Vieii romneti se deschide, programatic, cu articolul lui Horia Bratu, Lenin i critica literar, orientnd canonic ntreg profilul critic al revistei. Actul desfiinrii criticii estetice este asumat contient, dar i amplu motivat la nivel ideologic. Principiul leninist al partinitii este convertit n axiom a laboratorului literar, asigurnd necesara obiectivare a universului ficional: Principiul partinitii literaturii asigurnd largile posibiliti ale creaiei obiective, ofer prin aceasta o arie larg de desfurare inovaiei i dezvoltrii stilurilor artistice. Cei care sunt redui numai la o adeziune sentimental fa de lupta maselor oprimate, cei care sunt lipsii de o nelegere obiectiv a proceselor tiinifice de dezvoltare a societii, nu pot da o reprezentare larg multilateral, istoric a vieii reale, mai ales ntr-o perioad n care aceasta pune problema luptei nemijlocite. De aceea literatura inspirat de narodniscism sau de socialismul utopic francez a fost prin excelen idilist i mizerabilist. De aceea n momentul nfrngerii revoluiei din 1905, simbolismul rus care era puternic colorat social, dar lipsit de o ferm poziie filozofic, devine n epoca care urmeaz revoluiei mistic, decepionist, antirealist. (Bratu, 4/1958: 5) Haina politizant mbrac definitiv atitudinea critic, aeznd-o tranant pe un statut canonic stereotip, ce nu mai admite deviane de la norm. Portretul tip al personajului n discursul literar se suprapune peste cel al revoluionarului marxist-leninist, obiectiv, realist i vizionar, ancorat ntr-o realitate marcat definitiv de imboldul marii schimbri: Omul practicii nemijlocite, revoluionarul marxist-leninist este i un vizionar, i consider propriul destin nserat n dezvoltarea istoric, este n chip lucid neutopic, animat de credia ferm n posibilitatea rezolvrii n aciune a contradiciilor realitii, triete n activitatea social-politic experienele etice fundamentale (...) Realismul socialist decurge n mod direct tocmai din aceast concepie leninist asupra activitii revoluionare, din teza c pentru revoluionar orice iluzie este nefast, c exemplul joac un rol enorm n era construciei socialismului. (...) Prin aceasta, chestiunea literar devine o parte intergrant a cauzei generale a proletariatului. (Bratu, 4/1958: 6) Noua mitologie socializant are nevoie i de o instan legitimatoare care s ofere credibilitate valoric-ideologic acestei construcii literare auto-reflectate pe nucleul unic al Centrului: criticul literar se transpune ntr-un construct stereotip opernd cu instrumentar revizuit n cmpul artistic i amendnd orice ecou reacionar: Partinitatea criticului leninist se definete astfel mpotriva hipertrofiei egocentrismului estetic: caracterul nsui al inspiraiei sale se schimb. El caut n literatur un nou fond psihologic i moral, noi emoii care s reflecte experiena istoric att de complex a timpului su. El caut n art un limbaj care condenseaz i rezum prodigioasa experien istoric a maselor, un limbaj care debordeaz formulele estetice consacrate (...). Dac militm pentru o cultur a maselor, a fraternitii proletare care depete n concepie prometeismul paternalist al marilor epoci de nflorire cultural a trecutului, cu att mai mult ne opunem gndirii burgheze contemporane n care se dezagreg marile tradiii culturale ale omenirii. n epoca noastr, arta care aduce rspunsuri inedite, revoluionare

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frmntrilor omeneti, arta care exprim noul umanism al lumii eliberat de exploatare, este arta realismului socialist. (Bratu, 4/1958: 6) Dezideratul partinitii dubleaz pe cel al militantismului n literatur, declarat, n mod paradoxal, oponent al fatalismului sociologic, dar care susine funciile fundamentale ale noii arte literare: instrument de cunoatere, arm ideologic i emitor propagandistic. Ca urmare, norma negativist i reacionar a criticii imperialiste este demontat prin filtrul noilor criterii de creaie: Ideologii burghezi reproeaz literaturii socialiste tocmai acest caracter; ei deplng faptul c realismul socialist nu concepe o art a elitelor, c n literatura i publicistica socialist nu exist acel zid chinezesc care s-a creat n cultura occidental ntre arta celor puini, a celor ghiftuii i produciile destinate vulgului (...) Dar oare atunci cnd este vorba de critica literar, care nu reflect direct, imediat, viaa maselor, nu sondeaz destinul oamenilor simpli, ci analizeaz opera artistic, preocuparea criticului trebuie s se ndrepte exclusiv numai asupra creatorului i a descrierii operei lui? Oare nu tocmai problemele vieii trebuie s le discute el prin intermediul operei literare, oare nu analiza imaginilor artistice ca expresie a vieii reale trebuie s formeze obiectul lui? Arta este o tipizare, o oglindire sintetic a vieii, i oglindirea nu este reproducere, nu reprezint o copie a originalului (...). Dac n-am fi contieni de faptul c universul unei opere literare n totalitatea ei oglindete universul real, dac nu am ti c-l semnific i-l tipizeaz, ar disprea automat i interesul nostru pentru aceast oper literar. (Bratu, 4/1958: 6-7) Condiionarea procesului creator de proiectarea realitilor socializante ntr-un discurs mediator al ideologiei Centrului devine sistem valoric n sine, funcionnd drept filtru normativ n promovarea textelor. Adepii artei pure, ai curentelor decadente sunt marginalizai sub primatul partinitii artistice, care postuleaz o dezvoltare i o continuare a tradiiilor artei cu tendin, caracteristic marilor epoci de nflorire artistic, dar i chestiunea contopirii organice, libere i contiente a individualitii artistice cu orientarea ideologic, n virtutea necesitii istorice i a aspiraiilor personale. (Bratu, 4/1958: 8) Modelul ficional adus ca argument ilustrativ n susinerea poziiei teoretice este Tolstoi cu al su imperativ etic i ideologic: criticul literar ar trebui s se opreasc asupra unor creaii ce mbin realitatea social puternic marcat revoluionar i pe cea ficional, oglindind n imaginarul su profiluri umane i universale tipologizate, care verbalizeaz unitar idealul proletariatului. Pe de o parte, Tolstoi, autorul propus ca exemplu modelator pentru ipostaza generalizat a creatorului, ilustreaz tipul scriitorului militant, n ale crui texte strbate glasul unui critic democratic al liberalismului burghez, glasul unui revoltat care demasc filistinismul burghez, ipocrizia egalitii sexelor n societatea burghez, glasul nu al unui observator exterior, ci al unui participant pasionat pe care l mic i-l determin nu numai o simpl impulsiune spontan ci o credin pasionat n valorile etice ale omului, att de pasionat nct n glasul acestui conte se aude o voce rneasc cu toate contradiciile i confuziile ei, o voce n care subzist nu reflexul contradiciei ntre o reflectare artistic spontan i o orientare ideologic potrivnic, ci dou orientri, dou tendine care reflect contradiciile epocii (de pild revolta dar i karataevismul rnimii, utopismul mic-burghez dar i ura lucid mpotriva capitalismului.) (Bratu, 4/1958: 9) Pe de alt parte, critica n sine trebuie s se supun unor figuri formatoare, recunoscute pentru aciditatea verbului lor mpotriva tarelor estetice n lectur. Horia Bratu apeleaz aici la un contra-exemplu cu rezonan n epoc: Titu Maiorescu, un critic lipsit de pasiuni literare, un critic preocupat numai i numai de propriul su destin, de propria sa linite, un asemenea critic i-a redus propria sa activitate la dimensiuni meschine, a czut prad seduciilor conformismului, a ajuns la tranzacie cu ineria. Cci acesta nu putea s admit arta cu tendin i nici valoarea artistic a unor poeme care sugerau condiia ranului romn; sau a unor piese care demascau monstruoasa coaliie.(Bratu, 4/1958: 10) n acelai mod, sunt pui n relaie contrastiv Sainte-Beuve i Bielinski: Unul ns ader la eticheta Curii, accept regulile clanului, duce o existen dubl ntocmai ca Saint-Simon, scriitorul su preferat (...). Cellalt accept regulile luptei, renun la confortabilul cuib de nobili, i creeaz pentru moment condiii neprielnice creaiei (opera sa nu are dimensiunile criticii lui Sainte-Beuve, nu ocup o bibliotec ntreag, dei autorul ei ar fi avut energia i capacitatea de a-i da aceast ntindere; n schimb, influena sa se exercit intens, depind viaa literar; comportarea lui ferm mic n cele din urm apa sttut a rutinei omeneti, insufl dinamism tinerilor capabili s iubeasc o idee. i spre deosebire de Sainte-Beuve, a recunoscut urmaii epocii sale, pe Tolstoi i pe Gorki.).(Bratu, 4/1958: 11) Finalul studiului nchide demonstraia pe misiunea utilitarist-militant a criticului literar, care trebuie s dubleze, din umbr, i s dirijeze traseele creatoare ale autorului: Criticul literar

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marxist nu merge pe urmele sau n urma literaturii, nu urmrete traseul evenimentelor literare, nu reconstituie evenimentul, ci experimenteaz. Mai mult: ndrum. (...) Critica literar rmne o continu interogare i o autonegare dialectic, ea lumineaz nu numai opera, ci sensul dezvoltrii literaturii, ea triete profund contradiciile literaturii, seria progreselor pe care aceasta le realizeaz. (Bratu, 4/1958: 12) Depind stadiul de retoric sau tehnic interpretativ, discursul critic are rol unificator al ficiunii cu realitatea socializant, acionnd leninist n sensul consonanei cu obiectul principal al creaiei, cu masele. n conformitate cu practica social istoric, la care trebuie s se raporteze permanent, actul interpretativ se detaeaz iremediabil de conceptul vechi al criticii care se bazeaz pe patru postulate fundamentale: 1. ideea de recul, de detaare istoricoliterar, far de care nu se poate emite judecata de valoare; 2. particularismul, smulgerea din cadrul dialecticii social istorice i plasarea pe aa-zisul punct de vedere din Sirius; 3. ideea c exist un adevr care poate fi stabilit de unul singur, etern valabil i nu ca o concluzie care se degaj din confundarea din cadrul dezbaterii colective; 4. considerarea idealist a operei literare ca unitate suficient n sine nsi. n concepia marxist a criticii, literatura i critica literar exprim o solidaritate care se realizeaz n fiecare moment. Ca for conductoare i ca laborator al istoriei, partidul este acela care poate indica literaturii linia, perspectiva aciunii, cuvintele de ordine pe baza examenului necesitilor obiective. Pentru a face ca aceast idee s ptrund ct mai adnc, s dea roade ct mai bogate, pentru a contribui la traducerea acestor luminoase idei n fapte ct mai concrete i vii, criticul literar are datoria s formuleze progresul literaturii noastre noi n propoziii clare, s dezvluie esena acestui progres. (Bratu, 4/1958: 12) Miza discursurilor critice pare a mbrca veleitile literare n haina ideologizant a canonului realist-socialist, textul literar fiind convertit explicit n instrument de corijare a demersului scriitoricesc al perioadei.
Bibliografie: Bratu, Horia, Lenin i critica literar n Viaa romneasc, nr.4 /aprilie 1958. Crohmlniceanu, Ov.S., Fr.Munteanu: Statuile nu rd niciodat n Viaa romneasc, nr.2 /februarie 1958. Crohmlniceanu, Ov.S., Aurel Mihale: Nopi nfrigurate n Viaa romneasc, nr.3 /martie 1958. Miturile comunismului romnesc sub direcia lui Lucian Boia, Ed.Nemira, Bucureti, 1998 . Oprea, Al., Tipologii umane i sociale n proza contemporan n Viaa romneasc, nr.1 /ianuarie 1958. Oprea, Al., Tipologii umane i sociale n proza contemporan n Viaa romneasc, nr.3 /martie 1958.

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De la convenia literaturii la literatura conveniei n discursul critic al Vieii romneti: anul 1958
Lect. dr. Nicoleta Ifrim Universitatea Dunrea de Jos Galai Abstract: The Romanian critical discourse of the 58's, as reflected in the studies published in Viata romaneasca, displays a dual function: on the one hand, the ideological patterns turn into overt writing strategies to be followed in the creative texts; on the other, the text itself tries to emerge out of the political patterns in order to express real aesthetic values. Key words: ideology, totalitarianism, censorship, writing strategies, aesthetic values.

ntre cele dou dimensiuni ale spaiului literar, actul critic i actul de creaie, etichetabile prin dou sintagme revelatorii pentru contextul ideologizant al anului 1958, aa cum apare el reflectat la nivelul discursului Vieii romneti, i anume convenia literaturii i literatura conveniei, sunt insertate cteva zone discursive de tranzit, adevrate enclave critice mimnd o recuperare intenional a criteriului estetic. Momentele de relativ dezghe ideologic sunt ocurente n numrul 5 al revistei, din mai 1958, prin publicarea a dou articole semnificative din acest punct de vedere. Este vorba despre studiul lui Ov.S.Crohmlniceanu, Camil Petrescu i demonul polemicii i cel al lui Lucian Raicu, Sensul autenticitii. Dincolo de orientarea ideologizant a discursurilor, care subordoneaz ideile critice necesarului canon realist-socialist, se simte nevoia acut de raportare la marile modele recunoscute ale spaiului literar sau critic, dei acest tip de relaionare se face precaut i totdeauna prin imperativul reconstruciei literaturii de mas. Astfel, lui Camil Petrescu i este recunoscut natura polemic care dezbate condiia intelectualului n mediul ostil burghez, astfel nct, dup eliberare, drama istoric Blcescu i trilogia Un om ntre oameni oglindesc sub influena ideologic a clasei muncitoare, un punct de vedere radical schimbat. Camil Petrescu polemizeaz aici cu veleitile autonomiste ale intelectualului i pledeaz pentru ideea emanciprii lui pe calea luptei revoluionare a maselor (...). Polemistul s-a nscut din nverunarea inteligenei plmuite de dispreul lumii burgheze pentru valorile intelectuale. (...) Din aceast inferioritate resimit dureros, umilitor, nete dorina violent a rfuielii. Relegat la marginea societii, inteligena se va ambiiona s arate ce poate s fac. i va ncepe printr-un act de ruptur, denunnd n primul rnd pactul pe care se baza relativa ei integrare n ordinea burghez. (Ov.S.Crohmlniceanu, 5/1958: 13-14) Premisa teoretic este ilustrat prin re-lecturi ale traseului personajului n spirit politizant, ncercndu-se o subtil aliniere a discursului camilpetrescian la linia normativ a profilului proletarist: Cnd Gelu Ruscanu din Jocul Ielelor vrea s aplice ntradevr principiile sale justiiare, un cortegiu ntreg de obligaii social morale l nfrunt i ncearc pe orice cale s-l abat de la hotrrea luat (...). n Ultima noapte tefan Gheorghidiu pltete crncen iluzia independenei sale. Societatea de care a crezut c s-a izolat i care i-a ngduit s triasc o vreme fr griji materiale, singur cu speculaiile sale intelectuale, l azvrle ntr-un rzboi absurd (...) Ladima poate face gazetrie de curaj atta vreme ct patronii ziarului unde lucreaz au nevoie s-i aranjeze anumite diferende politice. Peste tot, inteligenei, talentului, priceperii, li se rezerv un rol derizoriu. (Ov.S.Crohmlniceanu, 5/1958: 14) Tipul pesonajului inadaptabil deviaz ctre o psihologie a marginalizatului ntr-un spaiu social meschin-burghez, care reduce la tcere spiritele polemiste. Actul de revolt dezvolt firesc o traiectorie acutizat de o tentativ disperat a intelectualului de a ilustra imbecilitatea sumbr a unei lumi, care nu vrea s-i recunoasc importana. (Ov.S.Crohmlniceanu, 5/1958: 14) n consecin, un astfel de pattern social perfid pervertete profund valorile umanului, iar intelectualii camilpetrescieni nu sunt dect nite ntruchipri ficionale ale acestei ordini sociale: Intelectualul a fost mutilat sufletete i dincolo de mizeria sa, el s-a deprins s se automistifice ntr-un mod tragic. Eroii lui Camil Petrescu au vzut Jocul Ielelor; sunt ndrgostii de ideea lucrurilor, duc n suflet nostalgia bolnav a absolutului. Pe ei i dezarmeaz nsui modul n care gndesc. Gelu Ruscanu nu poate concepe dreptatea, dect absolut, Grallla, dragostea, la fel. Ladima are o facultate nspimnttoare de a-i hrni singur himerele, care i devoreaz existena. Tragic arat Camil Petrescu nu e att condiia de via a acestor intelectuali, ct mai ales neputina lor de a o examina cu toat luciditatea. (Ov.S.Crohmlniceanu, 5/1958: 15) Angrenate n jocul crud al demistificrii iluziilor,

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personajele camilpetresciene iniiaz un tratament fabulatoriu direcionat asupra vindecrii societii i a scriitorului militant: Dar n Gelu Ruscanu, n Pietraru, n Gralla, sau n Ladima, Camil Petrescu se recunoate. i polemiznd cu aceste ipostaze ale intelectualului, el se lupt totodat cu propriul su spirit. Drept care n luciditatea lui intr o rsucire dureroas. Camil Petrescu triete mpreun cu eroii si clipa crud a demistificrii i ncerac odat cu ei amrciunea trezirii. (Ov.S.Crohmlniceanu, 5/1958: 16) n schimb, romanul Un om ntre Oameni este o replic vie dat ncercrilor de demonetizare a valorilor revoluiei de la 1848, un argument forte n schimbarea la fa a operei camilpetresciene, atta vreme ct critica leninistmarxist l propune ca un act de interpretare, plin de surprinztoare implicaii etice, estetice, sociologice. Textul legitimeaz ficional spiritul revoluionar al omului nou, anulnd ntreaga istoriografie burghez, ncepnd cu Maiorescu ce s-a muncit s acopere de ridicul revoluia de la 1848. Pentru teoreticianul formelor fr fond ea a fost o trist comedie bonjurist, iar constituia de la Filaret, cu cele 22 de articole ale ei, o oper de fantezie. (...) Purtat de acel val de ocri, N.Iorga ajunge s citeze mpotriva paoptitilor unele din cele mai otrvite cuvinte ale lui Eliade i complectndu-le s-i prezinte pe oamenii revoluiei ca pe nite fanarioi francizai. (Ov.S.Crohmlniceanu, 5/1958: 17) Vocaia polemist a crii aduce n prim-plan trdarea burgheziei romneti de la 1848, nu ascunde nici frazeologia umflat cu care un Eliade sau Brtianu au sperat s poat amgi masele, nici plvrgeala nesfrit din edinele guvernului provizoriu, nici actele de miopie politic, dar nvie odat cu ele i sufletul adevrat al revoluiei, n micarea furtunoas a norodului bucuretean, ridicat de trei ori la 11, la 19 i la 30 iunie s-i apere cuceririle. (Ov.S.Crohmlniceanu, 5/1958: 18) Transferul dogmatic, substituia valorilor ideologizant-politice au loc i la nivelul tezelor camilpetresciene, conceptul modernist de autenticitate ocupnd un loc important n convertirea programatic a scriitorului la normele socialismului realist. n articolul su Sensul autenticitii, Lucian Raicu opereaz o asemenea glisare ctre noile valori, definind autenticitatea ca miz a realismului: Autenticitatea este o preuire a experienei sporit n timp prin dezvluirea ulterioar a semnificaiilor, prin proiectarea nemsurat a unui detaliu altdat neesenial i nscrierea sa ntro covritoare nlnuire de explicaii i determinri n fond este o interpretare personal a termenului de realism, esenializarea detaliului considerat dintr-o perspectiv ulterioar reprezentnd o precizare n plus adus dezideratului tipizrii. Participnd, firete, la condiia dorit de oricare dintre marii scriitori realiti, sensul acesta difereniaz autenticitatea real a viziunii lui Camil Petrescu de autenticitatea mimat a jurnalului tririst i de autenticitatea deopotriv de formal a dicteului automat suprarealist. (Raicu, 5/1958: 21) Efortul de cutare a realitii originare, demistificate, total opuse imaginilor contrafcute ale vechii critici transform doctrinar efectul autenticitii: aceasta, n sensul de omogenitate structural, de solidaritate a fenomenelor vieii este replica dat literaturii de circumstan, aa cum imaginea rzboiului din Ultima noapte de dragoste n-are nimic comun cu imaginea acreditat despre rzboi, fie de crile fals patriotarde, cu eroi de-o vitejie uoar i confecionat, fie de romanele umanitariste care exagereaz n sens contrar, cutnd cu tot dinadinsul s ne impun imaginea la fel de fals a mormanelor de cadavre, a sngelui care curge fr ncetare, a fluviilor de snge, n sfrit. (Raicu, 5/1958: 22) Cutarea faptului veridic, nlturarea prin scriitur a conveniilor de imagine deja aezate n critic, primatul originarului acestea sunt noile sensuri ale conceptului puse n circulaie critic: Setea de realiti autentice l determin s caute, cu un soi de nfrigurare, faptul originar al oricrui fenomen, sfrmnd construcia de prejudeci i adevruri curente, existente pn atunci. (Raicu, 5/1958: 22) Profilul scriitorului-militant fundamenteaz subliminal ntreaga construcie a noului sens conceptual, organizat pe progresia dinamic a contiinei personajului care, autoanalizndu-se, analizeaz de fapt realitatea nconjurtoare, demontndu-i acesteia structurile nvechite i amendndu-i orice devian ideologic. Un astfel de demers expliciteaz construcia romanului Un om ntre oameni, model pentru cum se face literatur socialist-realist, negnd vehement perspectivele istorice reacionare: Restabilirea autenticului, a pateticului sacrificat n viziunea junimist asupra epocii care ofer cheia ntregii evoluii ulterioare a societii romneti, a ngduit s se desfoare integral ndrjirea anticalofil a scriitorului, voina sa crncen de a realiza, dincolo de propoziiile curente, adevrul. Aceast ndrjire, aceast voin de a merge direct la semnificaii, acolo unde spirite superficiale au vzut doar agramatism, lips de stil i de sensibilitate, au avut norocul s se sprijine pe pe o explicaie marxist a istoriei, pe o metod de

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cercetare, care prin natura sa radical se refuz oricror iluzii. (Raicu, 5/1958: 23) n mod necesar, metoda intrrii n realitate astfel direcionat, fie contemporan, fie istoric, devine mecanism de construcie a personajului, autentic i el: Autenticitatea eroilor lui Camil Petrescu const, programatic i practic, n faptul c pentru ei raionalitatea nu mpiedic intensitatea pasional a experienelor, c ntr-un sens, le determin, le autentific. (...) Autentic nu este pentru scriitor realitatea pur i simplu, cu condiia s fie vie, ci realitatea prezent n planul contiinei, supus determinrilor morale, supus aadar unui criteriu unic. (Raicu, 5/1958: 23) Analist extrem de lucid, inamic ndrjit, de o violen adesea de ordinul pamfletului al oricror forme de mimetism local, psihologic, artistic..., scriitorul nu trece n tabra extrem a modernitilor i i repugn toate formele de literatur neserioas ncepnd cu poezia pur i sfrind cu romanul poliist, toate formele de art pentru art. (Raicu, 5/1958: 26) Impune o estetic a luciditii, motivat de febrila cutare a adevrului: Ca artist, Camil Petrescu reabiliteaz dreptul luciditii, dreptul analizei contiente n actul orict de inefabil al procesului creator, tot aa cum, ca gnditor, ideolog i analist, reabiliteaz pasiunea. E nesfrit dramatic acest conflict rezolvat n matca unei personaliti de-o att de copleitoare unicitate, ntre creatorul care caut o eliberare din subjugarea explicaiei mecaniciste i nevoia sa raional de determinri i explicri de spea logicii celei mai intransigente. (Raicu, 5/1958: 28) Aceast contiin interioar a scrisului l ine departe de spiritul de dezagregare al literaturii psihologiste sau de sincronism, nesimindu-se solidar cu modelul francez: Camil Petrescu este de obicei ncadrat printre analiti, mai ales de coal francez pornind de la Rousseau i Benjamin Constant - , ignorndu-se faptul esenial c eroii si, analizndu-se, nu-i sacrific voina de aciune i sunt, mai toi, nite eroi voluntari, a cror realitate cum am spus, este sporit i nu diminuat prin analiz. O anume vehemen, o afirmare ndrjit a voinei de aciune desparte eroul lui Camil Petrescu de eroul tipic francez, care se analizeaz pn la exasperare i pn la anularea propriei personaliti. (Raicu, 5/1958: 30) Desideratul adevrului unic este considerat pre-figurator al marxismului, scriitorul angajndu-se deja, prin discursul su, liniei filosofiei eliberatoare opuse relativismului i personalitii difuze. n mod definitiv, n planul etic, atitudinea ngduitoare, care relativizeaz pn la pulverizare toate valorile, poart o vin grea n epoca noastr: este de neiertat intelectualul care sub pavza relativismului fuge de rspunderile, copleitoare, ale timpului. Lucru pe care l-a neles perfect Camil Petrescu cnd, dezvoltnd pledoaria sa anti-relativist, a pus-o n legtur cu primejdia de rzboi, fascism i moarte, pe care numai contiinele iresponsabile i rafinaii de prost gust puteau s-o tolereze ori s-o ignore. Sterilitatea indiferentismului a neles-o cu att mai intens Camil Petrescu n anii urmtori celui de-al doilea rzboi, cnd aderena sa la socialism, mai mult nc dect o recunoatere lucid, a nsemnat o angajare i un act de responsabilitate, ultima replic dat doctrinarilor nepsrii. (Raicu, 5/1958: 30) Auto-mitologia socialist-realist, cea structurat pe directivele puterii politice, traverseaz astfel constructul narativ camilpetrescian ntr-un discurs critic al impunerii lucide a noilor valori, dar insertat de motivaii estetico-filosofice adaptate politic. Evaziunile critice din norma ideologic, respectiv cele dou articole prezentate anterior, care ncercau o reabilitare a naraiunii camilpetresciene i a filosofiei sale implicite, dar i frecventele referiri analitice la teoriile lovinesciene (a se vedea n acest sens studiile lui N.Tertulian despre E.Lovinescu, dar i dialogul criticilor asupra principiilor lovinesciene n asumarea valoric a constructului literar, din nr.5 al revistei) dau natere unei contra-replici virulente, de reaezare a valorilor n numrul urmtor al Vieii romneti: este vorba despre articolul lui Ov.S.Crohmlniceanu, forat s-i reajusteze poziia critic mai ales prin auto-culpabilizare (Sarcinile criticii literare marxist-leniniste sarcinile Vieii romneti) i de publicarea unui articol programatic colectiv, Pentru ntrirea principialitii marxist-leniniste n critica literar, iniial aprut n Scnteia, nr.4270-4271 /18-19 iulie 1958. Cel din urm, n esen un manifest ideologic al funciei criticii, pledeaz pentru rolul militant al criticii n dezvoltarea literaturii noastre realist-socialiste. Stimularea creaiei literare de actualitate, mbogirea coninutului i ridicarea nivelului ei artistic, combaterea tuturor piedicilor din calea acesteia i, n primul rnd, a influenelor ideologiei burgheze constituie raiunea de fi a criticii marxiste. n aceast lumin trebuie analizate realizrile i slbiciunile ei. (6/1958: 111) Inventarul normativ este contrastiv organizat: modelele i devianele de la norm. n prima categorie intr o seam de articole, studii, volume aprute care se ocup cu competen de fenomenul literar actual, de probleme ale valorificrii motenirii literare, iau atitudine mpotriva ideologiei imperialiste i a literaturii

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burgheze decadente din Occident, combat unele nruriri i manifestri duntoare din creaia i critica literar din ara noastr. (6/1958: 111) Sunt aduse ca exemplum unele articole ale lui Paul Georgescu din Gazeta literar, studii de Mihail Petroveanu, volumul lui Silvian Iosifescu, Drumuri literare, articolul lui N.Tertulian despre criticul burghez E.Lovinescu din numrul precedent al Vieii romneti, dar i creaiile lui Beniuc sau eseurile lui Petru Dumitriu. Premisa de lucru este concentrat n ntrebrile asupra funcionalitii criticii contemporane, ce deschid teren argumentelor aezate antitetic. i-a ndeplinit oare critica literar pe deplin rolul su n ndrumarea literaturii, a ajutat n msura cuvenit la dezvoltarea acesteia? A dat critica riposta cuvenit manifestrilor de confuzionism, de infiltrare a unor influene strine? A inut ea mereu treaz contiina rspunderii ideologice i artistice a scriitorului fa de popor? (6/1958: 112) Cea de-a doua categorie, a ncercrilor combative fragile, este i ea bine reprezentat: O seam de critici literari n-au acordat atenie suficient combaterii tezelor revizioniste n problemele literaturii, teze puse n circulaie peste hotare; prea puini dintre criticii notri cunoscui au neles s ia atitudine, prin lucrri substaniale, n aceast problem vital a literaturii zilelor noastre i s lege lupta pentru afirmarea realismului socialist de obiectivele concrete ale creaiei, dezvoltnd contribuia noastr la mbogirea esteticii marxist-leniniste. (6/1958: 112-113) De exemplu, problema poeziei apolitice, semnalat n numrul 12/1957, nu este dezbtut n numrul urmtoar cu toat seriozitatea critic: Dar nr.1/1958 al Vieii romneti, dei consacr majoritatea materialelor sale critice problemelor poeziei, abordeaz n special teme abstracte sau ngust-meteugreti, se ocup de valoarea sugestiei n poezie sau de simbol n poezie ns nu cuprinde nici o luare de poziie direct i combativ mpotriva poeziei apolitice. (6/1958: 113) La fel, unii critici se distaneaz progresiv de idealurile criticii marxiste care a rsturnat definitiv mitul esteticii idealiste care izola arta de realitate.(...) Unii critici au ajuns s se ndeprteze de noiunile marxiste ale veridicitii, ale coninutului i ale rolului social al artei. De pild, ntr-un articol din Viaa romneasc nr.4/1958, Lucian Raicu l ironizeaz pe tov.N.Doreanu, care punea ntrebarea legitim: pe cine s iubeasc i pe cine s urasc cititorul dintre personajele romanului Groapa. Denumind n derdere acest punct de vedere coninutistic, Lucian Raicu se pronun pentru o moralitate proprie, independent de societate, a operei de art. Astfel, el se situeaz mpotriva criteriilor tiinifice ale criticii literare marxiste, care in seama de modul n care creaiile artistice reflect aspiraiile claselor progresiste ale societii. (...) Numai datorit faptului c au uitat criteriile marxiste de apreciere a operei de art, o seam de critici au elogiat o carte ca Groapa n care tendinele realiste sunt copleite de cele naturaliste i care, flatnd gusturile cele mai napoiate, vine n contradicie cu misiunea educatoare a literaturii noastre. (6/1958: 113) Atitudinea creatoare negativist este asumat critic ca act profund reacionar, deoarece latura umbroas a existenei nu trebuie s fac parte din sfera de preocupri scriitoriceti, interesat mai ales de aciunea de pozitivare a eroului, considerat adeseori schematic de ctre spiritele burgheze. Alteori, judecnd n felul acesta, un ir de critici au trecut cu vederea lipsurile ideologice care s-au manifestat n lucrri ca Reeta fericirii de Aurel Baranga sau Cinstea noastr cea de toate zilele de Al.I.tefnescu. Ba chiar, unii critici au elogiat piesa duntoare a Anei Novak Ce fel de om eti tu, care are la baz o viziune fals asupra ntregii opere de construcie socialist, precum i unele poezii cu totul strine de ideologia noastr ale Doinei Sljan. (6/1958: 114) Eclectismul ca metod de intrare n text, asumarea variaiilor critice n interpretarea unei opere prin excelen deschise este punctul de vedere al lui Al. Piru, aspru combtut n acest articol programatic. Rechizitoriul cuprinde acuze viznd ralierea criticului la estetica burghez, deoarece ar fi absurd s se cread c toate felurile de critic, att cele tiinifice ct i cele netiinifice, se pot mpca i complecta. i n literatur, ca i n oricare alt domeniu, eclectismul nu nseamn n definitiv altceva dect o larg deschidere a porilor n faa ideologiei burgheze, ceea ce se vede limpede i din modul n care nsui autorul articolului citat aplic propriile sale recomandaii. Criticul public n nr.3/1958 al Vieii romneti o not despre Macedonski, n care conflictul eului cu lumea, situarea poetului n zona superioar a dispreului, precum i atitudinea de geniu romantic osndit la izolare i impopularitate, sunt privite ca trsturi prin care poezia dobndete o semnificaie adnc. Cele mai anti-sociale noiuni ale esteticii idealiste sunt astfel restabilite cu senintate, criticul uitnd pesemne c scrie nu ntr-o revist adresat aristocrailor snobi, ci ntr-o publicaie care aparine poporului, tocmai acelui popor pe care l privesc cu dispre unii poei i critici. (6/1958: 115) Pe de alt parte, pactizarea cu noile formule de creaie cere implicare direct n sesizarea abuzurilor ideologice, neutralismul fiind,

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nc odat, marc a revizionismului: Neutralismul n critic nu este ns un atribut al culturii i rafinamentului, cum ar dori s par, ci semnul unei poziii mliee, lesne influenabile, al unei poziii mpciuitoriste, oportuniste, care, n momentul de fa, reprezint atitudinea cea mai duntoare pe frontul ideologic i principalul aliat al revizionismului. Neglijarea principialitii marxiste n favoarea unei receptiviti mai largi creeaz teren pentru renvierea vechilor principii ale criticii burgheze, pentru aplaudarea estetismului, a izolrii poetului n lume etc. (6/1958: 116) Acid, unele figuri critice sunt demontate n demersul lor estetizant: sunt inculpai, n acest sens, Ion Negoiescu (a desfurat o activitate sistematic i fi de respingere a tezelor marxiste, de canonizare a criticii idealiste i de proslvire a literaturii decadente, face apologia lui Maiorescu i maiorescianismului, corifeul fostei coli idealiste i estetizante din critica literar romneasc), Aurel Martin (pleda pentru preluarea n bloc a operei lui Ilarie Chendi, fr a gsi mcar un cuvnt de critic fa de ideile naionaliste i alte greeli ale acestuia, ba chiar folosind citate din articolele naionaliste ale lui Chendi), Dumitru Micu (public un articol neprincipial despre opera critic a acad.G.Clinescu, articol care conine un exemplu tipic de coexisten a criticii marxiste i a celei nemarxiste), Petru Dumitriu (greete atunci cnd invoc n sprijinul combaterii modernismului o carte bazat de fapt pe concepii agnostice, nerealiste, despre art: Principii de estetic, publicat n 1939 de acad.G.Clinescu). Nici Crohmlniceanu nu este scutit de un asemenea rechizitoriu: Cititorii se ntreab pe bun dreptate, de pild, la ce bun redactorulef al revistei, tov. Ov.S.Crohmlniceanu a dat la tipar numrul 4 al revistei Viaa romneasc, o adevrat antologie de idei false i duntoare n materie de critic literar?Acest lucru apare cu att mai de neneles cu ct criticul Ov.S.Crohmlniceanu public, n acelai numr, un articol Delimitri, just orientat n general, n contradicie cu restul revistei, cu ct acelai critic a scris studii i articole valoroase de pe poziii marxist-leniniste. (6/1958: 121) Acionnd pe linia asumat manifest a corijrii actului critic, articolul-program cu autor colectiv se nchide impacabil pe imaginea funcional a criticii contemporane: Grija pentru dezvoltarea literaturii arat c trebuie manifestat cea mai mare atenie clirii ideologice a tinerilor critici. Cei ce vor s fie critici literari trebuie s munceasc cu perseveren i modestie pentru a-i nsui concepia marxist-leninist, cu spiritul de abnegaie propriu omului de tiin i cu att mai mult propriu unor oameni care vor s slujeasc cauza construirii socialismului. Prin orientarea sa politico-educativ, prin combativitatea i nivelul ei tiinific i artistic, critica noastr literar trebuie s devin o arm ascuit a partidului n lupta sa pentru furirea culturii noi, socialiste. (6/1958: 122) Ca urmare, numrul 8 al revistei promoveaz articole ale ndreptrii criticilor care i-au permis evadri de natur estetic. Afilierea ideologic este puternic afirmat n Realismul socialist i revizionismul, studiu n care Crohmlniceanu, ntr-un gest de pactizare stereotip, demonteaz programatic orice posibil devian burghez de la norm. Superioritatea formulei realist-socialiste este declarat i imposibil de combtut valoric: Departe de a fi o formul ntmpltoare, realismul-socialist e o noiune profund, elaborat de nsi practica vieii. Termenul cum a artat critica i istoria literar sovietic s-a nscut ca rezultat al unei experiene artistice colective, care se desfura de mult vreme. (Ov.S.Crohmlniceanu, 8/1958: 168) n esen, asocierea doctrinar a discursului literar nu admite nuane de gris, deoarece ntre ideologia clasei muncitoare i ntre ideologia burghez nu exist o zon neutr. Cine refuz perspectiva lumii socialiste, adopt vrnd nevrnd pe cea a lumii capitaliste. i n literatura se ntmpl la fel. A recomanda azi scriitorilor, sub orice form, s fac realism, dispensndu-se de socialism, nseamn a-i mpinge n mod fatal nspre ideologia burghez. (Ov.S.Crohmlniceanu, 8/1958: 173) Tendinele revizioniste inculpate vin, printre altele, dinspre imaginarul filosofico-estetic suprarealist: Suprarealismul a fost una dintre cele mai periculoase diversiuni produse de ideologia burghez n stadiul descompunerii ei, ntruct reuea s fac jocul claselor stpnitoare ndrtul unor profesiuni de credin ultra-revoluionare. (...) Automatismul suprarealist traduce direct credina mistic a inventatorilor lui, ntr-o for magic, revelatorie a incontientului i hazardului. Stilizarea expresionist, deformaia halucinant pe care o introduce ea n imaginea lumii din jur, convingerea solipsist n singura existen a eului artistic. Limbajul abscons al hermeticilor i puritilor, aristocratismul intelectual, dispreul pentru vulg. (Ov.S.Crohmlniceanu, 8/1958: 176177) Modernismul n genere este nvinuit de comportamente reacionare, idealul maselor limitndu-se simplist i liniar la idealul eului, izolat de marile micri sociale ale noii ere: Toat vorbria n jurul adaptrii modernismului nu este n stare s nele bunul sim popular. Masele

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manifest o repulsie categoric pentru astfel de produse ale decadentismului. Modernitii au ncercat mai demult s se justifice, explicnd c absurditatea i monstruosul creaiei lor exprim nstrinarea de omenesc a lumii capitaliste mpotriva creia ei ar protesta printr-un fel de non-art. Argumentul acesta n-are nici un fel de consisten. Dar admind chiar c ar fi aa, de ce n realitatea socialist, modernismul i pstreaz acelai caracter violent anti-uman? De fapt nici nu e vorba aici de un protest mpotriva lumii burgheze, ci de o respingere, n spirit distructiv, nihilist, a umanitii n genere. (Ov.S.Crohmlniceanu, 8/1958: 177) Pe de alt parte, misiunea educativ a canonului ideologic rezid n transformarea spiritelor mic-burgheze ntr-unul militantrevoluionar: Aragon, Eluard, Brecht, Nazim Hikmet, Becher, Neruda, Diego Rivera, Guillen sau la noi Geo Bogza i Perahim, au reuit s ajung la o art pus efectiv n slujba Revoluiei, numai dup ce sub influena ideologiei clasei muncitoare, au nceput s fie consecveni cu ei nii, s gndeasc i s simt ca nite soldai angajai direct n lupt pentru triumful socialismului. i aceasta i-a smuls nainte de toate din universul lor singularizat, bntuit de proieciile delirante ale subcontientului, ntorcndu-i cu faa ctre lumea vie din jur. Arta revoluionar e obligat deci s oglindeasc realitatea obiectiv n mijlocul creia triesc mulimile chemate de ea la aciune, s poat dovedi permanent c ideile pe care le promoveaz cresc nemijlocit din micarea acestei realiti. (Ov.S. Crohmlniceanu, 8/1958: 179-180) Clieizarea discursului critic atinge maximul de concentraie, metalimbajul ideologizant transfernd actului interpretativ propriile direcii normative, fr de care literatura nou nu-i poate exercita funcia militant-conversiv. Acelai ton programatic, tipologizant n esen, l are i articolul lui S.Damian, Spiritul de partid trstura fundamental a literaturii noastre, n ncercarea de a stabiliza un canon reprezentativ al noului tip de discurs literar, trasnd n acelai timp liniile de cutare ale criticului. Partidul a ndemnat pe oamenii de art i literatur s manifeste cea mai ascuit vigilen fa de recrudescenele ideilor huliganice i fasciste, fa de orice rbufniri ale vechilor curente naionaliste. (...) Literatura noastr de dup 23 August a ridicat pe o treapt superioar tradiiile glorioase ale literaturii din trecut, dezvoltndu-le creator n lumina ideologiei socialiste. Concepiile lui Blcescu, Eminescu, Creang, Caragiale, erau opuse ideologiei dominante a vremii lor, i de aceea creaia acestor spirite luminate s-a desfurat n mprejurri att de dificile, i uneori tragice pentru ele. (Damian, 8/1958: 204) Conversiunea marilor modele literare devine un punct de sprijin al noului canon, opernd cu criterii de selecie bine individualizate ideologic i politic. Dac eroii favorii ai realitilor critic erau inadaptabilii, oameni revoltai mpotriva nedreptii sociale, dar incapabili s-i opun o rezisten eficace, prin opoziie, formula realismului socialist opereaz, implicit, o selecie tematic: Tema principal a literaturii romne actuale este munca, activitatea creatoare a milioanelor de oameni simpli. Munca eliberat din lanurile sclaviei degradante, munca n slujba poporului, pentru construirea socialismului. Acest efort obtesc a inspirat pe scriitorii notri, care au mbogit patrimoniul artei romne cu o problematic necunoscut nainte. (Damian, 8/1958: 204-205) Romanele care trateaz, n spiritul partidului, tema rscoalelor rneti au permis stigmatizarea pn la capt a iniiatorilor ororilor din 1907. Sunt afiliate tematic texte ale lui Zaharia Stancu (Descul o condamnare nimicitoare a ornduirii bazate pe exploatare, umilin i minciun, o demonstraia a ideii c ivirea contiinei revoluionare i lupta mpotriva ornduirii burghezo-moiereti sub conducerea revoluionar a proletariatului sunt singurele fore capabile s smulg pe ran dintr-o napoiere secular), V.Em.Galan (Zorii robilor) sau Petru Dumitriu (Bijuterii de familie). De asemenea, literatura nou a reluat i tema incompatibilitii unei existene ntr-adevr omeneti cu lumea lipsei de scrupule, a ipocriziei i sclaviei. Destinul tragic al lui Ilie Moromete arat impasul omului care nu vrea s renune la modul lui de via ntemeiat pe preuirea cinstei i a demnitii i care e silit de presiunea slbatic a relaiilor sociale capitaliste s-i reprime propria personalitate. (Damian, 8/1958: 205) Tema descompunerii claselor stpnitoare este o alt arie de interes pentru noul roman, aa cum apare ea n Cronica de familie a lui Petru Dumitriu, unde din punct de vedere al orientrii ideologice, nu mai ntlnim devierile spre justificri biologico-ereditare, ca la Hortensia-Papadat Bengescu, sau nspre repulsiile intelectuale abstracte, ca la Camil Petrescu. (Damian, 8/1958: 206) Cheia succesului valoric vine dinspre un singur sens: Toi aceti scriitori se reunesc printr-o trstur comun fundamental, care asigur afirmarea talentului lor. Ei mprtesc aceleai convingeri politice, se sprijin pe concepia marxist-leninist asupra lumii,

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ader la aceleai principii estetice, ale realismului socialist. Iat fora coeziunii literaturii noastre noi. (Damian, 8/1958: 207) n esen, discursul critic al anului 1958, aa cum este el reflectat n Viaa romneasc, voce cultural a diseminrii ideologiei noilor timpuri, este revizuit politic pe de o parte, din perspectiva convertirii marilor modele ale literaturii romne n nuclee funcionale de influen doctrinar, i pe de alta, din punctul de vedere al construirii unor texte standard care s medieze programatic literarul prin controlul politizat al filtrului critic. Cea de-a doua linie generic, cea a iniierii unor premise canonice n crearea literaturii de valoare este funcional n dou tipuri de articole: primele funcioneaz ca acte ale criticii de ntmpinare, promovnd sau desfiinnd texte aderente sau nu la ideologia de partid iar al doilea tip se impune ca eantion meta-critic, ca un discurs asupra metodei de a face literatur adecvat.
Bibliografie: Crohmlniceanu, Ov.S., Camil Petrescu i demonul autenticitii n Viaa romneasc, nr.5/mai 1958. Crohmlniceanu, Ov.S., Realismul socialist i revizionismul n Viaa romneasc, nr.8/august 1958. Damian, S., Spiritul de partid trstura fundamental a literaturii noastre n Viaa romneasc, nr.8/august 1958. Miturile comunismului romnesc sub direcia lui Lucian Boia, Ed.Nemira, Bucureti, 1998 . Pentru ntrirea principialitii marxist-leniniste n critica literar n Viaa romneasc, nr.6/iunie 1958 Raicu, Lucian, Sensul autenticitii n Viaa romneasc, nr.5/mai 1958.

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Tnra generaie. Foti naionaliti n faa comunismului romnesc i a stngii occidentale

Lect. dr. Mara Magda Maftei Academia de Studii Economice, Bucureti Abstract: This article deals with the period after the second World War of the young generation. It insists on the the separation from the Romanian history of the three stars of the exile, Eliade, Cioran, Ionescu. The ex nationalists who refused to leave the country, the case of Noica for example, have a different interpretation of history than the three above mentioned. The Romanian context versus the Western left represents a key analysis of this paper. Key words: young generation, ex nationalists, Romanian comunism, exile, Western left

Dup transformarea Rusiei ariste n Uniunea Sovietic i dup instalarea comunismului n Europa de Est, vechea Europ se confrunt cu invazia exilailor politici. O ntreag via se va construi n exil. Dup cel de-al doilea rzboi mondial ncepe supremaia Americii, fr ajutorul creia Frana ar fi fost ocupat de germani. Chiar dac a pierdut mult din vechea ei supremaie, Frana a reuit astfel s i conserve totui statutul de independen. Dup 1945 comunismul n Frana ia amploare. Aici, comunitii i vor aroga tot timpul meritul salvrii rii din primejdia german. Idee fals, de altfel. n plus, n anii 60 i 70, partidul comunist reprezint principalul partid de opoziie; un sfert din populaia Franei voteaz pentru comuniti. n anii 1980, sub preedinia socialismului lui Mitterand, comunitii ajung la guvernare. Trist, dar n plin democraie occidental, Frana se mndrete cu minitrii si de extrem stnga. C acest comunism nu s-a manifestat niciodat n Frana sub forma excesiv pe care noi am cunoscut-o, c francezii au fost i au rmas cel mai socialist popor din vechea Europ, nimic nu poate fi contestat, numai c de la nivelul teoretic al respectrii drepturilor omului, de la egalitatea i fraternitatea revoluiei de la 1789 pn la brutalitatea nchisorii i a uniformizrii vieii intelectuale, este o lung distan. Francezii nu au trit niciodat comunismul la propriu i tocmai de aceea i-au permis totdeauna aceste peroraii de stnga. n anii 60, datorit amplorii comunismului n Frana, exilaii politici romni, n frunte cu Cioran, tremur de spaima venirii la putere a comunismului i de teama unei eventuale expulzri n Romnia. n mod paradoxal, acest om aparent mpcat cu ideea morii, pe care ns o proclama doar n scris, se temea cel mai mult de preluarea conducerii politice de ctre comuniti n Frana. n anii 50, Cioran trgea semnalul de alarm, fcnd rondul vizitelor, pe la Eliade, Ionescu, dup cum noteaz Monica Lovinescu n La apa vavilonului: Acum vreo dou sptmni, trecnd pe la Mircea Eliade, la Hotel de Suede, mi-a spus de cum m-a vzut: Tocmai a plecat Cioran. Zice c trebuie s fugim imediat, dar imediat, din Frana unde vor pune sovieticii mna pe noi (....) Dup vreun ceas de alte vorbe i discuii, plec la Eugen i Rodica (Ionescu), pe rue Claude Terrasse la cellalt capt al Parisului. i iari din prag, Eugen (Rodica nu e acas): Acum a ieit Cioran pe u.. Cuprins de morbul panicii, Cioran m precedase peste tot1. Cioran se panica totdeauna primul. De team i din pruden dus pn la exces, va nceta s mai vin, cum spun emigranii rui, la lumina lmpii (cnd e aprins, nseamn c eti acas, ce s mai telefonezi nainte?) 2. Greu de neles acest personaj la limita cu morbidul n tratatele sale, n realitate jubilnd n faa oricrei brfe, care l nclzea mai mult ca orice, panicat i egoist. Un aspect, de care astzi vechea Europ nu pare s in seama, este mplinirea profeiei lui Nietzsche, adic oboseala i consumul valoric de care sufer aceasta, n faa tinereii Europei de Est, care face dovada c dispune de resursele necesare ieirii de sub presiunea opresiv a unui sistem coercitiv. Capabil de a se mplini i avid de afirmare, noua Europ se trezete din somnul ei totalitar i intr n competiia capitalismului. Ca i cum nimic nu s-ar fi ntmplat, viaa pornete de la zero, trecnd peste destinele attor oameni care au suferit. Oricum, fosta tnr generaie, generaia anilor 30 se va mpri n dou: cei rmai n ar i exilaii. Din rndul celor rmai n ar, ilustru este exemplul fostului compatriot Noica, autoizolat n sistemul su filozofic i mpcndu-se ntr-un fel cu ideea compromisului n faa sistemului; el va fi privit cu suspiciune, iar
1 2

Monica Lovinescu, La apa vavilonului, Editura Humanitas, Bucureti, 2008, p. 130 Idem, p. 161

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dac mai adugm i Rugai-v pentru fratele Alexandru, vom nelege i mai bine departajarea celor dou tabere, cei plecai i cei care s-au resemnat s suporte comunismul. Noica este ns intelectualul de elit al generaiei 30 i al epocii comuniste, singurul care, dac nu s-ar fi ncpnat s plteasc pentru erorile lui gardiste i s iubeasc att de mult viaa romneasc, ar fi promovat n lumea ntreg sistemul su filozofic legat de pmntul pe care l-a iubit i din acest motiv oricine i poate ierta o afirmaie de genul: N. Ceauescu reprezenta un ru necesar, dar trector, c trebuie colaborat pentru salvarea culturii3. Noica a dat dovad de un echilibru interior de invidiat. Un om care n condiii de mare srcie i ntr-o ar n care trebuia s gndeti n captivitate, a reuit s triasc n interiorul su i numai pentru sistemul su filozofic, sistem al experienei i dramei sale romneti, dram din care cei trei au vrut cu tot dinadinsul s evadeze. Viaa n Paris imediat dup rzboi nu era tocmai uoar. Cioran, Ionescu, M. Lovinescu etc, cu toii se regsesc n aceeai ipostaz, i anume aceea de a face coad la diverse asociaii caritabile care primeau din America pachete cu haine uzate pentru refugiai. n toat aceast srcie, naivul Eliade avea un singur vis: pomovarea literaturii romne n Occident (chiar a scos o prim revist n exil n colaborare cu Virgil Ierunca, Luceafrul, nr. 1 noiembrie 1948 nr.2 mai 1949, unde Cioran i-a publicat i ultimile sale texte n limba romn). Credea n ansa lor, a celor trei, care n ciuda micilor discordii pe teme mai ales politice pe care le avuseser n ar, ajung buni prieteni printre strini. Mica Romnie a intelectulalitii tria acum la Paris. Insistm asupra ideii conform creia Romnia s-a remarcat cu adevrat pentru prima dat odat cu Cioran, Eliade i Ionescu; nici o ncercare anterioar, de exemplu publicarea lui Ion a lui Rebreanu n perioada interbelic la Plon, ntro colecie de prestigiu, ncercarea unor Macedonski, Minulescu, Arghezi de a se face cunoscui, micile tentative ale paoptitilor, nu a avut un ecou internaional sau mcar european. Greu de suportat acest mediu contradictoriu parizisan pentru intelectualii romni. Scpai de sub teroarea istoriei romneti, toi trei fugind de nchisoarea care i-ar fi ateptat n ar, toi trei refuznd s se mai ntoarc vreodat n Romnia, gsesc n Paris un melanj ciudat, cel al refugiailor din faa comunismului i al pledoariei francezului de rnd, dar mai ales a intelectualilor pentru care comunismul reprezenta acel marasm al ideilor ce se armonizeaz bine pe hrtie, o doctrin social care trebuia s lupte contra bunelor intenii ale capitalismului ce nu se simea capabil de a promite justeea social. n aceast dilem cade i Sartre, care nu mbria opresiunea, dar: ce qui est sur, cest que les dirigeants communistes ont assum lentire responsabilit du regime dans sa grandeur et dans ses tares. Le bourgeaois liberal plaide non coupable: ce nest pas lui qui a fait le monde4. n aceeai categorie a intelectualilor francezi, care se aflau la acea dat n incapacitatea de a recunoate insuficienele grave ale unui sistem considerat de ei ca fiind perfect, se gsea i un Mounier, Bourdet, Vercors, alturi de intelectuali care au acceptat comunismul ca atare, considerndu-l capabil de a remedia gravele probleme sociale ale omenirii, precum Aragon sau Georges Cogniot. n ochii acestora, fascismul a fost nvins de ctre comunism, iar liberalismul rmnea dumanul drepturilor rectigate dup rzboi i dup attea suferine i foame de ctre individ. n cadrul acestui secol XX, de speculaii politice radicale, liberalismul nu a ctigat prea mult teren n Frana. Toate ntrebrile sale tradiionale, care marcaser de exemplu alte culturi, absentau cu desvrire n mediul francez. Individul are drepturi, dar numai drepturi pe care societatea i le poate confirma, are drepturi n colectivitate. n acest peisaj francez erau nevoii s-i spele pcatele gardiste Cioran i Eliade. Tocmai de aceea este ocant nvinuirea unei Lavastine, n contextul unui mediu francez deloc neutru ideilor de extrema stng. n aceiai societate trebuia s se integreze i Ionescu, dumnit de ctre Aragon i de ctre Sartre, de ctre lumea teatrului n principal. Succesul acestui semi-romn exilat la Paris era suprtor pentru francezii de origine. Elev al lui Mounier, pe care l va urma i n cteva nclinaii de stnga, Ionescu se va dezice n cele din urm de aceste metehne, dup cum nota i Monica Lovinescu: .....[Eugen] ncepuse s ne ajung din urm n anticomunismul su visceral. O dovad erau i Rinocerii n care intuia nu numai pe legionarii tinereii sale, dar i pe comuniti5. De la aceast simpatie, Ionescu se va transforma n cel mai fervent anticomunist dintre cei trei exilai n Occident. Rinocerita sa, n forma antigardist sau anticomunist se va manifesta sub forma telegramei trimise n Piaa
3 4

Idem, p. 629 J. P. Sartre, Le fantome de Staline, Les temps modernes, no. 129 131, janvier 1957, p. 631 5 M. Lovinescu, La apa vavilonului, p. 271-272

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Universitii, dup revoluie, cnd asistm la unicul protest intelectual mpotriva comunismului n haine noi, telegram pe care o va semna, n moda momentului un golan academician. Ionescu va adopta i o alt form de manifestare a rinoceritei sale, i anume sub forma unui interviu acordat n 1977 Monici Lovinescu, interviu n care l invit pe Ceauescu s-i dea demisia: Domnule preedinte Ceauescu, tii foarte bine c toat ara romneasc este nemulumit de dumneata. Eti destul de informat i biat destul de mare ca s tii lucrul sta. Atunci de ce s continui s stai la crma statului i s indispui pe toat lumea? Mai bine i-ai da demisia!...6. Relaia dintre cei trei, deloc linear, a fost greit interpretat de ctre critici. Diferenele de opiuni politice din tineree nu i-au mpiedicat s aib o relaie extraordinar n exil, regsindu-se unii prin aceeai problematic existenial, i nu l-a reinut pe Ionescu s recunoasc nici faptul c tnra lor generaie contestatar a nvat dimensiunea spiritual de la Mircea Eliade. Aceste trei stele ale exilului, cum i numete Sanda Stolojan, au rmas totdeauna, dup prsirea Romniei ntr-un permanent contact prietenesc, n ciuda faptului c, dup cum scrie E. Ionescu: pe vremuri ei erau de dreapta, iar eu de stnga. Acum ne aflm toi n centru7. Cioran i-a conservat atitudinea sa je-m-enfichist, Eliade a pstrat tot timpul pruden n ceea ce privete opiunile sale politice, persevernd n mplinirea dezideratului pentru care a plecat din ar, i anume de a se impune pe plan internaional: Probabil c dac Eliade ar fi adoptat poziii politice, i s-ar fi reproat simpatiile sale legionare de pe vremuri. Atitudinea lui prudent i egoist apare acum subtil i providenial....8. Eliade i-a nchinat viaa studiului; el a rmas romn prin ncpnarea de a nu se mai angaja n nimic altceva, de a nu se mai nchina nici religiei, nici moralei, dect propriului su vis de a se impune. i a reuit. Ionescu s-a revoltat tot timpul mpotriva opresiunii: n piesele sale, cu ocazia evenimentelor culturale organizate n epoc, angajndu-se n aprarea Drepturilor Omului n Romnia. Dar nici unul dintre cei trei, att de fervent implicai n tineree n politic, nu s-au lsat antrenai n patetismul cu care Goma, de exemplu, cel mai cunoscut caz al exilului romnesc n acest sens, s-a decis s denune dictatura ceauist, vinovat de brutalitatea i mizeria comunismului romnesc, i nu demult, de antisemitismul propit la nivelul culturii. Cioran a aplicat Occidentului pruiala istoric pe care o gndise iniial pentru Romnia. Fidel lecturilor sale spengleriene, dar i alimentat cu reale dovezi cotidiene, Cioran era tot mai convins c Occidentul obosise i intra n faza sa de declin. n plus, Cioran, profetic, peroreaz pe marginea decadenei Franei, datorat comunismului su acerb n epoc, transformat ulterior n socialism: n general, Cioran este din ce n ce mai catastrofat de ceea ce numete decadena Franei: Am prezis-o n 1940....nu crezusem c va merge aa repede....francezii nu mai au instinct de conservare....nu mai simt lucrurile, semn al sfritului 9; nu numai c Frana a deczut de pe scena Europei mbtrnite, dar a ajuns cea mai socialist dintre toate rile Europei, spre exasperarea cetenilor si mpovrai de sistemul promovat de ctre politicieni. Frana capt prin mandatul lui Mitterand dou cadouri: legea emigraiei, (care permite oricui emigrant sosit n Frana s-i aduc soia i copiii, evident pe lng aceasta nc trei, patru femei ptrunznd n Frana i beneficiind de RMI10, salariul minim pe care statul l acord fiecrui emigrant) i minitri comuniti. Cioran va rmne ns toat viaa un refugiat romn, stnd la coad cu emigranii pentru a-i prelungi paaportul de refugiat. El va refuza de altfel, invitaia lui Mitternand la un prnz cmpenesc. Flatat, dar n imposibilitate s accepte pentru c aceasta ar contraveni prerilor lui. Cei trei au alctuit imaginea exilului romnesc, oameni care au vrut cu tot dinadinsul s se impun, fiecare dup puterile sale, ambiie pe care a speculat-o din plin Lavastine, care, graie soului ei de la acea epoc, va profita de apropierea de cele trei stele ale exilului pentru a-i prezenta ulterior ntr-un tablou denigrator. Dac Eliade a tcut n ceea ce privete trecutul lui politic, Cioran a revenit mai tot timpul, chiar dac doar n cercurile sale de prieteni, asupra angajamentului din tineree, dar i asupra dezaprobrii gestului lui Codreanu, de exemplu, care
6

M. Lovinescu, ntrevederi cu Mircea Eliade, Eugen Ionescu, tefan Lupacu i Grigore Cugler, Cartea Romneasc, Bucureti, 1992, p. 137 7 Sanda Stolojan, Nori peste balcoane, Jurnal din exilul parizian, traducere din francez de Micaela Slvescu, revizuit de Sanda Stolojan, Editura Humanitas, Bucureti, 1996, p. 17 8 Idem, p. 91 9 Idem, p. 205 10 Le revenu minimum d'insertion

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introdusese n Romnia asasinatul politic, inclusiv indicndu-l pe Iorga, vinovat de represiunea legionar manifestat ntr-o manier violent. Ceea ce apreciaz totdeauna Cioran la poporul romn, este capacitatea acestuia de a uita, att de repede, i rzboaiele, i nchisorile, ntr-un cuvnt suferina, concluzionnd cu privire la acest cameleonism: Asta-i Romnia! Totul este posibil, nimic nu are consecine!11. Totodat, Cioran nu poate nelege pasivitatea cu care romnii accept regimul lui Ceauescu, incapacitatea lor de a se revolta mpotriva celui care a mnjit faa Romniei. A fcut din romni nite primitivi n ochii lumii12, un popor istovit ce nu mai are fora necesar de a se revolta. Dar, paradoxal cum ne-a obinuit Cioran, el l admira pe acest geniu pervers al romnilor, singurul care s-a realizat, Ceauescu, geniu al ireteniei. Ceauescu i-a nelat pe toi, pe Occidentali, pe rui, pe africanii din Lumea a Treia i pe toi cei din jurul lui13. Romnia dinainte de instalarea comunismului a fost considerat de ctre Occident ca fiind o ar antisemit, conotaie care a rmas valabil chiar i pentru acei romni ce au avut curajul de a lua calea exilului, fr s reueasc s se dezlege de pmnt, rmnnd provincialii Europei, undeva suspendai n exilul parizian i tremurnd la fiecare veste care sosea din ar. Din toate notaiile celor care au stat n preajma lui Cioran, nu putem dect s ne reconfirmm prerea potrivit creia atitudinea antiromneasc a lui Cioran a fost una semifabricat, de dragul obinerii unui succes publicistic imediat. Din exil, peisajul Romniei apare ca dezolant; imaginea acesteia vzut din Occident este cea att de bine descris de Sanda Stolojan i att de urt trit de noi, la propriu: Ceauescu guverneaz ca un satrap, destituind cu frenezie colaboratorii si intimi i acordnd privilegii intelectualilor pentru a-i asigura sprijinul lor. La sate domnete o srcie lucie. La Bucureti, cetate a privilegiailor, cinismul nflorete, cuprinznd ntreaga societate14. Pentru expatriai, viaa lor s-a mprit n idolatria pentru propriul vis din tineree de a schimba faa Romniei i exilul ca atare, n care triau practic conectai la realitatea din Romnia comunist. Cderea comunismului a venit prea trziu pentru ei, acum prea btrni i obosii pentru a nfrunta un nou fenomen. Se pare c n Romnia istoria nu obosete niciodat. Schimbarea la fa este un fenomen permanent! Ne intereseaz modalitatea n care cei trei au privit din Occident, prin prisma celor publicate acolo, fenomenul politic din ara lor de origine i din cea care i-a adoptat. Eliade i va continua chiar i n exil neistovita sete publicistic. Articolele sale publicate n limba romn au fost adunate n volumul mpotriva dezndejdii; Ionescu a rmas umanistul prin excelen, cultivnd o publicistic n care i plcea s se confeseze, o scriere raportat la eul su ca fenomen ce recepteaz realitatea i o nelege n felul su particular, n funcie de experiena sa personal; iar Cioran s-a refugiat n scrierile sale eseistice, dnd dovad de aceeai subiectivitate ca i Ionescu, dar n acelai timp i de mult egoism. Cum recepteaz cei trei fenomenul politic al exilului? Cum recepteaz ei, din perspectiva timpului i a prelungirii unei suferine, a unei treceri de la extrema dreapt la extrema stang, mediu cu care trebuiau s se obinuiasc? n Frana anilor 60 70 nimeni nu putea critica acel comunism din rile de Est dect dac se declara de stnga i o fcea ntr-o not pedagogic. Le era imposibil intelectualilor fanatici de stnga din Frana s vad diferena dintre ideologie i realitate. Sartre, ca reflex al mentalitii generale franceze, refuza s vad primejdia cea mare care venea atunci din Est i ezita ntre susinerea americanilor sau a ruilor, adic a americanilor care i salvaser pe francezi de nazism, a americanilor care ineau piept comunismului, i a comunismului propriu-zis care lua forme dictatoriale n Rusia i Europa de Est. Dac nazismul ar fi cstigat, Frana ar fi fost ocupat de ctre germani, Romnia la fel. Comunismul ns a ieit nvingator, iar lumea s-a conformat. n acei puini ani, istoria Europei a fost tumultoas: un amestec de liberalism, extrem dreapt i stng. n ceea ce ne privete, suntem de prere c poporul romn datoreaz clasei politice autohtone importul de idei politice, ceea ce a permis crearea Romniei Mari de ctre liberali. Care era peisajul intelectul la acea vreme? Intelectualii rui precum Kravcenko sau Koestler, care cunoteau foarte bine realitatea rus, erau considerai drept nite mincinoi de ctre intelectualii de stnga din Frana, cei pentru care comunismul rspundea la nevoile reale ale
11 12

Sanda Stolojan, op. cit., p. 20 Idem, p. 230 13 Idem, p. 83 14 Idem, p. 26

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omului, n timp ce un clarvazator precum Camus era socotit drept ipocrit, iar Malraux, un intelectual de stnga, un fervent aprtor al drepturilor omului. Dac Frana n anii 40 putea fi socotit pierdut, iat c istoric vorbind s-a salvat, poate i datorit umanismului unor scriitori de alte origini dect cea francez. Ironic i direct ca mai totdeauna, Ionescu le amintete parizienilor imbecili pentru care lumea se sfrete la Porte Dauphine15 c revoluia nu poate aduce o alt ordine mai just dect cea de care beneficiaz deja. Societatea ideal rmne o utopie, ns o societate mai brutal dect cea comunist nu poate exista, este de prere Ionescu n acelai articol: jumtatea de secol de comunism sovietic s-a dovedit mult mai nefast dect regimul arist ....16. Ionescu rmne un adept al libertii individuale, al pluripartitismului, al lipsei de ipocrizie, i totodat un proisraelian, pentru simplul motiv c Israelul constituie un model de ar liber, avnd guvern, opoziie, partide politice, credincioi i necredincioi17 i pentru c lumea cretin nu se poate dispensa de evrei, care au nevoie de un spaiu al lor. Aceast necesitate a evreilor vine s confirme inegalitatea n lume: deprtarea de modelul societii perfecte, aprobarea n secolul al XX-lea a supremaiei omului social, pe modelul Chinei i al Rusiei, att de combtut de ctre Ionescu, i anularea respectului fa de individ ca entitate. Ruii i-au gsit un aliat puternic n lumea arab. Acest prietenie a avut numai repercusiuni negative, nu numai asupra neamului lui Israel, dar i asupra Europei de Est, a Romniei de exemplu, unde introducerea modelului arab i chinez n raionalizarea vieii cotidiene a presupus multe privaiuni elementare pentru romnul de rnd. Ionescu ne mai furnizeaz exemple pentru a ne arta c Frana, pe care el o adora de altfel nu este nici pe departe liberal, i n acest context ne amintete de afacerea Dreyfus, n care o naiune s-a ridicat pentru a lua aprarea unui om mpotriva statului, sprijinind practic o idee socialist (vezi articolul Allende i socialismul altora); n plus, Ionescu scrie despre conceptele pe care se ntemeiaza Frana, i anume libertate, egalitate, fraternitate, numai c francezul poate fi orice numai democrat nu, se gndete numai la libertatea lui personal, i detest pe toi ceilalti francezi, i vrea s fie lsat n pace de toat lumea. Tirania minoritii care rstoarn votul universal al majoritii, revolta mpotriva sistemului cnd acesta nu i mai satisface dorinele zilnice, ambele confirm ideea lui Ionescu: libertate, egalitate, fraternitate nu exist deviz care s fi fost mai contrazis i care s reflecte mai palid starea de spirit a poporului ce a proclamat-o18. Un umanist detaat, Ionescu remarca ntr-o not genial c nici o societate nu este perfect, fie c este ea reactionar sau nu, istoria i bate joc de oricine, nu conteaz doctrina social adoptat, ceea ce nu l impiedic s se team c ruii vor cuceri planeta, c rusificarea va dezumaniza complet omul, c francezii triesc cu panic fiecare veste care vine dinspre Rusia sovietic i c socialismul poate reusi, de ce nu, i n Frana (vezi articolul Comunismul este cel mai mare eec din istoria omenirii). n interviul pe care l acorda ziarului LExpress, la data de 5 octombrie 1970, Ionescu reia arhetipul rinocerului inventat de el, rinocerul fiind omul ideilor primite19; calificarea a fost atribuit de ctre Ionescu fenomenului din Romnia anilor interbelici, numai c el observa c n istorie nimic nu se schimb i c rinocerita actual seamn cu cealalt, doar lozincile difer. Asistm actualmente la nflorirea rinoceritelor de extrem stnga20. ntr-un cuvnt, societatea francez era societatea micului burghez, cu multe minusuri afective, dar i mentale, ins care ajunge s se urasc pe sine i pe ceilali, cruia i este fric de revoluionari, de extremisme, dar care nu nceteaz s vad n comunism mplinirea unei societi ideale; un mediu care este total opus intelectualilor din Est, confruntai zilnic cu tirania propriu-zis a comunismului; este vorba la urma urmelor de diferena dintre lumea lui Sartre i cea a lui Kravcenko sau Koestler. Ionescu este impresionat de aceast trecere a omenirii de la dreapta la stanga i adesea invers. Rmne un iubitor al Franei, adevrata sa patrie. Nu a crezut n tineree n revoluie, mai trziu nici att: nu mai cred n ea, de altfel, de cnd Stalin i-a dat pe mna lui Hitler pe comunitii germani refugiai n Rusia. Nu mai cred n ea, de altfel, de cnd n fruntea ruilor se afl Stalin, acest ar desfrnat21; i dac ieri nc, iubeam
15

E. Ionescu, Vanatoare de oameni, Jurnalul unui descumpanit, Le Figaro litraire, 6 mai 1972 n Antidoturi, traducere din franceza de Marina Dimov, Editura Humanitas, Bucuresti, 2003, p. 36 16 Ibidem, p. 38 17 E. Ionescu, In Israel si mai departe, n Le Figaro, 29 octombrie 1973 n Ibidem, p. 45 18 E. Ionescu, Galii, contemporanii nostri, n Le Figaro litraire, 23 iunie 1969 n Ibidem, p. 77 19 E. Ionescu, Extrase dintr-o convorbire cu Frderic Towarnicki, LExpress, 5 octombrie 1970 n Ibidem, p. 87 20 Ibidem 21 E. Ionescu, Prezent trecut, trecut present, Editura Humanitas, Bucureti, 1993, p. 226

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ceea ce se numesc valorile franceze ale civilizaiei, de fapt nu e dect un umanism decrepit (....) detest n momentul acesta, subiectiv, nazismul i pe Hitler, aproape tot att ct i pe marele burghez22. Oricum, nimeni nu i-ar fi dorit s triasc realitatea comunist, nici rile Europei de Est, i cu att mai puin francezii care n-ar accepta s triasc o sptamn sub ordinele conductorilor chinezi sau n Rusia stalinist sau post-stalinist23. Cu un discurs revoluionar continu M. Eliade publicistica din ar. El condamn acum tradiionalismul culturii romne, fiind de prere c un popor de rani nu trebuie neaprat s produc o literatur destinat plugarilor. Totui altfel credea n tineree, cnd sprijinea autohtonismul profesat de ctre Nae Ionescu. Ce a fcut comunismul din generaia sa? Totalitarismul a abolit personalismul. Exilatul contientizeaz faptul c nu ar fi fost obligat s suporte umilinele i tristeile exilului, dac Romnia nu ar fi fost invadat de ctre comunism. Ce se ntmpl cu generaia sa n exil? Diaspora romneasc nu este, deci, dect o variant modern a transhumanei pastorale24. Din pcate. Noul intelectual, cel aflat dincolo de Cortina de Fier, are rolul de a-i asuma o misiune politic i economic, dar i spirtitual, continua Eliade, la puini ani de la plecarea din ar, acelai Eliade naiv i angajat n misiuni de salvare, rmase dup 1945 doar la nivel teoretic. n Occident e greu pentru intelectualul romn, e greu ca acesta s supravietuiasc la nivelul pstrarii condiiei i a vocaiei sale; e greu i pentru c el vine dintr-o cultur care se manifest ntr-o limb restrictiv ca circulaie. Cum orice micare scoate la iveal oameni noi i cea din 1945 a produs non-valorile sale: n loc de faimoasa revoluie (n care credeau unii naivi), menit s scoat la lumin adevratele valori populare, a avut loc selecia determinat de raporturile personale ale revoluionarilor romni cu efii ierarhici din URSS25. Mereu atent la ce se ntmpl n Romnia, mult mai legat i mai preocupat de ar dect ceilali doi, Eliade se uimete n faa bestialitii comunismului, n faa interzicerii pn i a crtilor occidentale, a rzboiului contra neologismelor, este alarmat de efortul de rusificare a limbii, a neamului romnesc. Occidentul asist pasiv la acest proces de rusificare. Dar nu numai Romnia se afla n plin proces de criz, ci i Occidentul despiritualizat, confruntndu-se cu aceste situaii istorice noi; n acelai timp, ocuparea rii de ctre rui a produs o confuzie ntre tradiionalism i aa zisul progresism ...pe de o parte, ocuparea trii, cu tot ce a nsemnat ea pentru neamul i cultura romneasc, a creat i o confuzie de planuri i poziii spirituale: progresismul din RPR e anti-european; tradiionalismul, dimpotriv, devine pro-occidental26 ntr-o lume, n care intelectualii romni luptaser contra tradiionalismului acesta devenea necesar pentru c el presupunea conservarea valorilor naionale n lupta cu ocupantul. n tragedia prin care trecea la acea dat neamul romanesc, tragedia rusificrii, Eliade care scap deodat de naivitatea adesea reproat de ctre colegii de generaie, se ntreab dac preocuprile pentru salvarea culturii, a spiritualitii trebuiau s mai fie preponderente. Crede el, greit, c intelectualul romn nu a fost niciodat preocupat de viaa politic i tocmai aceast lips de implicare a permis lsarea rii pe minile unor neiniiai, a unor indivizi fr o pregtire politic sau intelectual de nalt inut, aadar aceast retragere a intelectualului din viaa socio-politic a condus la expunerea rii n faa valului comunist: aceasta a fost greeala istoric i marele pcat al generaiei noastre: c, n loc de a fi ptruns, ncepnd de prin 1925, n partidele politice, n toate partidele politice, i de a le fi sporit substana ideologic i regenerat vechile cadre prin ceea ce aducea nou i creator tinereea, am rmas n afar de viaa politic i am ignorat realitile i tehnicile politice27. ntr-un articol din 1952, Cderea n istorie, Eliade devine de-a dreptul cioranian, blestemnd nenorocul neamului romnesc; celebra mie de ani cioranian este luat i de ctre Eliade ca unitate de timp, o mie de ani de suferin, ani n care am ajutat la dezvoltarea Occidentului, dar am beneficiat n schimb doar de ingratitudinea lui. Cortina de Fier nu putea separa nici tradiiile i nici religia popoarelor, cu att mai puin predileciile lor culturale, remarca Eliade, aadar Romnia se va salva la un moment dat. Din motive politice, Romnia a fost forat s se orienteze spre Rsrit, n rest prin limba sa neolatin i prin cultura sa, unde tradiiei
22 23

E. Ionescu, p. 227 E. Ionescu, p. 228 24 M. Eliade, Dou tradiii spirituale romneti, n Luceafarul, noiembrie 1948 n Impotriva deznadejdii, publicistica exilului, ediie ingrijit de Mircea Handoca, cu o prefa de Monica Spiridon, Editura Humanitas, Bucuresti, 1992, p. 23 25 M. Eliade, Revolutionari cu normativ, n Uniunea Romana, aprilie 1949 n Ibidem, p. 41 26 M. Eliade, Probleme de cultura romaneasca, Indreptar, martie 195 n Ibidem, p. 75-76 27 M. Eliade, I-a mancat capul politica!, Indreptar, 195 n Ibidem, p. 104

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bizantine s-au substituit n ultimele dou veacuri influenele occidentale, ea este orientat ctre Frana28. Cum pot contribui cei din exil la conservarea identitii naionale? n primul rnd, acest act echivaleaz cu unul politic. La nceput nimeni nu a crezut c exilul se va prelungi att de mult. Unii, precum Eliade, au murit nainte de a-i vedea sfritul. Pentru el, Frana sau America exilul, ntr-un cuvnt ia dat posibilitatea de a-i continua i definitiva opera, rmnnd ns mereu conectat la realitatea sumbr din ara sa, chiar dac a refuzat, de team i de repulsie, venirea n Romnia. Exilul pentru el a nsemnat, la nceput, conturarea unei opere politice, dup care, dezamgit, s-a autoconvins de ineficacitatea efortului unui individ de a lupta contra sistemului i s-a retras n mplinire prin opera sa ....n exilul romnesc ca, de altfel, n orice alt emigraie de dincoace de Cortina de Fier activitatea cultural, n primul rnd creaia literar, constituie prin excelen o oper politic29. n ceea ce-l priveste pe Cioran, acesta nu se mai angajeaz fanatic n publicistic odat ajuns n exil, n publicistica n limba francez. Consideraiile sale despre justificarea sau nonjustificarea existenei comunismului i a capitalismului, le gsim n La tentation dexister i n Histoire et Utopie. Aceeai idee despre oboseala marilor culturi, a culturilor Europei vechi i despre vigoarea cu care Rusia a pornit s cucereasc lumea. Cum privete el aceast expansiune? Cu team. Cu teama celui care vrea s i conserve libertatea spiritului. Nu l mai macin att de mult problema Romniei (dac aceasta a reprezentat pentru el vreodata o alt motivaie dect asigurarea propriei sale afirmri), nu d dovad de acelai umanism precum Ionescu. Totul la Cioran se reduce la cum s m salvez i cum poate aceast expansiune a Rusiei s afecteze aparenta linite occidental, poate s nving comunismul n concurena sa expansionist cu capitalismul, cine va ctiga pn la urm, Orientul necat ntr-o religiozitate doctrinar sau Occidentul n care singura valoare absolut nu poate fi dat dect de fora iluzorie a supremaiei sale permanente? Are exilul avantajele sale? n afar de faptul c acest exil i-a permis continuarea unei existene de parazit, el i-a asigurat totodat mediul propice unei activiti creatoare prospere. Dup ce a pierdut tot, pentru a relua o idee eliadesc, nu-i mai rmne dect visul propriei sale mpliniri: celui qui a tout perdu conserve comme dernier recours lespoir de la gloire, ou du scandale littraire. Il consent tout abandoner, sauf son nom30. Pentru ndeplinirea acestui vis, trebuie sa scrie n limba rii de adopie; i va lua zece ani pentru a iei din strmtorile limbii romne. Cioran sesizeaz pertinent, idee de altfel nu foarte original, dar foarte bine exprimat din punct de vedere stilistic, aa cum numai Cioran este capabil s o fac, faptul c tocmai Occidentul este responsabil de naterea ideii egalitariste, de producerea ideologic a comunismului, care a ajuns s se instaureze ntr-o ar nfometat i plin de elan revoluionar, tocmai n momentul n care Occidentul trecuse prin multiple faze de revolt a maselor, ajunsese la nceputul secolului al XX-lea la o saturaie a ideilor de stnga, adic la un anumit nivel de ndestulare ideologic. Occidentul a laisse lOrient le privilge de raliser lirralisable, et de tirer puissance et prestige de la plus belle illusion moderne31. Cu toii au fost de acord c totalitarismul nu poate satisface masele; mai mult, nii conductorii Rusiei, cu excepia lui Lenin i Stalin au fost contieni de vremelnicia acestui sistem constrictiv, dar i-au trit cu toii gloria. Nici un sistem politic nu este perfect i din nici unul nu lipsete tentaia puterii. Pentru Cioran, nici republica nu reprezint un paradis doctrinar; omul politic i nsuete partea sa de ctig indiferent de sistemul pe care l reprezint dans une republique, paradis de la dbilit, lhomme politique est un tyranneau qui se soumet aux lois; mais une forte personnalit ne les respece pas, ou plutot ne respecte que celles dont elle est lauteur32. Apologia tiranului, indiferent de regim politic, i se pare lui Cioran un discurs att de eficace, nct este capabil s descrie n pagini ntregi ambiia, invidia, teroarea cu care acesta stpnete i mai ales cu care i ndeprteaz pn i cei mai fideli slujitori, n momentul n care nu mai servesc intereselor personale: Hitler, trs comptent en la matire, fit montre de sagesse en se dbarrasant de Roehm, seul homme qu il tutoyat, et dune bonne partie de

28 29

M. Eliade, Europa si cortina de fier, Tribuna 1952 n Ibidem, p. 158 M. Eliade, Popas la cincisprezece ani, n Destin, 1966 n Ibidem, p. 239 30 E. Cioran, La Tentation dexister, n uvres, Editions Gallimard, 1995, p. 854 31 E. Cioran, Histoire et Utopie, n Ibidem, p. 988 32 Idem, p. 989

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ses premiers compagnons. Stalin, de son cot, ne fut pas moins la hauteur, tmoin les procs de Moscou33.
Bibliografie: Cioran, E. , La Tentation dexister, n uvres, Editions Gallimard, 1995 Eliade, M, Impotriva deznadejdii, publicistica exilului, ediie ingrijit de Mircea Handoca, cu o prefa de Monica Spiridon, Editura Humanitas, Bucuresti, 1992 Ionescu, E., Prezent trecut, trecut present, Editura Humanitas, Bucureti, 1993 Ionescu, E., Antidoturi, traducere din franceza de Marina Dimov, Editura Humanitas, Bucuresti, 2003 Lovinescu, Monica, ntrevederi cu Mircea Eliade, Eugen Ionescu, tefan Lupacu i Grigore Cugler, Cartea Romneasc, Bucureti, 1992 Lovinescu, Monica, La apa vavilonului, Editura Humanitas, Bucureti, 2008 Sartre, J. P., Le fantome de Staline, Les temps modernes, no. 129 131, janvier 1957 Stolojan, Sanda, Nori peste balcoane, Jurnal din exilul parizian, traducere din francez de Micaela Slvescu, revizuit de Sanda Stolojan, Editura Humanitas, Bucureti, 1996.

33

Ibidem, p. 1009.

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Les commandements politiques et les intellectuels dans les miroirs du texte

Prof. dr. Doinia Milea Universitatea Dunrea de Jos din Galai Abstract: The aesthetic mise en scene of the political power and the writers intrusion into the life of the city are not specific only to the totalitarian regimes of the XXth century, even if it seems so within the analytical domanin. Literature, generally speaking, is seen as a mirror of social conflicts and pressures that are to be faced by the intellectual individuals living in a certain poque that are determined to make their choices concerning ideology and discursive patterns. Thus, the socio-political feature of literature determines an indeological profile of fiction, recurrent themes specific to the writers either implicit or explicit social commitment, narrative strategies such as parable or allegory, all of them meant to guide political, philosophical, religious choices of some important writers, that are to be interpreted as such for their political correctness. Key words: ideology, political correctness, commitment, narrative strategies

Le temps lcriture et de sa mise en histoire a pos le problme de lengagement dun crivain qui traverse une poque. La dfinition de lintellectuel impliqu se place entre lutopie de lobjectivit absolue et la drive idologique des intellectuels engags,o se dessine un autre rle de lintellectuel. Mario Vargas Llosa na pas cess dtre un intellectuel ces dernires annes, passs en dehors de son pays, mais on peut parler dune certaine sparation de ses rles : celui de crateur artistique et celui dintellectuel dont limportance symbolique varie. Mais lorsque lcrivain MarioVargas Llosa publie un livre de mmoires sur sa vision de la campagne lectorale du Prou, il se ddie de nouveau sa vocation dintellectuel engag. La politique de la littrature nest pas celle des crivains et de leurs engagements. Laccent se deplace sur la manire dont ils reprsentent les structures sociales ou les luttes politiques. Cest Julien Benda (1927, La trahison des clercs) qui propose une opration sparant les intellectuels authentiques, ceux qui nont pas de buts pratiques,parce que pour lui les rivalits de la politique moderne bases sur des particularismes et des passions (de classe, de race, de nation...) taient irrationnelles et indignes des intellectuels. Ceux-ci doivent maintenir leur esprit critique toujours en veil puisque la lgitimit de reprsentant de la socit revenait lintellectuel par le fait de son indpendance et son non-engagement. Mais il avait du mal trouver plus que quelques exemples de ces intellectuels et mme ces modles furent contests comme tant eux-mmes la proie de leurs propres passions. Lexpression politique de la littrature suppose un lien spcifique entre la politique comme forme de la pratique collective et la littrature comme rgime historiquement dtermin de lart dcrire. Dautres critiques ont vis le fait que la lgitimit dans linterprtation de lhistoire et du monde soient refuse aux intellectuels engags, dans un contexte culturel occidental, ou ailleurs. Mais il sagit de savoir ce que littrature politique veut dire. Ce syntagme suppose la volont de faire servir la littrature pour renforcer une position donne dans une circonstance particulire des luttes politiques, en insrant la rvolte dans lhistoire. Mais les intentions de cacher la politique dans la littrature se fait sous la forme dune combinaison particulire comme chez Brecht, par exemple Sainte Jeanne des abattoirs, o on voit en jeu dans son thtre lentrelacement de deux politiques de la littrature : lune qui dispose les signes dune texture du monde dchiffrer, au profit suppos dune force subjective propre sen emparer pour changer le monde ; lautre qui dispose le jeu des intensits du monde, dpassant toute interprtation rationnelle et toute saisie subjective unifiante. Avec le dbut du sicle, se produit une autre sparation thorique des intellectuels engags : la droite et la gauche. Les intellectuels de droite seront ceux qui seront engags au service des valeurs traditionnelles, nationales, les intellectuels de gauche se donneront pour mission de soutenir luniversalisme, les droits de lhomme, la libert comme valeur absolue. Avec la guerre dEspagne se dessine limage idyllique de lintellectuel engag; larme la main, il est de tous les combats et il ne sarrte que pour crire. Cest lpoque de lespoir. Mais aprs la guerre mondiale, limage de lintellectuel engag se ternit aussi. Lintellectuel de droite est accus de soutenir les autoritarismes, de reprsenter le pouvoir ou le colonialisme, en un mot dtre antidmocratique. La drive philosophique de Heidegger est dnonce comme faisant partie de la propagande nazie. Laccession au pouvoir dun intellectuel engag Malraux , jadis symbole du

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combat pour la libert est vue comme une trahison. A gauche aussi, les intellectuels engags sortent dshonors et affaiblis par leur propre aveuglement. En France, les articles de Sartre dans Libration, sur son voyage en URSS (1954) illustrent loquemment cet aveuglement, leur fidlit idologique au marxisme, lignorance de la ralit des rgimes communistes. En 1974, lapparition de Soljenitsyne secoue le monde intellectuel occidental alors majoritairement de gauche en lui rappelant que son devoir est dtre du ct de la vrit. Soljenitsyne, dj connu ds 1962, grce un rcit dune centaine de pages, intitul Une journe dIvan Denissovitch, un rcit tout simple sur la vie des camps en Sibrie.un thme tabou de la vie sovitique venait dtre exorcis.Le problme des vraies valeurs du meilleur des mondes possibles tait pos par un crivain qui adressa au Congrs de lunion des Ecrivains Sovitique un appel demandant la suppression de toute censure. A la lumire des expriences de notre sicle, certains thoriciens contemporains ont ajout des rflexions intressantes sur la notion dintellectuel engag. Dun ct, les auteurs tentent donner du sens lexigence dun sens et dun subjectivation rvolutionnaires. De lautre ct, lgalitarisme ou lanarchisme littraire reprennent leur compte les intensits que la politique voudrait convertir en processus pdagogique. Certains fictions tiennent la balance entre la ligne droite de la militante et les lignes erratiques des subjectivits absorbes dans la lutte communisme / capitaliste. Cest, au fond, la politique non conclusive du roman et sa morale dernire: ce sont les intensits et leurs distributions qui font une vie et un monde, non les ides et les actions qui sen inspirent. Mais le thtre est un art bien plus soumis la logique reprsentative de la dmonstration : les intensits y sont pries de se raisonner en dialogues et de montrer les consquences des ides en enchanements dactions. Do lquilibrisme de Brecht dans le maniement conjoint de la preuve par le sens et de la preuve par le non-sens : il faut montrer un monde changer par la dmonstration de son absurdit et par la dmonstration de sa rationalit monstrueuse. Brecht semble montrer que toute vise politique assigne la littrature entre en conflit avec la politique de la littrature Lart sous les dictatures suppose aussi la duplicit de son rapport son public: la conception de celui-ci varie entre lide du cercle dexprimentateurs de la dialectique laquelle la pice est propose comme un objet dexercice en commun et celle du public de consommateurs mise en cause par sa lchet et sa passivit. Et cest Eugne Ionesco qui a propos par ses pices une analyse de la lucidit vers labsurde du monde engag politiquement dans Rhinocros. En effet, la littrature engage demande ce que lcrivain participe pleinement aux vnements du monde social. Lauteur doit tre sensible aux problmes de lactualit quil soit droit ou gauche. Dans le discours de Hitler, du 18 juillet 1938, la premire grande exposition dart, lart doit montrer son engagement : Des uvres dart qui ne peuvent tre comprises et qui ont besoin dtre accompagn dun tas dexplication pour prouver leur droit lexistence et aller toucher des nvross sensibles ce genre de stupidits et dinsolences ne pourront plus atteindre ouvertement la nation allemande. Le national-socialiste sest donn pour tache de dbarrasser le Reich de toutes ces influences qui menacent son existence et son caractre. Louverture de cette exposition marque la fin en matire artistique et, avec elle, de la pollution artistique de notre peuple. Lart exalte les valeurs nazies. Le parti refuse lart moderne : elle montre que lanarchie politique et lanarchie culturelle ont une racine commune. Lart dgnr est celui du Bolchevisme et lexposition veut le prouver. Lexposition veut montrer combien lactivit artistique mene par les porte-paroles juifs et bolcheviques tait dangereuse. De lautre cot, du cot est, lart cinmatographique est trs important, cest larme la plus forte . On verra de nombreux films a gloire du socialisme, tels La ligne gnrale dEisenstein, Tempte sur lAsie de Poudovkine, Le bonheur ou les accapareurs de Medvekine et enfin Alexandre Newski dEisenstein. En URSS, lart doit rpondre aux critres du ralisme socialiste. Cette doctrine devint aprs 1934 la ligne artistique officielle, qui appauvrit considrablement la production littraire picturale et musicale. Nous savons que loccident les intellectuels, partags entre la catastrophe individuelle et la catastrophe collective, ont choisi, parfois, lengagement politique et cest sur la question de lengagement politique que la route dAragon et celle de Breton vont diverger,par exemple, bien quils sont sortis de lavangarde. Il y a deux manires de refuser le dsordre tabli: ou bien la ngation anarchique et linvasion mystique, ou bien la lutte rvolutionnaire aux cts du monde socialiste naissant ; lindividualisme tout prix ou lincarnation dans le combat collectif. Il est difficile denvisager tous les aspects de la situation

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des crivains communistes dans les annes 30 tant elle est complexe. Mais il y a surtout le rle assign la littrature qui constitue le vritable objectif des crivains communistes Laction de la plupart de ces crivains ne va pas se poursuivre au-del des annes 30 du fait de leur mort, souvent prmature. H. Barbusse meurt en 1935, R. Crevel en 1935, P. Nizan en 1940, J.-R. Bloch, crivain, penseur politique et pote, militant de la cause antifasciste. Aragon est un des rares avoir survcu cette priode. .Il faut tre prudent sur lappellation crivains communistes . Car sil y a, formellement, ceux qui sont membres du PCF, il y a aussi ceux qui voluent dans la mouvance des ides communistes, par exemple Romain Rolland. Son roman Ame enchante prouve un type dadhsion particulire aux ides de la rvolution russe. En 1963, Aragon prfaait louvrage que Roger Garaudy consacrait luvre de Picasso, de Saint-John Perse et de Kafka: Dun ralisme sans rivages. Il y considrait lessai du philosophe marxiste comme un vnement pour ce quil touchait aux choses essentielles de sa propre vie et de sa pense .Qui mieux que Roger Garaudy luimme pourrait clairer ce discours? Il pourrait montrer, sous ses multiples aspects, la cohrence de luvre dAragon (1961, Litinraire dAragon). Dans ltude quil lui consacrait le philosophe de gauche retraait la progressive dcouverte de la ralit chez lcrivain, son passage de lindividualisme anarchique et des ambitions surrelles linsertion militante et efficace dans le monde rel. Aragon adhrera au Parti communiste en 1927, mais, de 1924 1934, il vivra dix annes de crise qui vont progressivement, aprs bien des colres, des doutes, des retours et des clairs de certitude, le faire passer de lindividualisme au monde rel. Garaudy voque la contradiction dialectique dun homme qui se dveloppe Ainsi, selon Garaudy, le ralisme socialiste sera accompli chez Aragon un niveau de perfection toujours gal dans toute luvre romanesque et potique daprs 1930. Nanmoins, sa mtamorphose serait incomprhensible sans la rencontre dElsa Triolet la fin de 1928. crivain de langue russe et nourrie de la tradition des ralistes russes, de Pouchkine Maakovski et de Tchekhov Gorki, Elsa larrache au nihilisme et au dsespoir et le branche sur ceux qui construisent lavenir. En 1930, elle lemmne en Union Sovitique. Ces vnements prcipitent le passage une forme dcriture nouvelle. Aragon participe la deuxime Confrence internationale des crivains rvolutionnaires et condamne lidalisme du Second manifeste du surralisme. La rvlation physique d un monde o les ouvriers et paysans ont pris en main la vie le bouleverse et lincite crire une posie directement militante, dont Front rouge , dans Perscut perscuteur (1931). En 1933, dans Commune, hebdomadaire culturel, il formule cette condamnation du surralisme : Ngation idaliste qui noppose au monde rel que les liberts prises par un individu, et pour lui-mme. Il lance aux crivains la question : Pour qui crivezvous ? , refuse les uvres apolitiques , et pour sa part essaie de mettre son mtier, lintime mme de son mtier, au service de ce monde nouveau (1934). Marguerite Duras, de son ct, na jamais ni sa position ou son engagement dans le dbat politique ou social. Ses uvres mettent en relief la nocivit du pouvoir politique ou militaire, les erreurs des mouvements rvolutionnaires dvoys et on sait que Duras a particip aux runions du Comit dAction tudiants-crivains. Elle sest galement engage dans des nombreux combats collectifs : la Rsistance, le communisme en 1944, la lutte pour lindpendance de lAlgrie, le mouvement de gauche de 68, le fminisme, la lutte contre le racisme et maintes dautres actions. Cependant, cest dans ses textes que Duras se manifeste le mieux politiquement. En effet, Hiroshima est un texte qui pose ncessairement une question de cet ordre. Tout prend sens dans un contexte qui dnonce lhorreur nuclaire et linjustice sociale. Cest dans ce contexte de dsolation quelle associe guerre et amour, laccablement de ltre. Analyser la politique de la littrature,. Lhistoire de la littrature est lhistoire de la diffusion des procdures, formes de rationalit, modes didentification associes son nom et non simplement lhistoire de lvolution de lcriture romanesque au sein du climat socio-politique. Les uvres de Toni Morrison, qui a reu le prix Nobel pour la qualit de correctitude politique en 1993, ont assurment des choses nous dire sur les blessures de lhistoire amricaine, sur lhistoire et la posthistoire de lesclavage ou sur la retombe de lactivisme politique des annes soixante, pour nous faire sentir la qualit de la discussion publique sur le pass colonial. Bien quils se rejoignent des formes littraires connues et ajoutent des pilogues lhistoire faulknrienne du Sud amricain ou la narration la Dos Passos , U.S.A., sur labsorption de lAmrique ouvrire et contestatrice par lAmrique de lordre

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propritaire, , ils ninventent pas pour autant une politique nouvelle de la littrature. La littrature ninvente pas aujourdhui des catgories de dchiffrement de lexprience commune, comme elle a pu le faire jusque dans le milieu du XX sicle, parce que, justement, les formes de narrativit, dexpressivit et dintelligibilit quelle avait inventes ont t appropris par dautres discours ou dautres arts, par les formes de la communication sociale. Ce qui importe cest de montrer comment le discours politique relve lui-mme dune construction potique, cest--dire dun discours sans privilge. Et cest alors le texte potique qui se montre capable de fournir des modles de rationalit la construction politique grce la personnalit dun grand crivain, transcendante ses doctrines. La droite est prsente en termes dinfluence. LAcadmie franaise et dautres institutions psent dun grand poids, aides par la presse crite. Lexprience de la Grande Guerre, les frustrations des anciens combattants et les conflits politiques quelles alimentent permettent aux valeurs nationalistes sous ses formes bonapartistes, boulangistes, antiparlementaristes, dtre actives et offrent de belles perspectives aux crivains de droite. La modernit dun Morand sy fondra sans difficult , comme finalement le populisme de Louis-Ferdinand Cline, entre Voyage au bout de la nuit, publi en 1932,et, ses lettres envoyes aux journaux collaborationnistes, sous l'Occupation , quand il fait preuve d'un antismitisme violent. LAction franaise est, lpoque, un remarquable instrument danalyse et de critique de la littrature, sappuyant pour cela sur de jeunes crivains qui sont parmi les bons esprits critiques de leur temps. Que certains aient fini dans la Collaboration, qui comporte une adhsion idologique aux formes locales ou allemande de nazisme, ne change rien la qualit formelle de leurs analyses et au fait quils tiennent leur front littraire avec intelligence et tnacit. Parmi ces jeunes talents, on trouve Robert Brasillach,thoricien dun fascisme la franaise, condamn mort et execut aprs la guerre, Claude Roy o Michel Don. Laffirmation dun projet rvolutionnaire pour la littrature nest pas vidente. Cest peut-tre aussi pour cette raison que le Ier Congrs des crivains sovitiques de 1934, qui impose les principes du ralisme socialiste, eut tant dcho ; il donnait limpression de rsoudre un problme majeur de la cration . Depuis Jaccuse de Zola la question de la liaison entre la littrature et les combats du peuple se pose avec acuit. Les crivains franais ne sont dailleurs pas seuls tenter dy donner rponse, ceux dautres pays europens sen proccupent, en particulier les Russes. Loption populiste est vite rejete car ce qui compte nest pas de magnifier le peuple, mais le combat du peuple et pas nimporte quel combat mais celui qui peut revtir une porte rvolutionnaire. Les rflexions dun crivain comme Jean-Richard Bloch, lpoque de sa revue L'Effort libre, sont clairantes. Elles tournent autour de la question de ce que doit tre lart rvolutionnaire, des formes quil peut prendre pour tre accessible tous sans perdre en qualit. Finalement la littrature de gauche balbutiait dans son entreprise de sadresser au peuple, elle demeurait confine une lite, de surcrot minoritaire. La seule uvre qui puisse tre considre comme refltant ce problme, sans le rsoudre, est Jean-Christophe de Romain Rolland. Pour avancer dans cette voie lexprience de la guerre, qui a orient Barbusse ou Malraux, et la crise sociale de 1929 jouent un rle bien plus dterminant que lexemple du monde sovitique. Linfluence de lURSS, laide ou les difficults quelle apporte interviennent ensuite. Luvre rvolutionnaire sera videmment raliste, pour des raisons de lisibilit et de conqute dun public nouveau. Lnine prfrait Tolsto, ce miroir de la socit russe , Maakovski, tout en reconnaissant quil ntait pas un spcialiste de la posie. Dans les annes 30, Martin du Gard avec ses Thibault reprsente fort bien cette tendance qui expose les problmes de la socit sans intervenir sur les solutions. Ce ralisme critique est jug insuffisant par les crivains communistes. La solution est de trouver la liaison entre les objectifs de la littrature et ceux du combat librateur du peuple. Ce qui exclut non pas lindividu mais lindividualisme. Andr Malraux et Andr Gide ont cette poque un statut spcial, ils sont un peu des compagnons de route de haut prestige.Andr Malraux a choisi la Rvolution avec clat. On le trouve aussi bien au Kremlin quen Espagne, plus laise sans doute en Espagne qu la table de Staline. La Condition humaine puis LEspoir et Le Temps du mpris lui ont donn une large clbrit. Gide avait fait deux pas en avant vers les communistes avant de publier son Retour dURSS suivi des Retouches qui augmentent encore la porte de ses critiques. Ce livre arrive un moment dramatique de la guerre dEspagne alors que lURSS tait le seul tat osant soutenir la Rpublique espagnole.

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Le modle de lintellectuel objectif, lintellectuel idal de Benda, attend encore la lgitimit car la plupart des intellectuels contemporains se reconnaissent des affinits avec certaines valeurs culturelles ou sociales, lengagement actif de lintellectuel au service des ides et des valeurs quil dfend restant le seul idal rel, le capital symbolique dont parle Bourdieu dans son Language and Symbolic Power.
Bibliographie : Champion, P, La littrature la recherche de la vrit, Paris, Seuil, coll. Potique, 1996 Garaudy, R., Dun ralisme sans rivages, Plon, Paris , 1963. Garaudy, R. Litinraire dAragon, Gallimard ,Paris , 1961 Lejeune, Ph, Je est un autre. Lautobiographie de la littrature aux mdias, Seuil, Paris, 1980 Mark, L, Spiritul nesbuit. Intelectualii n politic, Polirom, Iai, 2005 Miosz, Cz, Gndirea captiv. Eseu despre logocraiile populare, Humanitas, Bucureti,1999. Naville, P.La rvolution et les intellectuels ,red.Gallimard, Paris, 1975 Vercier B, Viart D, La Littrature franaise au prsent.Hritage, modernit, mutations, Bordas ,Paris, 2005.

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Arhitecturarea iconului mediatic n spaiul cultural romnesc. Studiu de caz: brandul Liviu Mihaiu
Conf. dr. Ana Maria Munteanu Universitatea Ovidius din Constana Abstract: The mix is a strategy frequently used in advertising, political or social marketing, but the data resulted from marketing research being usually confidential, the publicity develops itself in connection with private or institutional interests without a necessary theoretical reflection (medium level studies) or public debates concerning the social and cultural impact of hyper-mediation. Our purpose was to clarify the articulations at the level of the symbolic power of juste (which incorporates the marks of dissidence and anti communism) with the efficient symbolic power of media corporations, these being the territory on which the icon will impose civic values, connected to the legitimate actors who carry this anticommunist message in post-communism and the centers of integrity that they hold in the public space imbricate in that of the market and the other way around. The iconic image of Liviu Mihaiu represents a center of reliability that irradiates invulnerable messages in a space defined as a system of legitimate positions (the invulnerability of integrity). Therefore, anticommunism goes from a legitimating value of the Romanian society after 1989 to a solid value of the consumerist society which reactivates itself efficiently in the pleadings about mentality change and the strengthening of the centers of integrity of the memory which could be erased by the actual preponderantly mercantile orientation of the new generations that have never directly known communism. If we associate culture with a policy of representation and, implicitly, with a production mode similar to the production of any goods, we can talk about a course towards singularity served as difference // opposition within the temporal whirl past, present, future, where the present is established as point of freedom contrasting with the privative character of the past, which allows for clear distinctions, the differential mechanism being irreducible and invariant (it is not modified by means of negotiation), no matter how far the play on words, the pun, the joke, etc., may be carried. Thus, the characteristics of universal history are translated at a national (local) level: the supply of themes and messages is not only retrospective, but also contingent, singular, ironic, and critical. The flow system of information multiplies feed-back, people themselves innitiating and developing platforms managed by the editorial board of the Academia Catavencu weekly newspaper, at Realitatea television station, or within other media channels. The greatest media coverage is provided for the two campaigns employing as argumentative structure the opposition between the Communist period and the need for balance and adjustment to the values of the democratic society. This opposition results in the need for a trial of Communism allowing for the therapy of society crises generated by confusion and lack of guide marks. Key words: hyper-mediation, iconic image, irony

Comunicarea n mas reprezint producerea instituionalizat i difuzarea generalizat a bunurilor simbolice prin fixarea i transmiterea informaiei sau a coninutului simbolic. Prima caracteristic a comunicrii de mas face referire la cadrul instituional de producere bunurilor simbolice i anume existena unor anumite mijloace tehnice i instituionale de producere i de difuzare. Polarizarea coninuturilor comunicrii de mas are loc n jurul subiectelor din sfera public i difer n funcie de orientarea (poziionarea) emitorului n sfera intereselor i a relaiilor interpersonale(echivalente nrudirii, respectiv, sistemului de aliane i de interese care definesc establishment-ul). Mijloacele tehnice i resursele instituionale devin piloni pentru punerea n circulaie a bunurilor simbolice prin faptul c formele simbolice pot fi valorizate att simbolic ct i economic. Astfel se deschid nu numai piste de analiz dar i mecanisme semiotice distincte de simulacrele prin care Baudrillard sancioneaz imaginarele i productivitatea mediatic. Mark Hobbart (n Rothenbuhler, Coman, 2005, p. 26-27)1 vorbete despre nevoia de a afla ceea ce numete missing bits, acea verig care lipsete(something lacking) ntre studiile de antropologie cultural i studiile media, considernd vital dialogul dintre tiin i modelul culturalist marcat de opera lui Clifford Geertz, conform cruia cultura influeneaz n manier hard stratificrile politice, economice ale realului ct i ceea ce se nelege prin nevoi (trebuine) biologice i fizice. Culturalitatea de tip lan de semnificaii este vulnerabilizat de tehnicile de comunicare denumite
1

Rothenbuhler, E.W., Coman, M., ed., 2005, Media Anthropology, Sage Publications, Thousand Oaks, London, New Delhi:

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de Virilio tehnologii ale percepiei i puse n relaie determinant cu tiina, noile tehnologii i grupurile de putere. Pe de alt parte eficiena n comunicare nu presupune automat a opera excluderi i a impune logica adversarului, a inamicului. Piaa mesajelor reprezint un mediu eterogen, interactiv i flexibil(o estur /ansamblu de reele- elastic specific oricrui spaiu fizic i virtual obinut prin fluxurile de informaie) care rspunde unor formaiuni dezirante printr-o producie dezirant. Dar aceast producie dezirant este o structur produs i susinut prin articularea unor momente distincte-producie, circulaie, distribuie/consum, reproducie...o structur complex(a complex structure in dominance) susinut de articularea unor practici interconectate...Obiectul acestor practici este sensul i mesajele- n toate formele semiozei-vehicole de un anume tip organizate, ca orice form de comunicare prin operaii de codificare n interiorul, n cadrul formei sintagmatice a lanului discursiv... (Hall,1980, p. 128)2. Hall are fr ndoial dreptate dar nu epuizeaz totui, dup cum nu o face nici Virilio, prin modelarea dominanei, i, respectiv, violenei simbolice specificul pieei culturale n esen antioedipian( figuralitatea dorinei opus figurii legii), care erodeaz sociusul pe care l presupune discursul, supravegherea i reglementarea prin discurs. Fenomenul semiotic analizat de noi se situeaz n acest punct critic al unei limite, frontiere real-dezirabil, (double edge) locul de schimbare a sensului i a ordinii culturale de la norm la dsir i invers, o deplasare de la categorizare (politic, economic, social) la teatralizarea actualitii, prin nregistrarea live. Din raiuni analitice, pentru a delimita sensul de circulaia bunurilor simbolice Pierre Bourdieu a introdus conceptul de cmp. Un cmp este un spaiu social structurat, un cmp de fore, n care exist raporturi de conflict, lupte ce urmresc transformarea sau meninerea acestui cmp de fore. n cadrul acestui univers fiecare individ angajeaz, n concurena sa cu ceilali, ntreaga for de care dispune i care definete poziia ocupat n cadrul cmpului i, prin urmare, strategiile pe care el adopt3. Legitimarea n cadrul cmpului jurnalistic se face prin recunoaterea de ctre egali, acordat acelora ce recunosc fr nici o excepie valorile i principiile interne iar recunoaterea prin numrul cel mai mare, materializat prin numrul de exemplare vndute, de cititori, de asculttori ori de spectatot, adic prin cifra de vnzare!4 instituiile media ofer terenul de manifestare pentru exercitarea puterii. Puterea este capacitatea cuiva de a interveni n cursul evenimentelor i de a le modifica rezultatul5. Prin intermediul puterii resurselor, mediile de comunicare pun n funciune un capital deja existent pe care l valorific pentru a atinge anumite scopuri i interese.Puterea reprezint probabilitatea ca un actor dintr-o relaie social s fie pus n poziia de a-i impune voina fr rezisten6. Talcott Parsons afirm c puterea distributiv are o natur ce vizeaz schimbul prin pierderea la care este supus cellalt participant la putere. Pentru ca B s ctige putere A trebuie s o piard7. Puterea nu este o resurs. Resursele (n cazul studiat de noi, sistemul de comunicare) sunt mijloacele prin care este exercitat puterea8. Michael Mann creeaz o gril cu trei categorii - Forme de putere, Resurse, Instituii paradigmatice, i distinge puterea simbolic de puterea economic, politic, coercitiv, aceasta fiind acumulat n mijloacele de informare i n instituiile culturale-Biserica, colile, Universitile, Mass-Media. Instituiile paradigmatice ofer terenul pentru exercitarea diferitelor tipuri de putere. Puterea cultural sau simbolic presupune exploatarea unui capital cultural pe care Bourdieu l subscrie la referina de totalitate a abilitilor, competenelor, formelor de cunoatere folosite n producerea, transmiterea i receptarea informaiei i a coninutului simbolic. Se valorific i prin intermediul capitalului simbolic ca prestigiu acumulat, recunoaterea i respectul acordate anumitor productori i instituii creditul de notorietate pe care o persoan poate conta. Acest credit depinde de aptitudinea punctului de onoare de a asigura invulnerabilitatea onoarei i constituie un tot indivizibil distinct, care asociaz cantitatea i calitatea de bunuri cu cantitatea i
2

Hall, Stuart,Who needs identity, in Paul du Gay, Jessica Evans, Peter Redman (2000), The Identity A Reader, Sage publications, Thousand Oaks, New Delhi. 3 Bourdieu Pierre, Despre televiziune, Ed. ART, Colecia Demonul teoriei, Bucureti, 2007, p. 66. 4 Bourdieu Pierre, Economia bunurilor simbolice, Meridiane, Bucureti, 1986,p.203 5 John B.Thompson, Media i modernitatea, Antet, Bucureti, 2001, p. 17. 6 Weber Max,1968 (1921), Economy and Society, Bedminster Press, New York, p. 53. 7 Talcott Parsons, The Distribution of Power in American Society, n Structure and Process n Modern Societies, New York, Free Press, p. 199.225. 8 Michael Mann, The Sources of Social Power, Cambrige University Press, p. 6.

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calitatea oamenilor capabili s le valorifice.9 Aadar putem infera despre imaginea iconului Liviu Mihaiu ca reprezentnd un punct/centru de credibilitate care iradiaz mesaje invulnerabile ntr-un spaiu definit ca sistem de poziii de legitimitate (invulnerabilitate a onoarei). Putem surprinde articulrile la nivelul puterii simbolice juste (care incoporeaz marcajele disidenei i anticomunismului) cu puterea simbolic eficient a corporaiilor mediatice, aceasta fiind teritoriul pe care iconul va impune valorile critice, legate de actorii purttori legitimi ai mesajului anticomunist n postcomunism i de punctele de onoare pe care acetia le dein n spaiul public imbricat n cel al pieei i invers. Anticomunismul trece astfel de la o valoare legitimatoare a societi romneti n perioada de dup 1989 la o valoare solid a societii de pia care se reactiveaz eficient n pledoariile pentru schimbarea mentalitilor i ntrirea punctelor de onoare ale memoriei ce ar putea fi terse de orientarea preponderent mercantil actual a noilor generaii care nu au cunoscut comunismul printr-o experien direct. Credem c subtilitile arhitecturrii iconului Liviu Mihaiu n i prin campanii de responsabilizare i schimbare a mentalitilor se relev n mbinarea unor trsturi care evoc contradiscursul i figurile sale asumate ironic i ludic i care se mbin, conform principiului coerenei, cu rolul de senior al subculturii i underground-ului. Modul n care aceast strategie creeaz un punct n care apare limita ... devenind o contra-micare care contrazice tendina este remarcat n comentariul lui Maurice Godelier: linia de dezvoltare occidental, departe de a fi universal pentru c s-ar regsi pretutindeni, apare ca universal pentru c nu s-ar regsi nicieri...Este tipic, pentru c, n dezvoltarea ei singular, a obinut un rezultat universal...(M. Godelier cit. de Deleuze, Guattari, p.191)10. Dac asociem cultura unei politici a reprezentrii i implicit unui mod de producie similar oricrei producii de bunuri atunci putem discuta de un parcurs spre singularizare servit ca diferen //opoziie n interiorul spirei temporale- trecut, actual, ulterior n care actual se instituie ca punct de libertate n opoziie cu caracterul privativ al trecutului ceea ce permite distincii clare, un mecanismul diferenial fiind ireductibil i invariant (nu se modific prin negociere), orict de departe ar fi mpins jocul de cuvinte, calambur, glum, etc.Astfel se translateaz la nivel naional(local) trsturile istoriei universale:oferta de teme i mesaje nu este doar retrospectiv ci i contingent, singular, ironic, i critic (Deleuze, Guattari, op.cit. p. 191). Cadrul teoretico-metodologic n construcia cadrului metodologic al acestui studiu ne-am confruntat cu dificultatea de a corela puterea sistemului de comunicare(logica de flux i mixul mediatic, imaginea capitalizat expresivitate (utter) i conectivitate(link)(Watson 1996, i Hobart,1997,2005)11] - cu forma spectacular a unor argumente morale, politice, culturale prezentate n cadrul campaniilor n care s-a implicat Liviu Mihaiu. Vizibilitatea generat de mediatizarea intens n sistem de campanie surprins de Gerstl ca orchestrare a mesajelor prin utilizarea mai multor canale ca nucleu al vizibilitii12- i viteza reaciei critice,- denumit de Bourdieu13 fast-thinking, un comportament reactiv la evoluiile mediului politic, economic i cultural- realizate dintr-o perspectiv critic specializat i n acelai timp legitimat de cmpul civic-jurnalistic, reprezint, coordonate ale publicitii (spaiului public naional) n care se nscrie ca agent - n sensul triplu de producere, produs, identitate produs-producere - care utilizeaz eficient oportunitile mediului transparent. Dac imaginile puternice implic un joc i n acelai timp re-prezint identiti fabricate (readymade) translatnd iconul mediatic spre identitatea reelei i nu a individului (Baudrillard,2001, p. 42)14, n cazul analizat de noi am ncercat s aflm: a) cum se arhitectureaz puterea referenial a brandului n spaiul in between real(continuum istoric) i virtual(al nscrierii de semne printr-o logistic mediatic ) Privit ca fenomen n cadrul democraiei de opinie imaginea gliseaz n intervalul nici n ntregime real, nici n ntregime imaginar(Lipmann) al opiniei publice, autodesemnndu-se ca singular colectiv.
Pierre Bourdieu, Simul practic, Institutul European, 2001, p. 195. Deleuze Gilles, Guattari Felix, Mille Plateaux, 1972, Les Editions de Minuit, Paris 11 Hobart Mark, The Profanity of The Media, n Rothebuhler, E.W.,Coman,M., ed., 2005, Media Anthropology, Sage Publications, Thousand Oaks, London, New Delhi 12 Gerstl Jacques,2002, Comunicarea politic, Institutul European, Iai 13 Bourdieu Pierre, 1998, Despre televiziune,Meridiane,bucureti 14 Baudrillard, Jean, 2001,Paroxistul indiferent,convorbiri cu Philippe Petit, idea Design & Print, Cluj Napoca
10 9

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Avem aadar att o capitalizarea imaginii brandului n cadru naional- prin puncte de articulare discursivsuture points(S.Hall,op.cit.,p.29) ct i cu o nregistrare de socius spre deosebire de figurile iconice fabricate care ghideaz consumul cultural individual, fiind formaiuni dezirante pe care le amplific rampele mediatice b) n ce mod acest brand se manifest ca agent articulator dar funcioneaz n i prin consolidarea unui punct de onoare/referin aadar, dei implic hyperactivitatea semnului(asociativitate, transformativitate, orchestrare) trimite n flux argumente critice spre audiene locale a cror legtur cu istoria i cultura o ntrete din perspectiva puterii legitime autorizat a infera, prin logistica publicitar de care dispune, o definiie corect politic a unei situaii reale utiliznd mecanisme specifice mediei comerciale. Nu n ultimul rnd, ne-am propus s surprindem relaia discurs-contradiscurs(n sensul folosit de Kellner, cultura este cmpul de btlie al puterii, (D. Kellner, 2001)15 teatralizarea locului fiind un mod de enunare a identitii n sensul cel mai apropiat de forma cult fiind gndire reflexiv incorporat n interaciunile generatoare de sens (o combinaie ntre punere n scen i happening) specifice culturii populare care nu se suprapune culturii de consum. Teatralitatea, generatoare de dubluri imaginare ale realului (Artaud)16 este i un laborator al semnelor, a experimentrii unor scenarii i identiti care se actualizeaz scenic, i de calibrare a impactului emoional. Acest bruiaj al realului considerat ca pur factual - de ficiunea teatral pe care o implic re-prezentarea realului(istoriei) n percepii i reprezentri, este o tem mai veche de disput. Exist temerea c multiplicarea la nesfrit a platourilor de vizibilitate poate bloca investiia de cunoatere-raiune i c reduce societatea i istoria la confruntarea tactic dintre juctori, interese i intenii. Dificultatea de a opta metodologic pentru detaarea pozitiv(obiectual-izant) sau pentru controlul interaciunilor observator-observat poate fi depit logic i epistemologic prin instrumentele triontologiei lui Stephane Lupasco. Bergson, spune Olivier de Beauregard n Evoluia creatoare , modelizeaz actul voluntar prin metafora explozibilului vital, o energie puternic este disponibilizat precum declicul unei arme de foc, printr-o cheltuial infim de energie. Problema nu relev n mod esenial existena energiei, ci a informaiei, putnd fi formalizat n temeni de probabilitate. Ocurena aleatorie a clasicilor putea fi astfel considerat o cunoatere incomplet, un control incomplet. Aceast teorie postula un cuplu imprecis ntre ocuren-reprezentare. Cu totul alta este soluia propus de Lupasco i Beauregard. Problema const n a estima probabilitatea a ceea ce implic nu numai cunoaterea ci i organizarea (logistica). Aceast schimbare de perspectiv este ambalat i de Bayes. n acord cu gramatica, prin formula probabilitii cauzelor el definete probabilitatea cumulat a dou ocurene corelate A i C (funcia), simetrice ntre ele i definete ca inverse cele dou probabiliti condiionale A i C, i respectiv, C i A(oglinda, respectiv, oglindirea). Logica triontologic lupascian permite discernerea ntre nivelurile ontologice(Cele trei materii) i deschide posibiliti de analiz a medierii altfel blocate epistemologic Aadar realul i oglindirea(imaginea sa) n reprezentri nu sunt unul i acelai lucru, iar chemarea evenimentului preponderent prin fluxul global de imagini(mediatizarea intens) i nu prin experimentarea direct, transform raportul de fore ntre real i dublul su(imaginea i imaginarele politice, sociale etc.). Are loc o fuziune/confuzie ntre momentul logistic i cel cognitiv i o erodare a referentului n contiina rezonant care leag imaginile i lucrurile. Dup cum corelaia se exercit de-a lungul unui interval spaiu-timp, exist simetrie Aciune-Retroaciune(Reacie), sau reversibilitate Cauz-Efect. Ca o consecin logic , cauza eficient se exprim prin evaluarea probabilitii a priori iniiale (momentul cognitiv), iar cauza final prin ponderarea probabilitii finale( prin momentul logistic i de feed-back). Inversarea etapelor (stimularea feed-back-ului prin fluxul de imagini) modific raportul cognitiv i implicit influeneaz probabilitatea de apariie a evenimentului genernd comportamente hyperconformiste. Privit prin prisma controlului probabilitii unui eveniment(schimbarea de atitudine fa de o idee, produs, persoan) campaniile reprezint tehnologii ale percepiei, ale impactului(storytelling, tehnici vizuale) n sensul dat de Virilio, arme optice ale evidenei, dup cum informaia, reglat

15 16

Douglas Kellner, 2001,Cultura media, Iai, Institutul European, Iai Artaud Antonin, (1997)Teatrul i dublul su, Echinox,Cluj-Napoca

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cu precizie, reprezint un ac hipodermic (Lasswell, Lule, Sola Pool)17 cele dou aspecteinformaie, efect perceptiv i cognitiv - putnd fi convergente, simetrice sau reversibile (Festinger, Newcombs, lucr.cit,cap.3). Estimarea probabilitii este o problem nu numai de cunoatere ci i de organizare (tehnici, mijloace, suporturi). Dac n cotidian este remarcabil i surs a nesfritelor perplexiti modul n care aciunea voluntar ajunge s-i ating scopul ignornd aproape totalitatea mijloacelor puse n oper strategiile de mix implic o coordonare extrem de laborioas a operaiilor publicitare n cadrul campaniilor de comunicare. Mediatizare, balane cognitive i realul ca efect de sens Probabilitatea poate fi inclus n acea versiune a adevrului istoric cert obinut prin recompunerea i nelegerea seriei de evenimente la care se refer Kossellek atunci cnd distinge n formarea conceptului de istorie ntre sistemul de evenimente (transformri), discursul istoric i teatrul istoriei cu ntreaga ncrctur polemic iluminist ntre res factae i res fictae18. Tocmai de aceea n cazul analizat de noi iconicitatea nu este artificial, n ntregime fantasmatic(phantasmata) chiar dac mecanismul produciei culturale este amprentat de forma i puterea capitalul simbolic i comercial. Am putea infera c socialitatea pe care o (de)construiete/reconstruiete iconul mediatic analizat nu este un rezultat al unei grefe de producere pe produs caracteristic mainilor de dorin, sau produciei primare: producere de producie (Deleuze G., Guattari F., op. cit., p. 12) ci de o serie de transformri motivate de un sens mprtit.(Chladenius(1752!),cit de Kosellek,-evenimentele i n consecin istoria (Geschichte) sunt transformri. Dar ele presupun un subiect, o fiin durabil sau o substan(op.cit.p.27). J.F,Lyotard, consider c semnificantul este depit att spre exterior, de ctre imaginile figurative, ct i spre interior de ctre figurile pure care-l compun, sau mai exact de ctre figuralul care vine s dea peste cap abaterile codate ale semnificantului, introducndu-se ntre ele, lucrnd sub condiiile de identitate ale elementelo lor.19 Mai mult dect att ceea ce lucreaz nu este semnificantul ci un figural de dedesubt cci nu figurile sunt cele care depind de semnificant i de efectele lui, ci lanul (procesul) semnificant este cel care depinde de efectele (instituirile, obs.ns.) figurale. n mod evident semnificantul analizat de noi - o imagine puternic, un brand- poate genera semne de ntrebare referitoare nu att la consistena sa ci, mai ales la mijloacele puternice( efectele configurative) prin care se articuleaz i care nu pretind numai o anumit corectitudine politic, ci mai degrab o eficien articulatorie tehnic. Pe de alt parte studiul nostru vizeaz aspectele tehnice ca productivitate a sensului i tehnologie a percepiei n sensul dat de Paul Virilio de tehnici ale impactului20 a cror presiune nu este pur pragmatic ci implic o presiune reconfigurativ ideologic, politic, comercial, etc Spre deosebire de Virilio care pune accentul pe storytelling dar mai ales pe forma vizual, optic a substituirii semnificatului( realitatea-obiect i reprezentrile realitii) de ctre semnificant - semnificantul fiind pentru filozof nu att imaginea ci ecranul(screen) care concentreaz impactul, cu deformarea strii neutre T - Noi am ncercat s descifrm efectele de sens ca rezultat al unei strategii canal-mesaj marcat de sistemul de comunicare prin operaiile de orchestrare a mesajelor, mixul fiind interaciunea vocilor/canalelor care strig mesajul reprezentnd n fond nucleul strategic al vizibilitii (controlulul probabilitii de actualizare a unui semnificant(discurs, imagine) prin care este intit nu doar semnificatul(real) ct i interpretantul (regula, norma, instituia, persoana etc.) Prin acest accent pe imagine i ecran realul devine un efect de sens care reflect puterea logistic mediatic, balanele cognitive i logica de flux informaional n construcia politic a unei situaii, problematizare, competiie ntre actori i feed-back. In planul coninutului interpelarea memoriei medii i recente i a contradiscursului legitimator prin mapping- semiotic al ansamblului de operaii discursive n sptmnalul Academia Caavencu, la Radio Guerilla, n emisiunile TVR1 prin mijloace specifice teatrului popular i satirei politice( aluzii (auto)ironice la marginalitate, la figurile i etosul anti-establishment (Virgil
17 Severin W.J., Tankard,J.W.,(2004) Perspective asupra comunicrii de mas, cap.3, Limbaj i percepie n mass media,Polirom, 2004 18 Kosellek,Reinhard,Geneza conceptului modern de istorie,n Conceptul de istorie,2005, E. Univ. Al.Ioan Cuza,Iai, p.27-29;38-42) 19 Lyotard J.F.,Discours,figure, n Deleuze-Guattari,op.cit.,p.338 20 Virilio Paul,(1994,)The Vision Machine, Perspectives, Semiotext(e), distributed by MIT, Los Angeles

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Mihaiu se enun pe sine ca Che Guevarra caricaturizat) sunt reperaje ale unui brand naional(prin trecerea de la singular-la singularul colectiv) care instituie spaiul de libertate inbetween o libertate a contiinei i a valorilor sigure, iar critical thinking o valoare (nex) a democraiei occidentale dei i pierde treptat impactul n societate i n cmpurile n care s-a definit ca mesaj, expresivitate i strategie de comunicare- arte, teatru, arhitectur, cinema, nflorete mediatic prin joc interferenial devenind loc de identificare colectiv prin cultura civic i cultura popular, individual/public i comercial, ludic i serios,etc. Nucleul de credibilitate -legitimitate se menine la aproape douzeci de ani distan prin trendul de lung durat al mediatizrii argumentelor provenite din teritoriile mitice ale anticomunismului21 funcioneaz nc n contexte marcate ireversibil de jocurile de interese ale mediei nsei i, mai ales, de cultura de consum. Mediatizarea prin agregarea de mijloace tehnice i resurse , re-investete o figur paradigmatic care cumuleaz efectele diverselor strategii de comunicare n ambele sensuri. Pentru nelegerea fuziunilor prin care o imagine tinde spre un imago vom apela la schema lui Eliseo Veron care demonstreaz o dubl deplasare: a codului ctre mesaje(evenimenializare) i a discursului ctre suporturi (articulare). El distinge ntre domeniile de identificare a imaginilor diferite niveluri de reperaj: A) tipurile de discurs (publicitar, politic, tiinific) B) suporturile tehnologice (imprimate, vizuale, multi-media) C) mass media(concepute ca tehnologii i practici) D) genurile L (pentru a denumi originea Literar a ficiunii) E) genurile-P (ca Produs pe piaa de consum a obiectelor culturale, cum ar fi cotidianele de informare, magazinele, serialele televizate) (Veron cit. de J.J. Boutaud, 2005)22 La aceste niveluri va trebui s adugm : F) codul global care guverneaz mentalitile i stilurile de comunicare (nivelul funciei simbolice); aici este necesar distincia pe care Deleuze-Guattari o fac ntre mecanismul oedipian (normativ) al sociusului i cel antioedipian al pieei lrgite a mesajelor. G) piaa i practicile de consum (nivelul realitii suprapus peste nivelul dorinei, suprapunere aparent deoarece apare o schiz ntre producia dezirant n raportul acesteia cu producia social n diferena i conflictul de regim cu aceasta i n modurile de investire pe care aceasta le opereaz pe baza ei deoarece Producia dezirant e prins n acest raport de nondifereniere dorinrealitate, n acest conflict, n ceste modaliti, iat n ce const factorul ei actual.(Deleuze, Guattari, op. cit. p.176-177) Tocmai de aceea el nu este nici privativ, nici ulterior ... Producia dezirant nu are alt existen dect cea actual... prin nsui procesul su, resemnantizeaz un ansamblu de relaii somatice, sociale, i metafizice care nu succed unor relaii psihologice oedipiene, ci vor fi aplicate, dimpotriv, subansamblului oedipian definit prin reacie, sau, dac aa ceva nu va fi cu putin, l vor exclude din cmpul de investire al activitii lor. Indecidabil, virtual, reactiv reacional, iat cum este Oedip. Formaiunea reacional(att opinia ct i sistemul public) nu poate fi total detaat de producia dezirant... este o enorm eroare ca aceast formaiune s fie privit pentru sine, abstract, independent de factorul actual cu care coexist i, am aduga n cazul marketingului politic, fa de care reacioneaz nediferenierea real-dorin, anularea contradiciei dintre Cod (aspectul normativ al articulrii) i producia dezirant prin ntrirea finalitii (targetare), ceea ce impune o (i) multiplicare a cmpurilor de actualizare a unei figuri, care devine nod topologic n aria reprezentrii, (ii) o logic de actualizare / potenializare fa de stare neutrT), (iii) descifrarea raportului dublurilor real-imaginare n interiorul acelorai plaje funcionale(de covarian, strngere a nodurilor esturii semiozice elastice a spaiului mediatic spre un imago(media iconics) prin clusterizare i stereo-tipizare. Ct vreme specificul pieei culturale tinde ctre inversarea raporturilor dintre societatea (oedipian), orientat normativ spre retenie i piaa care amplific producia dezirant, alocarea iconicitii n cazul studiat de noi se situeaz n plaja diferenierilor transmisibile i reproductibile aadar culturale (cultur, contra cultur, subcultur) care permit figurii marginale s se centreze rezonant interactiv (nregistrare pe socius) ntr-un spaiu al reprezentrii(Deleuze,Guattari) i prin aceasta devenind nod topologic al
21

Analiza mediatizrii fenomenului Piaa Universitii: Coman,M., 2003, Mass media n Romania post comunist, Polirom) 22 Veron Eliseo, cit de Boutaud Jean Jacques, 2005, Comunicare semiotic i semne publicitare, Tritonic, Bucureti

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fluxurilor argumentative (crossover) ca punere n relaie a actorilor, instituiilor, audienelor cu deplasarea /inversare a contradiscursului spre discurs i a discursului spre contradiscurs . Ca model de analiz a eficacitii iconice am utilizat paradigma propus de J.Gerstl referitoare la presiunea dat de multiplicarea reelelor n actul politic. Totui reeaua se definete prin opoziie cu un aparat, drept o organizare social fluid, neconstituit, emergent, cu linii imprecise, o hart cu multiple intrri i ieiri. Prin studiul de caz vom oferi argumente n sprijinul considerrii formei rizomice 23 detectat n deformarea cmpului reprezentrii (n sensul definit n managementul ntreprinderii, deoarece o ntreprindere puternic deformeaz cmpurile de joc ale altor ageni) drept rezultat al presiunii reticulare a campaniei asupra reelei ierarhice, campania fiind o reea instituant care acioneaz prin excesul de comunicare pe care spaiul striat instituional nu l poate gestiona n folos propriu de poziionare. Pentru a descrie aceste aspecte am analizat un numr de 5 campanii ca tot attea cmpuri de actualizare a puterii iconice pe traiectoria productivitii mediatice, a capitalizrii imaginii i a efectelor de sens corelate (inter)aciunii. - Campania social de strngere de fonduri pentru ridicarea unui monument n memoria Elisabetei Rizea(per. ian 2994-oct,2005) - Campanie de pres pentru deconspirarea arhivelor Securitii(per. dec.2003,2005,2007) Articole semnate de Liviu Mihaiu:dec.2003,iuni2007) Adoptarea legii lustraiei:aprilie 2005 - Campanie antiresemnare Rescrie Mioria!Folosete-i oaiele! prin campanie de promovare a matinalului Gherilla de Diminea(per. 5mar-16 apr.2007) cf site-ului http//www.radiogherilla.ro/concursuri_antiresemnare.php Client: Radio Gherilla Agenie FullService: Propaganda - Campanie de lobby ecologic Salvai tiuca(per. martie-iulie 2005) - Campanie de protest Bracoratura (2005-2007) 5 martie 2008 Tabel nr.1- Persuasiunea mixului mediatic n marketingul social
Calitatea coninutului/Apel la valori,Roluri performate n funcie de valorile incorporate -valori: anticomunism eroism, libertate Referine/indici textuali: Elisabeta Rizea a fost simbolul rezistenei ranului romn n faa Evului Mediu comunist ranc eroic, femeie simbol a luptei populare mpotriva comunismului monumentul drzei femei Generarea de platforme /Restructurarea ordinii sociale/ Construcia nodului topologic i clusterizarea -55 de personaliti au semnat pentru donaii n contul deschis de Aezmntul cultural Academia Caavencu -acordul primarului general al Capitalei -reconstituirea zidului de rezisten anticomunist din Muscel -donaiile simbolice fcute de copiii din satul Mereni, jud. Constana -implicarea Ministerului Culturii, 2005 - ntlniri oficiale cu primarul Capitalei i cu Primul Ministru Crearea platformei- ONG-uri, Instituii, persoane prin implicarea - Institutului Romn de Istorie Recent - Fundaia Gheorghe Ursu - Consiliul Naional pentru Studierea Arhivelor Securitii Rol socio-cultural al jurnalistului civic - nod topologic al

Cantitatea de mesaje aflate n circulaie i canalele utilizate n campanie Campania social de strngere de fonduri pentru ridicarea unui monument n memoria Elisabetei Rizea -73 de numere ale revistei Academia Caavencu -13 articole semnate de L.Mihaiu - site:www.elisabetarizea.ro - reportaj documentarZidul, difuzat de TVR1(31 martie 2004)-emisiunea Ochiul magic -spectacol lecturPovestea Elisabetei Rizea-Mrturii la Radio Romnia Cultural, n cadrul programului- Teatru Naional Radiofonic - Antena 1, PROTV

Campanie de pres pentru deconspira re a Securitii i pentru adoptarea legii lustraiei

perioada de desfurare: dec 2003, aprilie 2005-2007 4 numere ale revistei Academia Caavencu, 6 numere Lista lui Secu, 5 articole semnate Liviu Mihaiu -aciuni de protest :lanul viu din jurul Parlamentului n 2003 mediatizat n Academia Caavencu nr. 51.52(628-629)

valori: schimbare

adevr,

indici textuali: reparaie capital, unanimitatea presei asupra necesitii de a ne ti i noi securitii..(singu-

23

Deleuze Gilles, Guattari Felix, Mille Plateaux, 1972, Les Editions de Minuit, Paris

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Cantitatea de mesaje aflate n circulaie i canalele utilizate n campanie 16-23 decembrie 2003

Calitatea coninutului/Apel la valori,Roluri performate n funcie de valorile incorporate larizare-colectiv prin semnificantul pronominal) valori civice vs reprezentri literare, culturale desuete Mioria este balada care,din pcate, a inspirat poporul romn din cele mai vechi timpuri. A devenit, aa cum se tie, motivul-cult al acestei naiiDin pcate, pentru c, atunci cnd suntem pui n faa unui pericol, reacionm cum nu se poate mai greit:plecm capul, ne resemnm, lsm rul s i vad de treab. Radio Guerilla instig, n aceast primvar la antiresemnare!Cine vede probleme n societate(mizerie,indifer en, btaie de joc) sun la Radio Guerilla, iar cei trei baci eroi vor ncerca s le rezolve. Ideea campaniei esteNu mai sta cu minile n sn, nu te lamenta, ia atitudine(Dan Amariei, Creative Director Propaganda,i copywriter al campaniei)

Generarea de platforme /Restructurarea ordinii sociale/ Construcia nodului topologic i clusterizarea platformei prin punere n relaie a victimelor, instituiilor abilitate, societatea civil ( analiti, fomatori-de opinie-istorici politologi,jurnaliti- ) reteatralizarea spaiului de discurs i schimbarea identitii recrearea unui home prin apel la fora masculin Folosete-i oaiele concursul Rescrie Mioria! invit zilnic(instigare de primvar)ascultto-rii s trimit propria versiune a unei strofe a baladei; premiile simbolice sunt o mioas si o cum roz antiresemnare prin aluzie la campaniile sociale cu o problematic feminin, codul de culoare feminin n opoziie cu indicele masculin(folosete-i oaiele) devine operator de difereniere (biciuirea resemnrii,atitudine pasiv specific feminin) semiotica glumei exonereaz productorul de mesaj i mediatizarea intens a sloganului de consecine i erodeaz mentalitile nonactive ntrind legitimitatea atitudinii pro-active schimbarea mentaliti prin negativarea genului modificarea posturilor pragmatice n sensul relevat de Lyotard- asumarea rolului de narator, de purttor de discurs de ctre public, trecerea de la ordinea spectatorial la cea spectactorial de tip agonistic 121 de ctigtori Amulete Antiresemnare-Linia Roz 31 de ctigtori rescriemioria@eliberadio.ro *sursa www.iquads.ro -100 de reprezentani ai autoritilor centrale i locale, ai societii civile, ai mass media i ai comunitii academice, pescari i oameni de afaceri au participat la simpozion -Campania a dus la instituirea unui ordin de protecie a speciilor cu valoare ecologic din Delta Dunrii, cea mai ecologic msur luat n ultimii 50 de ani

Campania antiresemnareRescrie Mioria

5 numere ale revistei Academia Caavencu. TVR, Radio Guerilla, Internet, indoor advertising(OOPS i Acces Press),gingle-uri i promo-uri originale la Radio Guerilla

Campanie ecologicSalv ai tiuca

Simpozion naionalAvem o DeltCum procedm-7 martie 2005 7 numere ale revistei Academia Caavencu site-ul www.salvaidelta.ro

Valori ecologiste Preedintele Asociaiei avertizeaz: otrvite de poluare, masacrate de braconieri, cutate cu nverunare de pescari,ultimele tiuci de pe un hectar de Delt ncap sub form de icre pe o singur felie de pine Mihaiu atrage atenia guvernanilor i gurmanzilor c gusturile

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Cantitatea de mesaje aflate n circulaie i canalele utilizate n campanie

Calitatea coninutului/Apel la valori,Roluri performate n funcie de valorile incorporate sunt trectoare n vreme ce doar extincia este etern (www.salvaidelta.ro) persuasiunea campaniei soldat cu un ordin al guvernului reprezentnd o etap premergtoare interzicerii pescuitului industrial n Delta Dunrii...

Generarea de platforme /Restructurarea ordinii sociale/ Construcia nodului topologic i clusterizarea cu privire la Delta Dunrii(sursa cit) -n 18 iulie a fost publicat n Monitorul Oficial, un ordin comun al minitrilor mediului i agriculturii(S.Barbnu i Ghe. Flutur) care a interzis pentru o perioad de trei ani pescuitul n scop comercial al tiucii,linului, caracudei, al mihalului i al rechinului de Marea Neagr, precum i a speciilor de sturioni:morun,pstrug,ceg,viz, ip( pe ntreg arealul Rezervaiei Biosferei Delta Dunrii care include delta ntre braele Chilia i Sf. Gheorghe, complexul RazelmSinoe i o fie marin de-a lungul rmului) -Memoriu depus la CSM i la Parchetul de pe lng nalta Curte de Casaie i Justiie -informarea publicului cu privire la activitatea statutului, o lovitur dat statuquo-ului, o ncercare de a apra interesul public - mbinarea rolurilor de jurnalist civic, formator de opinie(watch dog) cu cel de protestatar, de militant pentru drepturi civice(reprezentant al societii civile) n ofensiva pentru respectarea legii mpotriva justiiei, n genere, a autoritii corupte

Campanie de protest Bracoratura

-invitat n cadrul emisiunii Prima ediie a postului Realitatea TV, 29 februarie 2008 -Despre cum Justiia tulcean prezint un pericol social articol semnat de L. Mihaiu, Academia Caavencu, Nr.9, 5-11 martie 2008, p.12 - Ct s-a braconat n Delt n 2007 articol publicat de Cotidianul de Antoaneta Etves, Paula Safta, 6 martie 2008 i ediia on-line http//www.cotidianul.ro/cit_s_a_braconat_i n_delta_in_2007-145.html) -Salvai Dunrea i Delta.Academia Caavencu vrea snge cu orice pre ?,articol n publicaia Obiectiv, 10 martie 2008 -articol postat pe site-ul www.galasocietatiicivile.eo(http://www.gal asocietatiicivile.ro/viewstire.php?id -stiri n Jurnalele TVR1, Realitatea TV-5 martie 2008

Valori civice, lupta mpotriva corupiei Liviu Mihaiu: Dincolo de abuzurile contralegii i delsarea complice a ntregului lan trofic al actului administrativ judiciar Poliie Procuratur-Judectorie justiia tulcean consider prin modul su de operare i sentinele sale c devalizarea ecosistemului Rezervaiei Delta Dunrii nu prezint pericol social! Desigur, s lai o rezervaie a patrimoniului universal cu aproximativ 15.000 de locuitori pe teritoriul su fr principala surs de hran, petele, nu reprezint un pericol social, ci de-a dreptul o realitate cataclismic (www.salvatidelta.ro) rol asumat- contestatarul

Laboratorul Academia Caavencu i restructurarea relaiilor sociale Dinamica suprapunerii mesajelor campaniilor pe mai multe canale a relevat rolul pe care la avut aceast publicaie n restructurarea relaiilor sociale la nivelul implicrii autoritilor i a persoanelor publice n campanii. Regimul fluxului tinde s acopere toate mediile de promovare utilizate de ctre purttorii de mesaje, respectiv persoanele care iniiaz campaniile din cadrul redaciei sptmnalului Academia Caavencu la postul de televiziune Realitatea TV i alte canale media. Cea mai mare acoperire mediatic o au cele dou campanii care utilizeaz ca structur argumentativ opoziia dintre perioada comunist i necesitatea de echilibru i de acomodare la valorile societii democratice. Din aceast opoziie rezult necesitatea unui proces al comunismului prin care devine posibil terapia crizelor societii generate de confuzie i absena reperelor. Pe acest fundal discursiv puterea iconului este invocat ca putere a numelui. Poziia

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dominant sau poziia de for declaneaz o lupt pentru poziionare, astfel Liviu Mihaiu se poziioneaz mpotriva statu quo-ului(L.Mihaiu vs comunism,Liviu Mihaiu vs. securiti, L, Mihaiu vs. justiia tulcean). Se produce un transfer de putere simbolic, de la actanii scenei politice, administrative, etc, spre mediatori, jurnaliti care utilizeaz rolul de watch-dog pentru a apra interesul public. Prin declanarea mecanismului reprezentaional se instituie spaiul structurat conform modelului civic-liberal, jurnalismul de tip civic fiind un mecanism reglator social, o punere n expresie a puterii simbolice legitime. Capitalizarea numelui L. Mihaiu nsumeaz mrci acumulate n 18 ani ce nu pot fi disociate de activitatea Sptmnalului de moravuri grele Academia Caavencu. Capitalizarea este un rezultat al interseciilor multiple ale discursului i identificrii prin care se aloc o poziie S (a instituiei i a persoanelor) prin care sunt interpelai actorii n procesele de comunicare i prin care S24 arhitectureaz propria sfer public de semnificaii la intersecia cu poziionrile s1,s2....sn(intervenii, mijloace, medii de comunicare, referine ncruciate) prin care se instituie i se consolideaz un brand. Fluxul mesajelor traverseaz locul ocupat de L.Mihaiu, l poziioneaz n i prin contradiscurs dar n acelai timp n logica poziionrii(referinei) este integrat i organizaia de pres prin nevoile societii crora le d un rspuns. Implicarea lui L.Mihaiu n campaniile sptmnalului este major, fiind un purttor de mesaj, individ-punte ( semneaz majoritatea articolelor difuzate n perioada campaniilor este anchor -pivot al argumentelor i de nod al sferelor de arhitecturare public, prin roluri i reperaje specifice contradiscursului, un sistem de sens, cu o structure in dominance prin mrci specifice figurii contestatarului, a justiiarului, aprtorului drepturilor civice, i prin forma rizomatic (mix) a capitalul cultural al numelui i persoanei sale, precum i printr-o articulare de tip platform a comunicrii-aciune(implicarea persoanelor publice n promovarea unei idei reprezint o caracteristic a marketingului social). Coerena i eficiena discursului i operaiilor de marketing social redefinesc spaiul argumentativ (teme,problematici, actori) printr-o strategie interferenial (persuasiunea mixului mediatic). Campania care mizeaz n cea mai mare msur pe restructurarea relaiilor sociale este cea referitoare la Elisabeta RizeaPentru monumentul unei femei monumentale Implicarea direct a lui Liviu Mihaiu apare n articolul -declaraie din ediia datat 16-23 dec.2003, a publicaiei Academia Caavencu ... ntotdeauna am crezut cu sfinenie c, naintea Metroului, Bulevardului Victoriei Socialismului, a literaturii realismului socialist sau a televizorului color Elcrom (realizrile Epocii de Aur) singurul motiv real de mndrie al romnilor au fost cei 15 ani de rezisten din muni. De aceea i rog pe toi cei care cred c rezistena anticomunist merit ceva mai consistent dect trufia originii sntoase s semneze la adresa de email:elisabeta rizea@catavencu.ro. Jurnalistul joac rolul de intermediar ntre obiectivul campaniei i public prin faptul c instituie un sistem nuntru-n afar, o comunitate participativ prin deteritorializare-reteritorializare, mai nti o comunitate resurs, apoi un lobby pentru adunarea fondurilor necesare unui monument n satul Mereni Constana. (Ministerul Culturii a pus la dispoziie suma de cteva sute de mii de euro, potrivit art. Se caut o Elisabeta Rizea,n ziarul Cotidianul din 4 martie 2004, semnat de Gabriela Lupu i Alexandra Olivotto). Astfel campania genereaz punctul de onoare- fiind vorba de o valoare-reper a disidenei anticomuniste- astfel c puterea simbolic este concentrat iconic poteneaz un efect de trezire a contiinei sociale. Temele celor cinci campanii analizate construiesc o serie, respect un principiu de producie specific pieei culturale i n acelai timp articuleaz teme ce pot fi dispuse prin coeren unui cmp cultural distinct, cel al culturii civice-de la necesitatea de a face dreptate victimelor comunismului la nevoia de a fi ecologist. Spre deosebire de cele dou campanii analizate anterior Rescrie mioria este o campanie de promovare a unui produs mediatic(emisiunea Guerilla de diminea) Mesajul are un coninut avangardist(o ncercare de a disloca un mit i de a-l reloca prin intermediul apelului la un nou pattern comportental - lupt, antiresemnare, participare - instituionalizeaz feed-back-ul asculttorilor (mediu on line: rescriemioria@eliberadio.ro i intervenii telefonice: Linia Roz Antiresemnare cu tarif normal) i prin valorizarea unor vedete identificate cu brandul Gherilla,
24

L.Althusser.,Ideology interpellates individuals as subjects, in P.du Gay, J.Evans, P.Redman(2000) The Identity A Redear, Sage Publications,p.41.

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respectiv Mihai Dobrovolski, Liviu Mihaiu, Vlad Craioveanu. Campania are rolul de fidelizare a targetului emisiunii i de clusterizare a valorilor ce compun brandul RadioGherilla (nonconformism, libertate, modern, alternative, antiresemnare). Potrivit comunicatului de pres al ageniei Propaganda, campania este o continuare a superproduciei de succes The Good, The Bad & The Ugly avndu-i ca actori pe realizatorii matinalului Gherilla. Liniile campaniei sunt trasate n jurul promovrii emisiunii de radio i de acumulare de capital simbolic pentru vedetele postului. Se produce un transfer de semnificaii de la marc la purttorii ei i invers. Subiect discursiv i semiotic(Boutaud, op.cit)) marca este ilustrarea nsi a termenului de bricolaj, cci ea presupune operaii contractuale i negocieri permanente ntre reperaje i reprezentri asociate pe care comunicarea le manipuleaz rtextual i social, n timp ce mrcile vorbesc n comportamentul actorilor25. (Natura mrcii i imaginea publicitar care decurge din aceasta cer o reconsiderarea pe multiple dimensiuni: a) natura semiotic a mrcii(spaiu al reprezentrii colonizate de semnele mrcii) b) natura relaional(interdefinire prin opoziie i negare,de ex. Radio Gherilla nu este KISS FM) c) natura intersubiectiv (receptivitate social, prefigurare a aspiraiilor,cei trei care au cucerit Estul) d) natura contractual (fidelitate mprtit fa de imaginea mrcii-emisiunea fidelizeaz audiena) e) natura entropic (uzura semnelor i a imaginii. nevoia de a reactiva forme i coninuturireinventarea produsului mediatic prin transmitori i pseudotransmitori26 Mapping semiotic prin valorificarea mix-ului discursiv Jean Jacques Boutaud distinge n evoluia publicitii o revalorizare a mapping-ului semiotic prin intermediul mixului discursiv ca punct de iniiere a identitilor multiple. Prin mixul discursiv are loc:identificarea valorilor fondatoare ale identitii de marc, poziionarea acestor valori de mapping, analiza dimensiunilor discursive ale acestor valori(naraiuni, teme, personaje, decoruri) i ajustarea eventual a acestora din urm, n cazul n care apar incoerene i decalaje, n raport cu poziionarea nucleului profund.(Boutaud,op.cit) Ansamblul de teme de arhitecturare a sferelor de discurs asociate iconului denot multiplicitatea(mutiplicarea) influenei i poziiilor problematice (de discurs) ct i a spaiului de joc pentru imaginea referenial a iconului Liviu Mihaiu. Habitusul relevat de poziia deinut n cadrul publicaiei Academia Caavencu imprim un mod de administrare a temelor. Nominalul devine tipicalitatea(tiprirea) identitii instituionalizate.Tipizarea ideal27 ilustrat de preponderena rolului de justiiar implic nivelare, standardizare, producerea discursului fiind controlat, selecionat, organizat i redistribuit. n acest fel mediul transparent reprezint o limit invizibil ntre ierarhiile i deciziile instituionale de coordonare a operaiilor(jurnalistice i comerciale) i regiunea de fa a comunicrii(Goffman,2007)28 vizibil opiniei publice. Parcursul semiotic al iconului, de la semntur(griffe,signature) la nume, icon, brand(prin asocierea cu brandul Academia Caavencu) are ca punct final transformarea n icon cultural care nglobeaz valori sociale29. Iconul Liviu Mihaiu este asociat unor valori deinute de membrii societii romneti, o structur de semnificaii oglindit de reelele plane care se activeaz prin fluxul de mesaje i trimit la rndul lor mesaje ctre icon (este un sens apropiat de conceptul de articulare ramificat(expresie i legtur) la Watson prezentat anterior ; dar evitarea conceptului de oglindire de ctre Hobart pentru a disocia artificialitatea idolilor media de autenticitatea articulrii emoionale n cazul prinesei Diana30 nu schimb fundamental natura problemei, n schimb permite
Andrea Semprini, Le marketing de la marque, n Jean Jacques Boutaud, 2005, Comunicare, Semiotic i Semne publicitare, Tritonic, Bucureti,p.77-78 26 Denis Mc Quail, Sven Windhal,(2004) Modele ale comunicrii pentru studiul comunicrii de mas, Comunicare.ro, Bucureti 27 Berger Peter Luckmann, Thomas,2008, Construcia social a realitii,Grup Editorial Art, Bucureti 28 Goffman, Erwin, 2003, Viaa cotidian ca spectacol, Comunicare.ro,Bucureti 29 Holt, Douglas B. ,2005, How Brands Become Icons The principles of Cultural Branding,Harvard Business School Press, New York 30 Hobart Mark,The Profanity of The Media,n Rothebuhler,E.W.,Coman,M.,ed.,2005,Media Anthropology, Sage Publications,Thousand Oaks,London,New Dehli,: The celebrity of pop-idols is artificial. Like presidents thy are man25

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diferenieri calitative pe care conceptualizrile lui P.Virilio- tehnologiile impactului emoional democraia intelectului global sau relaia tehnologiile percepiei-putere, media-rzboi, n genere dialecticile negative nu le pot nregistra dat fiind adaptarea dispozitivului critic la scara global a fenomenelor abordate de filozof,: dar dac a gndi global nu este totuna cu a aciona(a comunica) local, atunci arhitecturarea spaiului local-regional are nevoie att de aparate de finee pentru a nregistra microtransformrile generate de presiunea deteritorializrii-reteritorializrii mediatice i pentru a surprinde efectele convergente ale multiplicrii canalelor i ale competiiei dintre acestea. Structura de semnificaii instituionalizat prin productivitatea i eficiena mixului pe parcursul celor cinci campanii poate fi enunat printr-o serie de imagini interconectate relevnd un pattern cultural civic i o hart cu valori//puncte de poziionare prin evaluare-identificare. Mapping semiotic 2004-2005 2003,2005,2007 2005 2005-2007 2007 Justiiarul Justiiarul opoziie mpotriva Nonconformist Nevoia de Noi vs Ei justiiei corupte ntrirea valorii adevr Watch-dog resurs pentru al actelor identificarea de justiie cultural n reele informale Analiza de mix mediatic n funcie de a) persuasiune, b) cantitatea de mesaje aflate n circulaie, c) calitatea coninuturilor - apelul la valori, roluri performate, i d) orchestrare- a relevat un sense making system avnd 4 niveluri de arhitecturare. Nivelul 1 - Publicaia Academia Caavencu, perioada de susinere 2003-2008, laboratorul campaniilor; la acest nivel imaginea iconului coreleaz strategii jurnalistice de tip civic ct i se manifest ca o pendulare ntre stilurile serios i ludic, fiind preponderent jurnalism angajat, iar ludicul reprezentnd o strategie de comunicare cu audiena intit, respectiv tineri, nonconformiti, marginali, exclui, .a. Nivelul 2- Academia Caavencu-Radio Gherilla >nivelul 1 al mixului la acest nivel elementele microstructurale(imagini, mesaje de tip logo,texte de tip slogan) sunt translatate de la pres la radio, dezvoltndu-se i reinventndu-se ca stil radiofonic-prin limbajul paraverbal i prin impactul emoional al muzicii i diverselor dispozitive actaniale i de identitate specifice-jingle-uri de post,de emisiune, voci, mixaj voce-muzic, zgomot de fond. Nivelul 3- participarea ca invitat permanent (formator de opinie) n emisiuni de televiziune de mare audien>> nivelul 2 al mixului Acest nivel structurant reprezint o variant a definiiei clasice a orchestrrii mesajelor n publicitatea politic mai multe voci strig pentru tine (Gerstl, op. cit) prin o voce pentru mai multe canale i formate media. Iconul este mesajul, un purttor de adevr pe mai multe canale. Acest nivel discursiv problematic al mixului balanseaz de la ludic (specific nivelurilor 1 i 2 ) spre serios, implicare, form a angajrii civice, specifice rolului de mentor, de formator de opinie n contextul culturii populare. Nivelul 4 se obine din reuniunea i interseciile programate i aleatorii ntre nivelurile N1, N2,...Nj care se ntresc prin crearea de bucle autoorganizate (lanul cibernetic care se ntoarce asupra sa)Are loc multiplicarea interactiv prin impulsurile pieei mesajelor ceea ce denot o evoluie reticular, imaginea tinde s echivaleze capitalul simbolic al cererii. Rezult un dispozitiv de mobilitate n ambele sensuri: spre civic, politic( structura de ordine social, de tip hard) i spre ludic, popular(pattern de consum, soft) avnd ca surs o poziie unic, nominal a brandului care pivoteaz un teritoriu de nscriere a argumentului moral n i prin operaiile simbolice strategice specifice pieei culturale (marketizare). In concluzie, campaniile sociale valorific mecanismul de producie specific mediului pieei dar pentru a restructura relaiile sociale i a redistribui social sentimente morale. Cele cinci
made, crated by their fans. They are in this respect false idols, creation of cults and sects, powerfull images,...unreal and inauthentic.Diana however belongs to a very different category: she is perceived as not being created by the media or the public(Watson,1997, p. 5, cit de Hobart,op.cit, p. 30).

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campanii au ca nod de comunicare identitatea lui Liviu Mihaiu, capacitatea de a reactiva mesaje, norme, coduri, printr-o organizare polifonic de tip rizomic care strbate spaiul mediatic genernd efecte de sens prin dezvoltarea marketingului social. Imaginea brandului are aadar rolul de separator de legitimitate ntre cmpuri, actori, mesaje, prin meninerea opoziiei civic vs. politic care se pierde treptat n reprezentrile sociale i de amplificator de valori civic-liberale n contexte comerciale orientate de consum. n plan cultural puterea iconului se manifest ca agent de articulare a unui singular colectiv, o condiie a continuitii istoriilor particulare . Toposul antic stipuleaz c poate scrie (i face istorie) doar cel care le-a vzut i fptuit. Ca atare referentul viu(eikastic) - ruptura de comunism - este conservat n referina paradigmatic(hypertext) multiplicat prin mix. Brandul (se) produce i (se) nregistreaz, ntiprete(tipicalizeaz), instituie publicitatea in between mnemonic (istoric) i ludic.
Bibliografie: Andrea Semprini, Le marketing de la marque, n Jean Jacques Boutaud, 2005, Comunicare, Semiotic i Semne publicitare, Tritonic, Bucureti,p.77-78 Berger Peter Luckmann, Thomas,2008, Construcia social a realitii,Grup Editorial Art, Bucureti Bourdieu Pierre, Despre televiziune, Ed. ART, Colecia Demonul teoriei, Bucureti, 2007, p. 66. Bourdieu Pierre, Economia bunurilor simbolice, Meridiane, Bucureti, 1986,p.203 Denis Mc Quail, Sven Windhal,(2004) Modele ale comunicrii pentru studiul comunicrii de mas, Comunicare.ro, Bucureti Goffman, Erwin, 2003, Viaa cotidian ca spectacol, Comunicare.ro,Bucureti Hall, Stuart,Who needs identity, in Paul du Gay, Jessica Evans, Peter Redman (2000), The Identity A Reader, Sage publications, Thousand Oaks, New Delhi. Hobart Mark,The Profanity of The Media,n Rothebuhler,E.W.,Coman,M.,ed.,2005,Media Anthropology, Sage Publications,Thousand Oaks,London,New Dehli,: The celebrity of pop-idols is artificial. Like presidents thy are manmade, crated by their fans. They are in this respect false idols, creation of cults and sects, powerfull images,...unreal and inauthentic.Diana however belongs to a very different category: she is perceived as not being created by the media or the public(Watson,1997, p. 5, cit de Hobart,op.cit, p. 30). Holt, Douglas B. ,2005, How Brands Become Icons The principles of Cultural Branding,Harvard Business School Press, New York John B.Thompson, Media i modernitatea, Antet, Bucureti, 2001, p. 17. Michael Mann, The Sources of Social Power, Cambrige University Press, p. 6. Talcott Parsons, The Distribution of Power in American Society, n Structure and Process n Modern Societies, New York, Free Press, p. 199.225. Weber Max,1968 (1921), Economy and Society, Bedminster Press, New York, p. 53.

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Efemeritatea valorilor, a mecanismelor istorice, politice i literatur. Actualizarea mecanismelor istorice prin politic
Drd. Elena Ni Universitatea ,,Dunrea de Jos din Galai Abstract: Considering that the iron curtain had placed Romania under the immediate soviets influence and that literature became a means of communist propaganda, one should understand prose encountered another development than the Western Europe. Allegory, metafiction and parody are the weapons that writers could use against political censorship. Both Mircea Eliades Noapte de Snziene and Nicolae Brebans Bunavestire emphasize the relation between fiction and reality through the means of masculinity and femininity. This relation turns to be the narration, the epic substance itself because man is the fiction metaphor which shapes and creates reality (symbolized by the woman). In order to conquer her, he must first avoid her charms, this is the tragic condition of the one who cant enjoy his victory, even though he is a conqueror. Grobei will master the existence in itself, but not his real life. The communist censure obliges the lector to different levels of reading and we consider the political interpretation to be one of the most important; from this point of view the feminine characters of the both novels become perspectives of the national country. While Nicolae Breban seems to be more interested in political mechanism in itself, Mircea Eliade focuses on war and communism influences upon Romania. Key words: communist propaganda, allegory, metafiction, parody

Aceste dou romane contemporane par s permit o gril de lectur ce implic factorul politic i autoreferenialitatea. Cu privire la textul lui Nicolae Breban este ns necesar observaia lui Liviu Malia, conform cruia pentru autorul transilvnean nu o politic sau o dictatur n sine este important, ci acest mecanism politic de supunere a realitii. Comunismul devine doar o alt ipostaz a istoriei. Acesta este i motivul pentru care Breban exclude grila alegoric politic i pe cea realist social n legtur cu romanul su. Analiznd textul lui Mircea Eliade, opinm c grila de lectur politic suport dou ramificaii importante: grila de suprafa, critica imediat a comunismului (prin moartea lui Biri, a Ioanei i prigonirea intelectualilor) i grila de adncime n care ntrezrim ca i n cazul lui Breban o politic a puterii ntre realitate i ficiune. Principiile n virtutea crora se va dezvolta coerena acestei argumentaii sunt metaficiunea i femeia. Metaficiunea coroborat cu un continuu proces de mitizare i demitizare sunt unele dintre puinele posibiliti postmoderniste care puteau fi utilizate de prozatorii romni, acetia erau nevoii s se adapteze cenzurii comuniste care a impus literaturii romne un alt ritm i o alt direcie dect celei europene. Principiu la fel de important este femeia vzut n toate ipostazele sale, ns mai presus de toate femeia ca fertilitate, femeia ca realitate ce se vrea modelat, i nu n ultimul rnd vom vedea n femeie o ipostaz a patriei. Prin complementaritate cu aceasta se definete i principiul masculin ca imagine a fertilizatorului, a celui care modific i care trebuie fie s creeze prin iubire (varianta Romeo), fie s-i adapteze realul prin seducie i supunere (varianta Don Juan). nelegem n aceste condiii de ce N. Breban vede n femeie un monstru, o hidr, o meduz, o siren deoarece asemeni lui Grobei, omul este predestinat s lupte prin armele seduciei pentru a-i subjuga realul, ns n momentul n care acest deziderat este atins, realitatea n sine este demitizat, iar stpnul rmas singur n faa istoriei i contientizeaz absurditatea. Astfel Grobei i subjug timpul, dar nu i istoria ca mecanism, n aceasta const condiia tragic a personajului mediocru ce din slug devine stpn pentru a pierde mai apoi totul cci supunndu-i realitatea se supune i pe sine. Puterea nate montrii ce i devoreaz stpnul. Asemeni femeii, realitatea ntinde o nad i ademenete prin promisiunea puterii, ns atras de mirajul absolutului omul uit c nscut fiind din realitate nu o poate controla pe aceasta fr a plti preul existenei n afara vieii. Este edificator cazul lui Ulise care se sustrage descntecelor sirenelor prin renunarea la un sim, adic prin renunarea la o parte a realului, n acelai sens este necesar de amintit i cazul lui Iona din drama lui Marin Sorescu, personaj care ntr-un gest disperat nelege c singura posibilitate de a-i supune propria-i via este renunarea.

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n ncercarea de a vedea n femeie (Lelia, Ioana, Ileana, Stella Zissu) perspective ale realitii i ale patriei este obligatoriu ca mai nti s depim impasul alegoriei, cci dup cum se confeseaz Nicolae Breban el nu agreeaz literatura alegoric. nelegem c pentru prozatorul liric, prin alegorie obiectele devin unelte, ele nu se mai semnific pe sine, ci cu totul o alt realitate, literatura n sine n acest caz pare sa nu se mai foloseasc de cuvinte, ci de cuvinte ce semnific alte cuvinte. Credem c acesta este motivul pentru care din perspectiva, brebanian alegoria este o expresivitate a obiectului i nu a limbajului, n acest sens ne este dat exemplul obolanului care nu mai semnific un roztor, ci rul i boala. n aceeai direcie Lucian Boia afirma: nimic nu este mai caricatural dect s vezi n imaginar o simpl travestire a realitii (Lucian Boia, 2006, 24). Alegoria n sens clasic este o actualizare a relaiei de sinonimie, n postmodernism ea este metatropul prin care textul opereaz o distincie ntre semnificat i semnificant, ntre semn i sens. Desigur, alegoria nu este un procedeu nou n literatur, fiind ntlnit mai ales n romanele de critic social i politic (William Golding, Jonathan Swift, Dimitrie Cantemir); alturi de personificare, ea d natere fabulelor; ns n postmodernism ea este nsi expresia fiinei care nceteaz s mai semnifice n plan imediat, transferndu-i astfel sensul ntr-o realitate imanent. Breban recurge ns la un nou tip de alegorie ntre membrii creia se formeaz o relaie de parte-ntreg, iar partea pstrnd din motenirea genetic a ntregului l poate sugera pe cel din urm fr s renune la a se mai simboliza pe sine. n aceasta viziune alegoria se transform ntr-un proces arhetipal, ntr-o venic actualizare a prii n ntreg i a ntregului n parte. Lelia nu va mai simboliza realitatea i nici nu va mai fi o oglind a realitii, Lelia este realitatea nsi, tot astfel cum, din ipostaza celui care modeleaz, Grobei este creatorul nsui. n acest context vor cpta un alt sens detalii secundare ale textului ce au fost interpretate ca ecouri ale biograficului. Observm c Nicolae Breban afirma n descendena bovaric Grobei sunt eu ns face precizarea c n personajul monoton i mediocru ngrmdete propriile-i defecte i neputine. nelegem astfel fascinaia Leliei - a realitii pentru Paul - oferul care este i el o parte din personalitatea autorului, dar o parte care nc nu dispune de armele epicului pentru a supune contingentul. Paul prin atracia sa magnetic pe care o exercit asupra Haretinei pare s postuleze dependena vieii de liric i incapacitatea epicului de a reda cunoaterea de dincolo de cuvnt. Paul, oferul - ilustreaz ipostaza artistic a prozatorului, ipostaz pentru care noiunea de viciu, dar i cea de calitate dispar, n timp ce Grobei ilustreaz tehnica. Sunt doua fee ale monedei naratoriale, dar i doua complexe ale prozatorului Nicolae Breban. Pe de o parte Paul este ipostaza artistului respins, iar pe de alt parte Grobei este ipostaza scriitorului n cutarea noului tip de roman. Postulat pe valoarea i adevrul slab, Postmodernismul se rupe de absolut i astfel arta se reintegreaz corpusului social i politic. Vom observa astfel c arta n sensul ei tradiional moare, iar artistul nu i mai aproprie atributul de geniu. Sub influena noilor tehnologii arta coboar n mase, capodoperele sunt contextualizate cu banalul, iar esteticul este nlocuit de plcut. Arta va 1 surprinde att prin recuperarea trecutului ct i prin asocieri contrastante ale postmodernismului. Mircea Crtrscu crede c tocmai negaia este cea care unete scrierile postmoderne. Negaia se face nu n legtur cu tradiia, ci cu nsi opera creat: se nelege c, obligatoriu, o oper postmodern i conine n sine propria negare, manifestat prin distan, ironie, parodie, (auto)pasti, ceea ce face ca moartea artei s fie implicat literalmente n fiecare produs artistic, care, ntr-un fel, se hrnete de acum din aceast idee (Mircea Cartrscu 1999, p. 24). Din aceast perspectiv, este cu att mai interesant episodul n care Lelia refuz experiena erotic sau este salvata prin violen de Paul. Ce numeau acei brbai armani dar violeni i imorali prin experiena transcedental i n care Lelia (spre deosebire de celelalte femei) nelege a fi un viol, dar mai ales de ce Paul ntrerupe acest joc intr-o manier brutal? Iat ntrebri la care vom ncerca s rspundem din perspectiva unei hermeneutici a politicului dar i a relaiei dintre liric-realitate-epic. Prin aceeai metod vom ncerca s explicm i de ce Grobei reuete s i subjuge realitatea implicat de factorul feminin. Credem c realul i contingentul urmeaz aceleai norme ca epicul. ntr-o alt ordine de idei nelegem c aa cum o dictatur este doar o actualizare a marii istorii i o secven a realitii poate fi redus la statutul de actualizare, n acest sens epicul devine o manier de traducere a marelui
1

Vom vedea mai departe ct de greu se adapteaz cultura ,,mare, elitist la aceast extaziere a ntregii viei sociale (Mircea Crtrscu, 1999, 21).

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liric. Aceast idee este susinut i de Nicolae Breban: poemul epic e un roman care i permite s foloseasc liricul, tocmai din luciditatea faptului c tema depete marginile epicul tradiional (Nicolae Breban 70, 2004, 401). Asemeni maestrului declarat: Dostoievski, Nicolae Breban alege teme atipice, aproape imposibil de surprins ntr-un roman, tocmai pentru c ceea ce este esena umanului pare mereu s ne scape. Prozatorul romn i citeaz arhimodelul rus pentru a atrage atenia asupra tensiunii actului creator: demult m chinuia un gnd, dar mi-era team s fac din el un roman, pentru c gndul este prea dificil i eu nu sunt pregtit pentru el, dei gndul este total seductor i eu l iubesc (Nicolae Breban 70, 2004, 399). Personajul slab Castor Ionescu devine puternic atunci cnd analizeaz viul ca principal trstur a umanului: lucrul cel mai prezent, cel mai concret i cel mai greu de prins; noi toi suntem via, dar acest lucru poate fi aproape imposibil de prins cu instrumentele noastre (Nicolae Breban). Adevrata controvers strnit de textele lui Breban este dat de perspectiva pe care prozatorul o arunc asupra posibilitii genurilor literare de a reda viul. Descrierea, apanaj al liricului este maniera de a cuceri realul i poate de a-l crea, ns aceasta se subscrie personajului ca energie psihic adic ipostazei ce analizeaz viul. Naraiunea este trirea, actul n sine, ea este apriori liricului, iat deci: viaa i analiza vieii. Ioan Pecie arat c masculinul brebanian descrie i subjug, devine un stpn al realului, el nu triete. Prins ntre dorina de a tri i aceea de a domina, personajul masculin de la descrierea victimei ajunge, inevitabil, la autodescriere ...e capcana pe care i-o ntinde singur (Ioan Pecie, 1989, 72). Descriindu-se pe sine, Rogulski, Grobei, vor reintra sub incidena istoriei, cderea n propria-i capcan coincide cu revenirea la statutul uman cruia i corespunde viaa n iminena schimbrii i a morii. Fapta i cronologia ei istoric stau sub semnul epicului i al efemeritii, iar memoria, contemplaia, analiza se subscriu atemporalitii lirice, aceste genuri dup cum s-a argumentat sunt dou faete ale aceleiai monede: ct descriere att senzualitate; ct senzualitate atta proz; iat cum donjuanismul d ap la moar povestirii (Ioan Pecie, 1989, 71). Extrapolnd relaia mutual dintre slug i stpn, descoperim n opera lui Breban confruntarea dintre via i analiza ei, confruntarea dintre epic i liric, fr s putem decide n favoarea unui nvingtor i al unui nvins cci ambele sunt cuprinse de metafora complexitii abisului uman. n acest context observ c Nicolae Breban face apel la metaficiune neleas ca ficiune despre ficiune, transform tipul de naraiune postmodern ntr-un model epic care are n vedere raportul dintre realitate i art, dintre narator i naratar, dintre acetia i personajele create. Se ntmpl adesea ca ficiunea s ia locul realitii, naratarul locul naratorului i invers, personajele capt liber arbitru ( pot prsi lumea crii i pot invada realitatea), iar textul devine un sistem complex la rndul su generator de realiti complexe. Printr-o mistic intrinsec, metaficiunea urmeaz regulile unui erotism vdit, erotism ce se deprteaz de romantism sau naturalism grotesc i se apropie de ludic i parodic. Un postmodernist avant la lettre ne pare a fi Mircea Eliade, care paradoxal prezint similitudini cu postocolonialistul Salman Rushdie (care n capodopera Copiii de la miezul nopii aduce n discuie formarea noii Indii). Desigur, avem n vedere numai romanul Noaptea de Snziene cnd argumentm c pentru Eliade la fel ca i pentru Rushdie n Furie, prezenele feminine sunt nu doar dublete ale personajului principal, ct i metafore ale ideii de naionalitate. tefan Viziru. Aplicnd aceeai gril de lectur i romanului Noaptea de Snziene, vom vedea n tnrul intelectual ipostaza fertilizatorului, a factorului activ, a celui care modeleaz realitatea. Desigur tefan este n primul rnd un om ale crui pasiuni i sentimente sunt mult mai coerent conturate dect n cazul lui Grobei, ceea ce leag aceste personaje este legtura i mai ales influena pe care o exercit asupra factorului feminin. n cazul lui Mircea Eliade atrage atenia tripla ipostaz a femeii: Stella Zissu, Ioana i mai ales Ileana ca tripl ipostaz a patriei. Domnioara Zissu fascineaz contiina lui tefan, o Fat Morgana care atunci cnd coboar n contingent decepioneaz prin compromis, prin promiscuitate, prin prostituie moral. Aceasta este, credem, Romnia regimului comunist, o Romnie n privina crei fascineaz coordonata teoretic, promisiunea, iluzia, ns acestea dovedindu-se a fi minciun, vor plasa realitatea imoralitate. Dictatura ca i Stella Zissu, este o moarte spiritual ce ia forma artificial a mondenitii. Dac din biografia autorului recunoatem simpatia parial fa de programul legionar, prin personajul creat, Mircea Eliade demonstreaz c orice guvernare dictatorial surprinde prin discrepana dintre faada strlucitoare a promisiunilor i dizolvarea spiritual n umbra istoriei a celor supui. Refuzul i dezgustul lui tefan n faa Stellei din finalul romanului este i refuzul decderii morale a

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autorului n faa comunismului. Relevant pare faptul c tefan o ntlnete pe Stella ntr-un spaiu utopic al Parisului, iar el este singurul care poate ghici adevrata identitate a femeii. tefan este un arhanghel al adevratei tradiii romneti i prin aceasta se distinge de falsul etic i politic care maculeaz doctrina dictaturii. Atitudinea lui Eliade este elogiat de Nicolae Breban care declar: noi, scriitorii, nu suntem totdeauna liberi s exprimm ceea ce credem; cu ideile i credinele noastre, nu rareori sincere, au fost furite arme contra culturii i libertii...iar culmea necinstei, a perversitii este s-i arogi martirajul n cultur numai pentru c nu te puteai rupe de privilegiile jalnice ale puterii direcionare (Nicolae Breban, 1997, pg.175). Stela este firul epic, variant realul creia tefan i se sustrage ntocmai cum Grobei se sustrage graiilor Leliei, domnioara Zissu nu va transforma personajul masculin ntr-o slug. Nu putem afirma ns acelai lucru i despre celelalte prezene feminine din roman. Ioana este Romnia interbelic, o Romnie pitoreasc, patriarhal, ns, aa cum arat Marin Preda, contaminat de germenii noilor ornduiri. Ipostaz arhaic a rii, Ioana nu este abandonat cci ea este o component a fiinei romneti, ns att ea ct i copilul vor fi nghiii de violena rzboiului i a istoriei. Ceea ce poate prea o intervenie a autorului care ar dori s ofere personajului libertatea de a prsi ara, moartea soiei i mai ales a copilului implic pierderea speranei de continuitate ornduirii arhaice. Desigur, tefan ca factor dinamic, modeleaz realul, pe care l iubete ns la rndul su va fi transformat ntr-o slug de iluzia idealului. Ileana este ipostaza utopic a patriei, o ipostaz de care tnrul Viziru este iremediabil ndrgostit, n romanul lui Eliade, spre deosebire de cel al lui Breban, 2 personajele se supun i seduc nu prin violen i sustragere, ci prin puterea de a duce deoparte , ntr-o dimensiune utopic. Ileana este idealul pe care tefan nu are fora de a-l obine, n antitez cu Traian Liviu, eroul din Noaptea de Snziene nu se poate detaa de ipostaza feminin pe care dorete s o cucereasc, Ileana este o parte din el i de aceea brbatul nu se retrage din timp i din epic. Ileana care 3 avnd o ontologie mitic Ileana Cosnzeana - devine expresia osmozei dintre esena spiritual a unei naiuni i exponentul su. Spre deosebire de eroina basmelor populare romneti, eroina lui Eliade nu este salvat de Ft Frumos, ci ntocmai ielelor va contamina realitatea lui tefan cu un nou ideal. Acest proces care desacralizeaz mitul, aducndu-l ct mai aproape de contingent este nc mai vdit n opera lui Breban unde raportarea la model se face prin ironie, laicizare i deconstrucie, desacralizarea va sfri prin a-i asuma o funcie de remitizare (Liviu Malia, 2000, p. 28). Distrugerea modelului i a organizaie de ctre Grobei (tema ucenicului i a maestrului fiind regsit i n romanul Animale Bolnave) este singura posibilitate a personajelor de a-i transpune existena din istorie n mit. n textul lui Eliade, personajele secundare devin i ele actualizri ale demitizrii, astfel moartea lui Biri este prezentat din perspectiva durerii i a fricii, a groazei n faa durerii. Aceasta va fi ns compensat de transcedentalul morii lui tefan, personaj ce sufer un proces de mistificare, cci dup cum ne indic att criticii literari ct i psihologii, oamenii sunt dependeni de mituri i credina n mituri. S-a argumentat c aceast dependen este dat nu de povestirea n sine, ci de puterea ei de a traduce o structur existenial: se presupune c mitul reproduce o istorie adevrat, dar adevrul su se vrea mai esenial dect adevrul superficial al lucrurilor (Lucian Boia, 2006, p. 40). tefan nu o cunoate pe Ileana, aceasta pare rupt de contingent i i se relev ntr-o noapte de Snziene. Viziunea idealului va da un nou sens existenei; numele personajului este simbolic tefan nsemnnd cunun el este contiina care reunete cele trei faete ale patriei. Exilul, autoexilul, n Frana echivaleaz unei pierderi definitive a realului pe care el trebuia s l modeleze. Pierznd-o pe
Gabriel Liiceanu gsete n seducie nelesul primar al termenului seduco, i anume a trage la o parte, a lua deoparte. Analiznd dualitatea acestui fenomen autorul observ c seducia este un joc al puterii n care cel sedus se transform n supusul celui care seduce. Liiceanu arat c seducia, ca transformare i ca ducere deoparte trebuie nelese n funcie de finalitatea acestui act: dac, seductor fiind, pot s duc pe cineva de partea de care vreau eu, nu rezult de la bun nceput de ce parte anume l voi duce: de partea rea a lucrurilor, punndu-l pe o cale greit i corupndu-l..., sau de partea bun ...conducndu-l ctre propria lui mplinire i libertate (Gabriel Liiceanu, 2008, 13). 3 mit-naraiune tradiional complex, nscut n unghiul de inciden ntre planul cosmic i planul uman, al crei coninut specific, emannd n forme sacralizate de o societate primitiv (uneori de la o societate numai ntrziat cultural sau regresat prin alienare) modeleaz explicarea concret a fenomenelor i evenimentelor enigmatice de caracter spaial i temporal (Victor Kernbach, 1995, p. 367). Pn la urm, tot ceea ce se ndeprteaz mai mult sau mai puin de <<realitate>> pare susceptibil s devin mit. Ficiunile de tot felul, prejudecile...sunt acoperite...de acest concept cu vocaie imperialist (Lucian Boia, 2006, 38).
2

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Ioana, deziluzionat de domnioara Zissu (misterioasa domnioar ce se dovedete a fi de moravuri uoare, imagine a parvenitismului, fiind singura care se salveaz, dar cu preul propriei demniti, ea devine expresia parvenitismului i asfel a patriei nvinse din punct de vedere cultural i naional, dar nc vie pe o scen machiavelic a politicii), n Frana ntr-o alt Noapte de Snziene o rentlnete pe Ileana cu care se pierde n neantul nopii. Pierznd orice contact cu realitatea romn i neputndu-se accepta compromisul spiritual politic, tefan este destinat morii. Se creeaz astfel o relaie indisolubil, mutual ntre seductor i cel sedus, acetia nu pot exista individual. n aceast manier vom explica i titlul romanului, jocul ielelor l vor scoate pe tefan de la masa vieii (Camil Petrescu, 1964, 305) pentru a-l azvrli ntr-un joc al iluziilor i realului. Personajul lui Eliade nu creeaz, el se las creat i las utopia s i invadeze spaiul intim spiritual, Ileana este singura creia i se povestete taina camerei secrete. Individul, pare s spun Eliade, nu poate tri n afara determinrilor sale naionale i nici nu poate deroga de la ele, tocmai de aceea ileana prezint un magnetism ocult pentru tefan, dar i pentru psihologul francez care se ndrgostete de ea. Moartea din final a protagonitilor este echivalent nlrii, zborului protagonistului rusdhiean din Furie, care moare pentru a se salva, pentru a renate. Desigur este aparent imposibil de argumentat o asemnare ntre Traian Liviu Grobei i tefan Viziru, ns dac avem n vedere perspectiva mai cuprinztoare a relaiei dintre istorie i 4 individ, dintre realitate i modalitile de a crea realul vom recunoate arhetipurile boianiene din perspectiva lui Nicolae Breban: Don Juan i Romeo. Dou ipostaze ale evadrii: omul aspir s se elibereze de constrngeri, s se transforme, s-i schimbe starea...inventarea unei alte condiii semnific, de asemenea, abolirea istoriei reale, cu ntregul su cortegiu...refuzul se poare manifesta ntr-un mod pasiv (fuga din faa istoriei), sau activ, chiar agresiv (tentativa de a fora destinul, de a-i impune voina asupra mersului evenimentelor (Lucian Boia, 2006, p. 33). Un Don Juan, Grobei procedeaz la impunerea propriei voine, el este un personaj agresiv, un Ioan care n virtutea seduciei renun la a mai tri: ca s existe libertatea individual trebuie s primeasc un coninut gnoseologic, etic, religios, politic. Paradoxal este faptul c momentul gsirii acestui coninut coincide cu nsi pierderea libertii (Ioan Pecie, 1989, p.84). n contextul n care Nicolae Breban refuz alegoria, artnd c n literatur obiectele i personajele trebuie s se semnifice pe sine, cu att mai greu devine rspunsul la ntrebarea ,,cine este sau ce este Grobei?. Un indiciu important gsim n epilogul romanul unde personajul este criticat de naratorul devenit lector; astfel cel care crede c stpnete timpul i realul este la rndul su supus, iar mecanismul const n politicul puterii. Grobei se afl ntr-un cerc nchis n care dorina de putere l va transforma ntr-un sclav al acesteia, prin relaia cu Farca, Traian d un sens gnoseologic seduciei i prin acesta i pierde iremediabil libertatea, el se transform ntr-o victim. Pe de alt parte tefan Viziru este un Romeo, nc de la bun nceput se las nvins, sedus; ns nu de realitate; ci de o iluzie a acestei. El fuge din calea istorie, prins ntr-un joc al ielelor (perspective feminine i perspectivele patriei), triete o lung noapte a snzienelor n finalul creia intuim neantul ca fug din calea cronologiei. Avnd n vedere faptul c cele dou romane permit ca gril de lectur relaia, seducia dintre ficiune i realitate, trebuie s gsim locul naratorului n toat aceast intrig. Pentru aceasta ne vom ntoarce la Nicolae Breban care crede c un narator nu nareaz, ci implicit se nareaz, mai mult de att este citat Goethe :Toat arta mea nu e dect o lung confesiune (Nicolae Breban, 1977, 585). Ce anume face din Grobei o imagine a lui Breban, este ntrebarea la care autorul ne rspunde n epilog: negarea acestuia. Nicolae Breban nu creeaz la modul absolut o norm, ci o valoare slab care i impune propria regul, observm cum Grobei se transform ntr-un arbitru, ntr-un zeu absolut, iar viaa,
4

Pentru Lucian Boia arhetipul nu este un model cultural uman, ci un model factual, atitudinal i volitiv. Astfel arhetipul ca structur mental va recognoscibil n activitile cotidiene. n aceast ordine de idei specific c actualizarea originilor const n oglindirea invers a contiinei prezente a oamenilor n origini, domeniu ideologizat. Evadarea se actualizeaz prin inventarea unei personaliti simbolice, a abolirii istoriei i mai ales prin inventarea spaiilor utopice (nostalgia vrstei de aur, secularizarea, insula, visul). Alteritatea privete relaiile interumane, iar criticul opineaz c orice relaie are la baz acest arhetip care l mpinge pe cellalt dincolo de limitele umanitii familiare. Dintre aceste arhetipuri cel mai des ntlnit este cel al luptei contrariilor, evident att n cazul basmului popular ct i a reprezentrii freudiene. Realitatea transcendent este strns relaionat cu dorina de absolut i de continua formare de mituri. (Lucian Boia, 2006, pp 27-32) Considerm c n aceste condiii de analiz, modalitile implicrii arhetipale devin tipare atitudinale punctuale care, reunite, vor construi imaginea complex a unei identiti umane cultural- emoionale, regsibil n toi indivizii ,asemeni ideilor platoniene.

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realitatea ntr-un joc a crui beatitudine nu o poate simi. Diegeza este ndreptat asupra realitii, dar i asupra ficiunii pare s se ncheie triumfal prin stpnirea golului (distrugerea organizaiei), acest punct culminant este doar un anticlimax. Perisabilitatea, efemeritatea valorilor, a mecanismelor istorice i politice (trstur specific postmodernismului) face ca personajul masculin s poat stpni doar o bucl din marea istorie. Credem c n aceasta const confesiunea naratorului: viaa, viul care prind contur prin antiteza cu ne viul. Grobei o subjug pe Lelia (i prin ea viaa), ns marea istorie nu are via (din potriv ,ea este o devoratoare a viului) i nu poate fi nvins de ctre om dect prin ,,a tri. Traian este un nvins: se sustrage vieii pentru a o putea controla, ns va sfri prin a fi nghiit de noaptea timpului. Urmnd aceeai metod argumentativ observm c tefan Viziru, neputnd s controleze realul, va fugi de acesta i se va retrage n marele mecanism al istoriei. Ileana este cea care l salveaz, cci prin intermediul ei trecutul este remitizat.
Bibliografie: Boia, Lucian, Istorie i mit n contiina romneasc, , Humanitas, Bucureti ,2005 Boia, Lucian, Pentru o istorie a imaginarului, traducere din francez de Tatiana Mochi, , Humanitas, Bucureti , 2006 Breban, Nicolae, Bunavestire, postfa de Nicolae Breban, Junimea, Iai 1977 Breban, Nicolae, Riscul n cultur, Ideea European, Bucureti, 2007 Crtrscu, Mircea, Postmodernismul romnesc, Bucureti, Humanitas,1999 Clinescu, Matei, , Modernism Cinci fee ale modernitii, avangard, decaden, Kitsch, postmodernism, Polirom, Iai, 2005 Eliade, Mircea, Noaptea de Snziene, Minerva, Bucureti, 1991 Ficeac, Bogdan, Cenzura comunist i formarea noului om, Nemira, Bucureti, 1999 Handoca, Mircea, Viaa lui Mircea Eliade, Dacia, Cluj, 2002 Hutcheon, Linda, Politica postmodernismului, Bucureti, Univers, 1997 Kernbach, Victor, Dicionar de mitologie general, Mituri. Diviniti. Religii, Albatros, Bucureti,1995, Liiceanu, Gabriel, Despre seducie, Bucureti, Humanitas, 2008 Malia, Liviu, Nicolae Breban, Aula, Braov 2000 Manolescu, Nicolae, Istoria critic a literaturii romne, Minerva, Bucureti, 1990 Manolescu, Nicolae,Istoria literaturii romne, cinci secole de literatur, Paralela 45, Piteti, 2008 Manolescu, Nicolae, Arca lui Noe. Eseu despre romanul romnesc, 100+1, Gramar, Bucureti,1999 Prvu, Sorin, Postmodernismul, Institulul Eurpean, Iai, 2005 Pecie, Ioan, Romancierul n faa oglinzii Cartea Romneasc, Bucureti, 1989 Petrescu, Camil, Suflete tari, Jocul Ielelor, Mitic Popesc (teatru, volumul I), Editura pentru literatur, Bucureti,1964 Rudic, Tiberiu, Psihologie i literatur, Editura Plumb, Bacu, 1995 Rushdie, Salman, Furie, traducere de Vlad Russu Humanitas, Bucureti, 2002 Simion, Eugen, Scriitori romni de azi, IV, Litera, Chiinu, 1998 Spiridon, Monica, Melancolia descendenei, Editura Polirom, Iai, 2000 tefnescu, Alex, Istoria literaturii romne contemporane 1941-2000, concepie grafic Mihaela chiopu, fotografii de Ion Cucu, Editura Maina de scris, Bucureti, 2005 Tismneanu, Vladimir, Reinventarea politicului n Europa rsritean de la Stalin la Havel, Editura Polirom, Iai, 1997. *** Nicolae Breban 70 , Ideea European, Bucureti, 2004.

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La Libration Spirituelle du Personnage Beckettien travers les Objets

Prep. Maria Mirabela Paraschiv Universitatea Petrol i gaze din Ploieti Abstract: In this article the author intends to present a new concept of spiritual liberation which is manifested by the use of objects from the characters. In the'50s a new type of theater is to reverse what was hitherto structure, character design, language and dramatic scenery, the report of the spectator to the spectacle, ideology, all that tradition as it was assumed by the theater. The materials stage, the stage become a raw material for the writer of a theater of the economy and the suggestion at the level of the agglomeration stage. The space and the objects acquired a new value in Becketts work; they are no longer objects of the action, but objects-signs. Through this article, having as support three Becketts plays: "Endgame", "Waiting for Godot," "Oh! Sunny Days!" we will demonstrate the function of objects as instruments used by the characters in their attempt to find a new perspective of the liberation of their thinking. Key words: spiritual liberation, theater, ideology, Becketts work

Lnigmatique Samuel Beckett propose son lecteur une dramaturgie qui ne pourrait jamais se rduire une simple philosophie, cest pourquoi on va considrer le concept de libration spirituelle comme dgradation totale, presque arrive la limite. Fptura lui Beckett este mai degrab un urma al omului pascalian, la care mizeria, [] este dus la limit. Dar exist vreo limit a degradrii n afara neantului? Vznd orbirea i mizeria omului spunea Pascal privind ntreg universul mut i pe omul lipsit de lumin, abandonat, ca rtcit n acest col al universului, fr s tie cine l-a aezat aici, ce caut aici, ce va deveni murind, incapabil de orice cunotine, m cuprinde spaima ca pe un om pe care l vor fi dus n somn ntr-o insula pustie i nspimnttoare i care s-ar trezi fr s tie unde se afl i fr s aib vreun mijloc de scpare (Cugetri, frag.693, ed Brunschvicg). Dar dac mizeria uman, n perspectiva augustinian-jansenist a lui Pascal este patetic, mizeria omului n scrierile lui Beckett este de cele 1 mai multe ori grotesc. Les personnages usent leurs forces expier le pch dtre n et se livrent une exploration de la ralit du nant, caractris par cruaut, par lappel de la mort : M Rooney, vieillard et infirme comme tous les personnages de Beckett na quun dsir en face de 2 lenfant Jerry : Couper court un fiasco en fleur . Donc, on se trouve tout dun coup avec un bouleversement des valeurs autrement insoutenable : le monde de Beckett se prsente comme une cration inverse : plus on est rduit, plus on a des chances de survivre. A partir de zro va se construire une sous-existence : la position ftale, limmobilit recroqueville (dans un sac, un mamelon, une jarre), lattente indfinie, le silence sont les moyens qui portent une existence pure et protgent les personnages contre les agressions ou les oppressions de lextrieur. Dans leur monde, les personnages de Beckett cherchent de vivre travers la mort, car plus on est mort [] plus lon vit, cest--dire plus lon est proche de la vritable dfinition de la 3 vie puisque seul le nant est quelque chose . On arrive constater que les personnages de Beckett intensifient leur rapport avec labsence quon nomme nant par une volution dune uvre lautre. Vladimir et Estragon reprsentent ltape de la rvlation, puis Hamm et Clov sont dj installs dans le monde Beckettien et explorent les consquences; Winnie de mme : leur commentaire du rien se fait encore au prsent quoiquil soit souvent projet hors scne dans lespace du rcit ; Krapp et les hros de Comdie vivent entirement labsence au pass. Leur prsentation sur la scne est graduellement rgressive et tend vers la dgradation physique, en
Balot, Nicolae, La littrature franaise de Villon nos temps, Edition LIde Europenne, 2008, p. 564; Ltre de Beckett est plutt le successeur de lhomme pascalien, dont la misre arrive la limite. Mais y-a-t-il dautre limite de la dgradation part le nant ? En voyant laveuglement et la misre de lhomme, en regardant tout lunivers muet, et lhomme sans lumire, abandonn lui-mme, et comme gar dans ce recoin de lunivers, sans savoir qui ly a mis, ce quil y est venu faire, ce quil deviendra en mourant, incapable de toute connaissance ; jentre en effroi, comme un homme quon aurait port endormi dans une le dserte et effroyable, et qui sveillerait sans connatre o il est, et sans moyen den sortir. Mais, si la misre humaine dans la perspective augustenne-jansniste de Pascal est pathtique, la misre de lhomme dans les critures de Beckett et presque tout le temps grotesque. (trad. M. P.) 2 Beckett, Samuel, Tous ceux qui tombent, Les Editions de Minuit, Paris, 2004, p 57. 3 Corvin, Michel, Le Thtre Nouveau en France, Presses Universitaires de France, Paris, 1980, p 59 .
1

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rduisant lhomme une matire inerte. Lconomie drastique de corps et de langage se transpose dans la prsence des objets aussi. Il semble que plus la scne est vide plus il russit crer une densit scnique. Son ton de force est donc celui de donne une image la fois perceptible et ddramatise de la ralit du nant, choisissant pour ses personnages une situation qui rponde cette double exigence : Vladimir et Estragon incarnent les clowns, Hamm lacteur et Krapp et narrateur. Les clowns ne jouent pas, ils jouent jouer, dans un espace circulaire et clos comme celui dune piste, laissant clairement entendre quil ny a aucune ncessit interne dans ce quils 4 font et que leurs pitreries essouffles ne sont quune prtexte . Chez Beckett se prtexte est le 5 texte, la condition humaine mme, Lhumanit, cest nous, que a plaise ou non , proclament les deux clochards de Godot. Cet tat de clowns dtermine le rapport entre les personnages et celui de personnage objets. Les clowns de Beckett jouent par couples, possdant ainsi un double, un reflet : Vladimir qui appelle Estragon, Pozzo Lucky, Hamm Clov. Leur clownerie accompagne de tout un crmonial et dun petit nombre daccessoires indispensables : corde, chapeaux, chaussures, valise dans Godot, gaffe, rveil, chien en peluche dans Fin de Partie , sac avec tout son contenu dans Oh ! les beaux jours ! . Lobjet ancre le sentiment dexistence et en mme temps paradoxalement le ptrifie en un substitut matriel. Limage dexistence du personnage beckettien se transmet comme miroir dans les objets qui lentourent. Le tableau retourn de Fin de Partie : Accroch au mur ; prs de la porte, un tableau retourn est limage de Hamm retourn lui-aussi vers ses penses ou vers la mort tellement proche annonce dailleurs ds la premire rplique : Fini, cest fini, a va finir, a va peut-tre finir . Le rien se manifeste dans le jeu des clowns par lutilisation chaotique des objets, qui sont des accessoires trs importants pour le dveloppement de leur rle. Toutefois, lactivit des clowns de Beckett ne provoque pas le rire mais au contraire ils doivent se librer par la mort, par le retour vers le nant. Les lments construits par lauteur reprsentent aussi des supports pour limagination cratrice du spectateur. Quelques objets symboliques tel larbre de Giacometti dans En attendant Godot suffisent aux ncessit de laction : par exemple un tendard signifie arme, un sige comme celui de Hamm royaut. Donc, dans le thtre de Beckett on a affaire avec des objets signes. Cest--dire quils ont une signification non seulement par leur prsence mais par tout ce quils peuvent suggrer. Par exemple, si lon analyse larbre de Godot, on se trouve dabord devant une image dsolante sur une route de campagne il na quun arbre. Il est rig au centre du plateau, tant un symbole phallique et s'accrocher l'arbre c'est retrouver une virilit. Cet arbre est un saule , un arbuste , un arbrisseau . Dans le deuxime acte larbre porte quelques feuilles, tant la seule modification par rapport au lendemain. Et si Vladimir est capable daccepter le changement, pour Estragon tut est pareil. Ce qui frappe est que le symbolisme des objets qui composent le dcor rside justement dans linstallation des personnages dans un quotidien, voire au milieu de son imagerie la plus rebattue, la plus pauvre et la plus familire chacun. Ce dcor quel quil soit est un univers autonome et clos, qui reprsente dune manire presque fidle les caractres des personnages. Les objets du sac de Winnie : une brosse dent, un tube de dentifrice aplati, donc utilis, exprime lide dappartenance, dun certain rituel personnalis : Elle se retourne vers le sac, farfouille dedans sans le dplacer, en sort une brosse dents, farfouille de nouveau, sort un tube de dentifrice aplati, revient de face, dvisse le capuchon du tube, dpose le capuchon sur le mamelon, exprime non sans mal un peu de pte sur la brosse, garde le tube dans une main et se brosse les dents de lautre. Elle se dtourne pudiquement, en se 6 reversant en arrire et sa droite, pour cracher derrire le mamelon. . Et comme le tube est presque vide on se rend compte du fait quil y a une certaine similitude entre lcoulement de la vie et celui de la pte. En effet, le point o le tube arrive et le mme o pratiquement se trouve Winnie.
4 5

Idem, p. 61. Beckett, Samuel, En attendant Godot, Les Editions de Minuit, Paris, 2005, p 103. 6 Beckett, Samuel, Oh les beaux jours, Les Editions de Minuit, Paris, 2004, p 13.

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Il y a plusieurs techniques qui sont mises au service de la cration du dcor : par juxtaposition ; dans le mme lieu il y a des objets contradictoires des poubelles et un fauteuil : Intrieur sans meubles. Lumire gristre. Aux murs de droite et de gauche, vers le fond, deux petites fentres haut perches, rideaux ferms. Porte lavant scne droite. Accroch au mur, prs de la porte, un tableau retourn. A lavant-scne gauche, recouvertes dun vieux drap, deux poubelles lune contre lautre. Au centre, recouvert dun vieux drap, assis dans un fauteuil roulettes, Hamm. 7 Immobile ct du fauteuil, Clov le regarde. Teint trs rouge . Le dcor du dbut de la pice Fin de partie est magistralement compos car dans un intrieur du rien o il ny a pas de meuble et normalement dans une chambre habite il devrait exister Beckett envisage lexistence de la poubelle l o lon jette ce dont on na plus besoin, et dun fauteuil roulettes qui indique lhandicape de Hamm, comme un sige royal, dgrad dpourvu de tout luxe propre pour un roi, parce que Hamm est un antiroi ou un roi du mpris contre vie. Une deuxime technique est le surgissement dobjets invisibles (les allumettes, le tableau) dont les personnages usent avec un parfait naturel, ou lintroduction dans le champ scnique dinstruments extravagants, comme sil allait de soi ; La promotion daccessoires utilitaires ayant un rle essentiel, comme le sac de Winnie ; Un changement de perspective ou dchelle impose au lieu scnique, comme les chaussures dEstragon mises au premier plan dans louverture de Godot ; Lappauvrissement extrme et tout aussi insolite de lespace. Robert Abirached prcisez dans le livre La crise du personnage dans le thtre moderne , que le jeu de collages, de retouches, dagrandissements, de multiplications, de retouches, de surimpressions et dappels linconnu aboutit de toute vidence supprimer les repres qui permettent de se diriger dans lespace et dranger lassurance avec laquelle on aborde communment les lieux habits et arpents par les hommes. Cest pourquoi lobjet nest plus une chose facile dfinir, comme lexplique par exemple le dictionnaire Larousse, donc ayant le trait [+ matriel], mais il devient humanis faisant partie dun dispositif qui se trouve au service du langage et de la libration spirituelle vers le nant du personnage parce que comme le dit Beckett dans sa Biographie , Chapitre XIX il ne veut pas instruire les gens mais, par contre, il dsire de crer un vide qui prenne un nouveau dpart dans un nouvel espace .On se trouve, ce point, devant une srie de questions qui nont pas de rponses faciles, et qui peuvent tre trouves seulement dans le texte et tenant compte du fait que le dcor et lespace thtrale refusent de reproduire la ralit telle quelle est construite par lordinaire perception et cherchent silluminer de lintrieur vers lextrieur. On se rappelle que le tableau de Fin de partie est renvers ce qui renvoi soit lide de vide qui nest pas la mme chose que le rien, soit lide dexportation des ides et des significations. Lobjet thtral acquiert de sens sil est repris et recompos par lactivit thtrale. Les poubelles de Fin de partie qui ordinairement auraient la signification de rejet, dinutilit des choses jetes l, acquirent tout dun coup la fonction de matrice de lchec. On comprend limportance que la mise en scne contemporaine attache lobjet, diffrente par rapport au dveloppement de la tendance lacquisivit lie la civilisation bourgeoise et la consommation ostentatoire liant peu peu le statut social la possession dobjets. La reprsentation contemporaine volue dans le sens dune construction potique de lespace thtral.
7

Beckett, Samuel, Fin de partie, Les Editions de Minuit, Paris, 2004, p 11.

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Lobjet scnique est marionnette de lacteur-clown, parce que seulement sil est utilis par celui-ci un simple lment peut faire partie du dcor en devenant objet. Par exemple des choses qui nont gure vocation dobjets et quon ne nommerait pas ainsi, une partie de vtement (un cl ou une manche que lon arrache), un animal peuvent devenir objets scniques par la reprsentation. En conclusion, le thtre contemporain correspond une mergence des objets les plus simples, des choses les plus littrales qui ont le plus souvent partie lie avec le corps. Cette hypertrophie des objets renvoie un abandon de la psychologie classique, celle des sentiments et des problmes du moi et de la conscience, ainsi qu un rejet de toute vision 8 mtaphysique du monde 8. Le jeu auteur des grosses chaussures dans En attendant Godot dnonce limposture idaliste qui masque la ralit sordide de lhomme et langoissante banalit de son existence. Dans Oh les beaux jours lattachement hystrique de Zinnie pour les trsors contenus dans son sac noir (des lunettes, une brosse dents en pure soie de porc, une petite glace, une toque trs bibi, plume froisse ) renvoie la drision de la dignit bourgeoise face au nant dont parle Beckett. Epaves du pass, souvenirs des beaux jours , les objets refltent le mensonge et la vanit de lexistence et par leur actuelle utilisation les personnages librent spirituellement pour aboutir leur but celui de connatre le nant.
Bibliographie : Abirached, Robert, La Crise du personnage dans le thtre moderne, Editions Gallimard, , Collection Tel, Paris, 1994. Atik, Anne, How it Was, A memoir of Samuel Beckett, Les Editions Faber and Faber, Londres, 2001. Balot, Nicolae, La littrature franaise de Villon nos temps, Edition LIde Europenne, 2008. Beckett, Samuel, En attendant Godot, Les Editions de Minuit, Paris, 2005 . Beckett, Samuel, Fin de partie, Les Editions de Minuit, Paris. Beckett, Samuel, Oh les beaux jours, Les Editions de Minuit, Paris. Beckett, Samuel, Tous ceux qui tombent, Les Editions de Minuit, Paris. Corvin, Michel, Le Thtre Nouveau en France, Presses Universitaires de France, Paris, 1980. Evrard, Franck, Le thtre franais du XXe sicle, Edition Ellipses, 1995. Pascal, Blaise, Penses, Edition Le Livre de Poche, Paris1962. Simon, Alfred, Beckett, Edition Belfond, Paris, 1989. Thibault, Jean-Pierre. Le thtre franais contemporain, ADPF publications, 2001. Ubersfeld, Anne, Lire le thtre 2. Lcole du spectateur. Edition Belin, 1996.

Evrard, Franck, Le thtre franais du XXe sicle, Edition Ellipses, 1995, p. 55.

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The Postmodern Maze and its Ideological Haze (Some Food for Thought or Thought as Food)
Conf. dr. Stelua Stan Universitatea Dunrea de Jos din Galai

Motto: In our postmodernist frame of mind, there is no truth, so ideas do not matter; in our postmodern world, issues are not the issue and no one takes almost anything seriously anymore. Blackwell Encyclopedia defines ideologies as constellations of shared beliefs and expressions with symbolical charge, meant to present, interpret and evaluate the world, so as to shape, mobilize, orient, organize and justify certain modalities or directions of social action, integration and stability, and anathematize others. (http://www.sociologyencyclopedia.com/public/tocnode?query=ideology&widen=1&result _number=1&from=search&id=g9781405124331_chunk_g978140512433115_ss110&type=std&fuzzy=0&slop=1) (20/04/09) It is common knowledge by now that this is not necessarily true, because peoples opinions of how society works differ from how society actually works. It is not necessary for society to function that people have true beliefs about society; rather, every social group holds its own beliefs to be true. If one group of people believes another group of peoples set of beliefs to be false, they will call this belief system an ideology, hence the not infrequent pejorative connotation surrounding the concept, and its questionable status as a science, despite the fact that political ideologies, for example, have very well appropriated the scientific jargon and do not hesitate to use scientific discoveries in their own interest; the example of Darwins theory of evolution used by the Nazis is a most unfortunate illustration. Enter postmodernism and one thing becomes crystal clear: a major ideological revolution is on its way and a no mans land is created for oppositions unsolved but dissolved in mutual tolerance. A liminal space, not inside, but neither outside, or simultaneously inside and outside, becomes possible, and everyone is invited to contribute. Beginning with the postmodern cultural turn and, why not, the postmodern ideology, claims to objective and universal truth are regarded as intolerant, uninformed, even dangerous, and we are witnessing a broad based backlash against the authority of reason. Starting Derrida and deconstruction, any text is open to any number of meanings, none of which is better than any other, as all texts are full of contradictions and ambiguities, hidden assumptions and rhetorical tricks and therefore not capable of demonstrating anything. All of these undermine the very possibility of all objective reasoning, including philosophy and science (although the voice of commonsense may pertinently claim that this must include post-structuralism itself). Thus, objectivity, or truth in the conventional sense, becomes an illusion. There is no universal, absolute truth, only local and relative truth. Since Western thought builds on ideas of universal truth, post-structuralists see Western rationality as in crisis. Consequently, postmodernism abandons modernism, as the modern age began with and was shaped by the humanist philosophy of the Enlightenment thought, based on the authority of Descartes autonomous man - the one who starts from his own thought (I think, therefore I am) and builds his worldview systematically from reason alone. The thinkers of the Enlightenment project praised the idea of progress, and believed that through the application of universal reason to every human problem, humanity could move steadily forwards the fully rational society in which there would be freedom, prosperity and happiness for all. Navely, postmodernists charge, modernists assumed that the mind was a mirror of nature, meaning that our perceptions of reality actually correspond to the way the world is. From this

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presumption, modernists built a culture that exalted technological achievement and mastery over the natural order. Expansion-minded capitalism and liberal democracy, outgrowths of modernist autonomous individualism, subjugated the earth to the Eurocentric, male dominated paradigm. But modernism planted the seeds of its own undoing. The appalling wars, genocides, poverty, exploitation and injustice, pollution, threats of nuclear annihilation and other horrors of the twentieth century have undermined the faith in progress. As arrogant, autonomous modernists conquered the globe and subjugated nature in the name of progress, oppressed and marginalized people have responded: Progress toward what? Postmodernists say that the idols of autonomous reason and technological proliferation have brought the modern age to the brink of disaster. The myth of progress ends up in a nightmare of violence, both for marginalized people and for the earth. Of course there are different versions of the rational society: Enlightenment thinkers understood a rationally organized society in liberal terms of constitutionalism and natural rights, and a rational economy as capitalist, while others, such as socialists, conservatives and nationalists, later argued that their kind of society was the most rational for humankind. Nevertheless, what postmodernists object to is not reason as such but the notion of universal reason, meaning there is one rational way of doing things that is the same for every human being. For the enormously influential postmodern thinkers, modern ideologies, whatever the kind, have failed to deliver what they promised. Rather than seeing humanity as an ocean of individuals, postmodernists think of humans as social constructs, who cannot exist or think independently of the community with which they identify, and whose independent or autonomous access to reality is denied, all of their thinking being contextual. Alienation, this clich of cultural criticism, a result of personal identity issues and simultaneous search for a principle to reconcile the self with the world, and individual existence with society, starts to make room for acceptation and adaptation, that state of the spirit emerging when the revolt is exhausted, when, all of a sudden, the manner in which the individual confronted society is no longer certain, when there are no conventionalisms meant to limit freedom, when all theories seem to disappear in a melting pot. Although we have great reservations about such a stage coming into being any time soon, nevertheless, we can credit the idea that the individuals priorities can be different, function of a variety of social, historical, cultural, religious factors. The global mutations in the architecture of the contemporary world and the mentality of the (post)modern being determine the cultural approach that today, more than ever, takes part in the social and communicational weaving of the world, models it and becomes one of its most significant epiphenomena. Entering postmodernity involved a long and painful process for the intellectual (and not only), trained in the spirit of humanist culture, and witnessing the destruction of most fundamental premises of their placement in the world. Restlessness and disorientation experienced when facing an apparently indetermined, chaotic and unstable world, become more and more intense for the individual attached to some ideals and values that he thought eternal. From the restlessness of someone who has to live in a society characterized by an infinite and abstract complexity, and a suffocating competitivity between its individuals (as requires the rule of performance), to the resurrection of nationalisms, tribalisms of all kinds, and fundamentalisms, all these can be interpreted as the anguished response of people(s), categories of individuals and individuals, for whom the fear for/of the future reached the climax. The human being having been dis-placed from the centre of the universe, and traditional humanism demolished (mainly by Nietzsche, the philosopher whose influence can be felt today maybe more than ever), what we are left to weigh and decide upon is the advantages and the disadvantages of the two shifts we have witnessed for several decades now. For let us not be mistaken, there is a great deal of both. Moreover, given the benefit of already our experience, why not, reverse the change, notice taken of what triggered it in the first place. Both for Nietzsche and Heidegger, the being is no longer a fixed, unchangeable plan, a reference point for the real world phenomena, but a fluctuating, contextual, contingent entity. (in Crtrescu, 1999: 19) Postmodern thinking completely assumes nihilism as the last chance and highlights such nihilistic ideas as the weak character of the being and thinking, and the end of history (Fukuyama, 1994), both seen as the endless evolution of the human being, in quest for its precious self. Furthermore, it revaluates the notion of truth, which, for postmodernity, ceases to be a gnoseological concept, turning into an aesthetical one. Of course, Hassans (1987) well-known

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display of optimism and confidence in an imminent revival cannot escape mention: once the ideal man is dead, the stage becomes open for the real people, different and complicated. In the meantime, Vattimo, claims that the philosophical front (former existentialism, phenomenology, Marxism, contemporary hermeneutics) set up to defend humanistic values and authenticity, seems to have failed. Moreover, total nihilism proved to be much more benign and constructive than all ideologies that brought about wars and dictatorship. (Vattimo in Crtrescu, 1999: 22) Postmodernists are mainly relativists: what is rational or true for one group at one time may not be rational or true for another group at another time or even for the same group at another time (as anyone could witness in the context of the international financial/economic/social crisis over the past few months). There are not truths that apply to everyone everywhere, or so-called metanarratives, our world being one of shifting truths and multiple points of view, with no means of determining who is right and who is wrong, all being relativism and subjectivity. It is all about interpretation, not about what is real or true. Every time somebody claims to be in possession of the truth, it ends up repressing people. What is wrong with modern ideologies, postmodernists believe, is one part of humanity imposing its ideas and values and control over other parts, one nation imposing on another, or one group in society imposing its values on other groups. Lyotard, in The Postmodern Condition: A Report on Knowledge (1984), goes so far as to say that any attempt to impose one universal vision on anyone, not just Marxist or fascist, but liberal or nationalist, is totalitarian and terroristic. Truth is always local truth, i.e. only valid within the group or community which generated it. All this calls into question all kinds of authorities political, scientific, intellectual, social along with the hierarchies and justifications that go with them. The claim to possess the one and only true theory of society is highly discredited, being replaced by postmodern pluralism that stimulates the investigation of different discourses, without claiming that they are false, and tolerantly concluding that all of them are part of a certain culture, whether we like them or not. Strangely enough, after the several decades since its breaking-through appearance, postmodernism, though having at its core an ardent need to de-center/-molish the old and make large, (un)comfortable, tolerant, otherness-/difference-accepting room for itself, seems to lead/push us in the opposite direction. A more pragmatic and realistic and, why not, maybe with a keener insight of human nature, has, among (quite a lot of) others, professor Valentine Cunningham, who identifies nuances when discussing the legitimation of truth, on the territory of literature and literary criticism, this time:
[o]nce discredited the idea of statements having a truth-value, or of the validity of truth leading to discussion on reality, imagination, fiction, etc., we obviously stumble Once discredited the idea of the writer's duty to render truth the best he can, we come to an inevitable deadlock. Consequently, I think it is dangerous to mock at the idea that truth is a goal, be it in literature or criticism. Fortunately, most people guide their lives by other precepts and values than these sceptics (Cunningham in Anghelescu-Irimia, 1999: 120)

Of course, there is a price to pay for all these generous ideas/principles of postmodern ideology: a growing number, especially among the emerging generations, believe that reason and truth are inherently political and subversive. That may be why they are often so cynical: advised by voices in contemporary culture (including many academics willing to make themselves visible as up-dated scholars) to consider claims to truth as being clever disguises for the pernicious will to power (which, unfortunately too often, are exactly that), they conclude that rather than dominating others with our version of reality, we should accept all beliefs as equally valid. Openness without the restraint of reason, and tolerance without moral appraisal seem, again unfortunately, sometimes to be the new postmodern mandates. For too many people, the postmodern outlook seems more absorbed rather than thought out. A vast majority came to believe (and many of us even teach it, in good will, of course) that truth is relative. But only few know why we think that way. Still fewer have any clue about how our beliefs practically relate to our own lives, that often they are hopelessly contradictory or that we often live inconsistently with them. In general, we tend to be ideologically confused rather than deeply committed to our convictions. So while we hear the rhetoric of openness to everything and tolerance for everyone, it is rare to find someone who really

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understands what this means. It has become the socially appropriate attitude to display. Thus, postmodern ideologues have been successful in transforming ideology into popular zeitgeist. Paradoxically and ironically (if it were not sad), in an age of anti-dogmatism, this radical subjectivity leads to the dangerously arrogant inference that no one can ever be wrong about what they believe. As people living in a socially and morally fragmented age, free from the constraints of rationality, we are confronted with the danger of not knowing truth from self-delusion anymore. The tyranny of truth has been replaced with self-empowering stories, typically functioning at the expense of truth: authority as the truth rather than truth as the authority. But maybe its not this, either. Then what? Postmodernity is a moment of cynical reason in which subjects no longer believe the official line delivered by societys authorizing institutions; it is now taken for granted that governments routinely dissemble and that advertisers perpetrate shams. But this disbelief does not bring with it a freeing from or resistance to ideology. Instead subjects respond according to the fetishistic logic of disavowal: I know what Im doing is meaningless, but I do it nonetheless. Slavoj iek, a Lacanian Marxist sociologist, psychoanalyst, philosopher and cultural critic, argues, among other things, that
the typical postmodern subject is one who displays outright cynicism towards official institutions, yet at the same time believes in the existence of conspiracies and of an unseen Other pulling the strings. This apparently contradictory coupling of cynicism and belief is strictly correlative to the demise of the big Other. Its disappearance causes us to construct an Other of the Other in order to escape the unbearable freedom its loss encumbers us with. (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Slavoj_%C5%BDi%C5%BEek) (25/04/09)

Could it be that the Other iek is talking about in The Plague of Fantasies (1997) is the void left by the many deaths postmodernism brought with it? Death seen as disappearance, ruin, destruction and violence, not as much of the individual but of society, history, culture, geography, politics and economic systems; the end of innocence; the death of the author and the authorial crisis of the textual meaning; the death of elitist art; Gods death; the death of metanarratives; the death of man as subject; of monopolist capitalism in economy etc. Could it be that we face the end/death of ideologies? Probably not, because they seem to be vitally connected to some features of human personality, on the one hand, and because the human nature seems to have in it the urge to tell stories. And, probably, we shall just have to find another tale to tell if we want to bridge the void. In the last chapter of From Text to Action: Essays on Hermeneutics, II (1991), Ideology, Utopia and Politics, Paul Ricoeur argues in a convincing manner that between ideology and the human being as a social being, there is an unbreakable relationship. Ideology cannot disappear as long as a social group needs to construct an image of itself, to represent itself in the theatrical sense of the word, to play and stage itself. Thus, ideology becomes a theory of social motivation; simplifying and schematizing, it makes possible the ample vision not only of the group, but also of history and the world. Conclusion One conclusion might be that ideologies are too important to disappear. As long as we live in a so complicated world, full of crises and conflicts, we need ideologies to explain even if in a deceitful manner what is happening, and give us a plan for the future even if wrong. The same as utopias, ideologies, despite the well-known negative aspects, continue to find defenders and, why not, people ready to die for them. Postmodernism, beyond its disturbing, confusing, maddening characteristics, may be a blessing. It offers, with praiseworthy generosity a smorgasbord; the only question seems to be what are you hungry for? Plus, it does not force anyone to come up with answers. It claims it is not the task of the philosopher, writer or academic, for that matter, to act as the Big Other who tells us about the world, but rather to challenge our own ideological presuppositions. All of the three categories above, plus many others, function of their own life experience and domain of action, are called to criticize rather than try to find answers.

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Pretty comfortable, isnt it? But then, comfortable is, most of the times, neither eternal, nor universal. Somebody cares about the two concepts anymore? In the already old good postmodern fashion, and attempting to characterize a zodie paradoxal sub care omul contemporan i triete viaa ca pe un vis i pune n vis pasiunea existenei adevrate (paradoxical age under which the contemporary being lives their life as a dream, investing in it the passion of true existence) (Crtrescu, 1999: 114), I will temporarily and inconclusively(!) conclude with an urge I found in one of my recent readings by a warm, heartfelt voice, raised to warn against our human, natural, comfortable tendency to be willing to adjust, instead of represent the superior species, willing to perfect themselves: Choose being a rock instead of an amoeba!
References: Crtrescu, M. (1999). Postmodernismul romnesc, Bucureti: Humanitas. Anghelescu Irimia, M. (1999). Dialoguri postmoderne, col. Interviuri, Bucureti: Editura Fundaiei Culturale Romne. http://www.sociologyencyclopedia.com/public/tocnode?query=ideology&widen=1&result_number=1&from =search&id=g9781405124331_chunk_g978140512433115_ss1-10&type=std&fuzzy=0&slop=1 (20/04/09) http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Slavoj_%C5%BDi%C5%BEek (25/04/09).

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The Utopian Idiom of the Nationalistic Discourse in Timothy Mos The Redundancy of Courage Lect. drd. Angela Stnescu Universitatea Valahia din Trgovite
Abstract: The present paper examines Timothy Mos rendition and analysis of the discourses of decolonization politics in his novel The Redundancy of Courage (1991), which fictionalizes the drama of the newly independent nation of Danu, actually a thinly disguised version of East Timor. The novel presents the colonial and postcolonial history of the island of Danu, focusing on the factionalist nature of postindependence politics which leads to chaos and civil war. The author is particularly concerned with the linguistic, psychological and emotional potency of the discourses of nationhood, self-government and socialism propounded by the prevailing governing force of Danu, and dissects the symbiotic relationship between language, stance and image in ideological argumentation and persuasion. Even if the narrator is a sympathizer of the fledgling socialist government of the island, he ironically comments on the manipulation tactics and discursive strategies of nationalistic utopianism, often disingenuously meant to conceal the crudity of mere power politics. However, the discourse of the nation is favourably compared and contrasted with the far more pernicious manipulations of the neo-colonial discourses deployed to justify the invasion and re-colonization of Danu by the neo-imperialistic forces in the region, supported by the vested interests of Western capital. Key words: ideological argumentation, persuasion, manipulation, nationalistic utopianism

Each new novel by Timothy Mo represents a challenge for both author and reader, a surprise move meant to thwart his publics expectations by unpredictable switches of setting, content and format. The Redundancy of Courage, his fourth novel of 1991, engages the troubled recent history of another insular possession the former Portuguese colony of East Timor and narrates of its dispossession and misappropriation by the neo-imperialistic aggression of Indonesia. From the grand narrative of colonisation undertaken in An Insular Possession (1986), Mo turns to the epos and ethos of decolonisation and liberation movements, in an attempt to capture the idealistic, utopian tonalities of nationalist ideology and interrogate post-colonial myths of self-government and anti-hegemonic resistance. He addresses the more recent hegemonic discourses of neo-colonial powers. The novel advances a vision of history as patterned by successive cycles of progress and regression, bondage and freedom, utopias and dystopias of an illusory, ever-elusive liberty. As he embarks on quasidocumentary explorations of contemporary developments in South East Asia, Mos tone wavers between a satirical critique of neo-colonial exploitation in the region and a harrowing account of political and social upheavals conducive to massive scale human tragedy. The Redundancy of Courage aspires to the moral authority of an awareness-raising documentary on the contemporary drama of East Timor. Its publication amounts to a historic act in itself, as it anticipates the attention of the global media on Timorese resistance against Indonesian hegemony (Ho 2000: 88), brought about by the awarding of the Nobel Prize in 1996 to Catholic Bishop Carlos Ximenes Belo and Jose Ramos-Horta, two prominent activists for the Timorese cause. It looks as if the book actually presages the international crisis entailed by the developments in East Timor. Ho commends the authors alertness to geopolitical hot zones and the timeliness of his seminal outcry of indignation: Once again, Mo shows how his artistic antennae are finely tuned to the faintly heard messages of crisis before they explode on the worlds stage (Ho 88). The narrative purports to be no more than the confessions of Adolph Ng, an active participant in the Danuese resistance contingent. From the security of his present South-American refuge, he relates the events before and after the invasion of the island, transparently fictionalised as Danu. The self-conscious narrator and main protagonist, Adolph Ng, adopts an ambiguous position towards his embroilment with history, in that he presents himself both as an insider to the events narrated and an outsider to the nationalist movement, because of his Chinese ethnicity. From the very outset he emphasises his outsidedness and his status as a man apart, racially, ethnically and sexually, given his homosexual persuasion. But emotionally and intellectually, he feels bound by a duty to the memory of the heroic Danuese, whose cause he eventually comes to serve as a member of the guerrilla resistance.

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Soon after the colonys proclamation of independence from the Portuguese metropolis, Ng, who misses the big world of his university years in Canada and feels alienated from the life of his native island, befriends the young left-wing intellectuals emerging as the new nations political elite. Although he becomes a valued sympathizer of this group of nationalist idealists, he is officially banned from active political engagement on account of belonging to the Chinese business-minded ethnic minority. He manages to make a virtue of necessity and find himself a role suiting his ethnic identity and fabled business acumen that of a capitalist entrepreneur bestowing his largesse on the nationalist project of his socialist friends. However, the social and political marginality he is condemned to for bigoted ethnic reasons frustrates his natural impulse to define his national identity by identifying with the communal goals of the fledgling national community which seems to relegate him to an inconsequential spectators role. He is taken out of his defeatism by the challenges posed by a transforming society, whose hope of advancement lay in the enthusiasm, ideals and reforming zeal of its youthful agents of change. They are able to provide Adolph with the intellectual stimulation which he has only associated with the big world. Without really engaging in the nationalistic and socialist project of his friends, the founders and leaders of the FAKOUM the ruling political force of the newly independent Danu Ng remains anchored to the mainstream of events not as an active participant on either side of the factional confrontation, but as a loyal companion to his friends. He acts as a reflexive by-stander, a dispassionate commentator and raisoneur, alert to the challenging fervour of the times, though often with amused cynicism. If Ng is excluded from any political involvement for ethnic reasons, his social prominence as the man of the world, the prosperous hotelier and the maverick figure of the Praa group, determines him to gravitate around FAKOUM and to assume the role of what Rushdie would call a peripheral hero. He plays host to the inaugural meeting of his friends socialist party, which seals his privileged position as a kind of favourite courtier with the FAKOUM Alpha and Omega (67). Halfway between outsider and insider positions, he admits that in the divided society of Danu, affiliation is mandatory more as a matter of survival than of affinity: I wasnt actually a party member the bastards had an unofficial Chinese exclusion policy but I was too friendly with them. Youd better choose your friends carefully in places like Danu (76). His attachment to the elite figures of the nationalist movement, who foster both the myth of nationhood and the doctrinal fundaments of a socialist revolution based on autocratic military control, stems from his recognition of these mens political intelligence and inspirational dedication. Ironically, the local champions of freedom, the founders of the Independence Party, subsequently renamed FAKOUM and later the FAKINTIL resistance movement, are former Africa cadres who fought in the colonisers army against the African rebels. Ng wonders about this seeming inconsistency of belief, but decides that it is bound up with their strong sense of duty and pedigree of valour (66). Ng is seduced, as are the crowds at the public meetings, by these mens self-assurance, steeled by their military record. He is fascinated by their commanding sense of mission and belief in their power to accomplish their historical assignment. In the portrayal of Osvaldo, Ng extols the assets which make him the epitome of the providential leader the charisma, the flair, the courage, especially the courage (61). The leaders power, Ng reflects, lies in an overbearing selfawareness, uncorrupted by infatuation: he had a strong, a perfect sense of who he wasHis wasnt the poisoned gift of dumbfool cocksureness but the serenity that came through a lack of self-indulgence, of introspection. The mind played on the world, not himself, and the paradox is that it gave him total self-possession (61). Ng also attributes Osvaldos elevating singularity to his possession of the very qualities which his compatriots are most lacking in:
In a place where sloth, negligence, and fecklessness were a way of life (except, of course, among the cut-throat Chinamen) his meticulousness, his inner strength, and his self-discipline set him literally and figuratively head and shoulders above his contemporaries. Like so many natural or born leaders, it was control over himself which allowed him to command others (60).

Despite his awe of his friends political acumen, Ng is unromantically alert to the manipulating mechanisms of political discourses, commenting astutely on the discursive sway which the leaders in that grim brotherhood hold on the crowds. Osvaldo, in particular, is possessed of the psychological, linguistic and rhetorical subtlety which a shrewd politician wields to hypnotise the crowd:

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he was the real politician on that platform on that daythe only one with a sense of a lobby. The others spoke for effect, self-aggrandizement, or just to get feelings off their chests. Osvaldo, in his very first speech, was making a play for a power base. He was quite shameless really but contrived somehow to brown-nose with dignity. He spoke in an exaggeratedly rustic dialect, told some jokes coarse even by the standards of the enlisted mens mess, and filled his speech with metaphors of cock fighting (Danu: the pit; the parties: the bantams; the country-folk: the spurs, etc.)He was skilled at playing with emotion (64).

Mo anatomises the strategies of effective political discourse and their weight in crowd manipulation. Adapting ones language and rhetoric to the audiences need for identification and self-recognition is a staple discursive strategy of the charismatic leader, which also endorses the politicians claim to being anchored to popular sentiments and goals. This has been the hallmark of many autocratic leaders in the postcolonial world, who have juxtaposed their self-image on the image of their nations history by deftly wielding the power of the world. Postcolonial writing abounds in such portraits. Two of the most memorable remain those of Naipauls the Big Man (Mobutu) and Rushdies Iskander Harrapa (Bhutto), who similarly resorted to the course language of the people to enthral their audiences. Their populist idiom was undoubtedly one of the most efficient tactics in their self-fashioning as providential sons of the nation. The discourse of popular power seemingly empowering the many is efficiently handled by Danus leading figures. Ng, though ironically aware of their histrionics, casts a lenient eye on their performance, without actually questioning their steadfastness. With amused detachment, he watches and evaluates the staging of their performance as defenders of the nation, the disciplined cadres in the sea of chaos, the crew of the ship of state, the corn in the chaff (he wasnt worried about mixing his metaphors, Arsenio (66). Noting their penchant for political symbolism and mimicry of legendary revolutionaries, he comments on how Arsenio stood on a tablehand on hip: There was no need for such histrionicsbut Arsenios picture of the ideal corresponded to fairly primitive notions of socialist realist art prevalent in the Soviet Union in the1930s (66). Behind the occasional naivety of their stances Ng perceives the calculated idealisation of the myth of freedom and nationhood. Comparing the appeal of FAKOUM with that of the opposing Independence Party of the local politicos (66), Ng graspingly remarks that while both factions adopt the grand nationalistic vocabulary of Motherland, Historic Ties, Blood, Honour, Tradition, the soldierly-proletarian youth of FAKOUM had idealism on their side as well (67). Capitalising on the most appealing kind of idealism, the equalitarian utopia proclaiming the power of the people and the reign of collective leadership, Osvaldo and Arsenio or the FAKOUM Alpha and Omega (67) possess the remarkable talent of giving the crowd the illusion of having the power to change history: The key to it was directing things without appearing to do so, the faade of democracy concealing an autocratic leadership (67). Their strategic self-effacement, the key to their appeal to the broad masses (67), culminates in the election as President of FAKOUM of Arsenios aunt, a betel-chewing mountain womanan appeal to traditional montagnard Danu, a disingenuously democratic decision which Ng deems as a stroke of genius (68). The narrator explains that these manipulative tactics are not indigenous to Danu, being the staple of most nascent postcolonial democracies, also used by the neigbouring malais under the term Guided Democracy (68). He recognizes the aptness of this superb euphemism for the internal machinations of FAKOUM (68). At the same time, Ng is willing to rationalise the self-denying motivations of their move, aimed to avert any derogatory associations: It made them look less like military adventurers, frizzy-haired Napoleons and this, for them, with their penchant for historical parallels, was a problem of self-image, identity; it would have disturbed Arsenio profoundly to have seen himself as the potential devourer of their revolutions children (68). The narrators reference to the long-standing tradition of revolutionary leaders betraying their democratic ideals subtly alludes to the corruptions and distortions of the national utopia which is so much a hallmark of postcolonial nationalist politics. Mo graspingly anatomises the inner resorts of the upheavals brought about by factionalism and pseudo-political conflict in decolonising countries, which merely boil down to traditional local rivalries and power struggles. The phenomenon, common to most emergent states in the Third

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World, is described in terms evoking Naipauls Caribbean politics of hurt or Rushdies communalism in India. Ng aptly diagnoses this kind of domestic strife as the politics of the grudge (69). He explains it by the lack of the luxury of democratic experience, ironically invoking the empirically demonstrable paradox that divisiveness grows in inverse proportion with the countrys size:
Graceful surrender, abandonment to the democratic process, are luxuries of the advanced societies where, among other things, all the faces are not known to you. We operated the politics of the grudge. Behind the sloganising, the grand statements of principlewere self-interest and survival. Theres a law: the more tinpot the banana republic the more flamboyant the flag: eagles grasping cobras, that kind of thing. And the more sonorous the party programme, the pettier and more virulent its sectionalism: Motherland and the death squad (69).

This cynical perception of the civil wars of decolonisation as petty tribal feuds, thinly disguised as ideological struggles, represents a mordant indictment of the primitivism of fratricidal postcolonial politics. The virulence of Mos satire targets not the victimised nation, but the discursive hypocrisy of the politicos, whose patriotism boils down to the sheer seizure of power at whatever cost, to vested interests gift-wrapped in the banners of history, freedom, democracy or the national interest: It was all or nothing. There would be no elegant retirements in Danu. It was power or prisonThat was the subjective factor in the descent into Civil War. It was what put that vicious kink into that spiral (70). These pseudo-ideological divisions infect not only the public scene, but rip even the more emotionally pure bonds of private human relationships. Ng regards such ruptures of the essentially human bond of friendship as more tragic than civil strife. Raouls defection from the camp of his brother and friends, a metonym of the embattled nation, is also emblematic of the corrosion of the private space by the acid spill of contending orthodoxies. Ng sees in his friends estrangement a silence of pent-up rage, with the poison of guilt and uncertainty in it as well; it was an angry sty on his minds eye (71). The first verbalisation of this domestic factional split, received with the awkwardness of an uncomfortable silence is darkened by the chilling awareness of something ugly (71). Curiously enough, Arsenio takes in the facts without surprise, because the air seems saturated with fraternal spite: The atmosphere of double dealing and plotting was such that betrayal from ones nearest and dearest did not seem to be exceptional (71). The ensuing Civil War, tellingly spelt with capitals, is paradoxically regarded as necessary evil, an inevitable act of cleansing the festering wounds of a colonial society, as the growing pains of the young national body entering modern nationhood. But Ng reflects with bitter irony on the futile waste of Danuese murdering Danuese, rendered even more absurd by the anachronistic pettiness of its motives: it had nothing to do with any modern notion of ideological conflict; still less with the issue of IndependenceThe IP FAKOUM struggle was just a mask for the expression of feuds and grudges already old when Marx was in girls clothes. Those ancient enmities burned long, and it took blood to extinguish them (77). The anachronism of the islands violent convulsions is emphasised by a choice of vocabulary suggestive of a feudal society torn by feuds, grudges, ancient enmities, which displace the concerns with Marxism and imperialism as expendable irrelevancies. The absurdity of the situation, which ironises the claims of both sides, is enhanced by the fact that independence has not even been fought for, but granted to them by the mother country as a kind of unearned, but long overdue gift. After the purging slaughter of the Civil War, FAKOUM launches on their intense, if shortlived, programme of socialist reforms, aimed to bring us into the new century (86). Their creation of the national myth, of the collective consciousness of Andersons imagined community, harnesses all the symbolic paraphernalia of nationalist iconology, from the flag and the anthem to the more pernicious, euphemistically disguised ideological intoxication which is the crux of all discourses of historical change: There were mass indoctrinations (political education, as Martinho preferred to call it), with flag-waggingand a specially composed anthemactually a darn good, catchy tune, as you might have expected from the Danuese: O, Mighty Mountain! (86). Notwithstanding his cynical amusement at the disingenuous tactics of nation-building, Ng admits to their effectiveness in fostering a sense of communal bonding and collective identification: Despite all, you found yourself moved to hear a thousand people singing it in the

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Praa. I was moved (86). Unfortunately, the nations declaration of independence occurs under inauspicious circumstances, not so much as the proud articulation of their participation in the glamour of history (90), but rather as a desperate attempt to officially vilify their being swallowed by the neo-colonial greed of the neighbouring malais: Since the civil war, FAKOUM had been running the place but they hadnt bothered to legitimise their regimeBut now they had to make a formal declaration of autonomy, proclaim sovereignty purely so that the invading malais could be seen to have violated it. It was a pragmatic, not a flamboyant act (95). However, the Independence Day celebrations, though dampened by the intimation of the malais invasion give Danu a sense of a momentous encounter with history. Especially under the shock of the malais atrocious killing of the foreign TV crew near the border, in an attempt to frame the Danuese, Ng is doubtful about the chances of the event to restore the peoples morale and allow for public rejoicing: Celebrations! If you can call a wake a celebrationConsidering the original motive for the ceremony, considering the in-born Danuese talent for making a shambles of anything, for manic disorganisation, it turned out to be not only a moving but also a disciplined spectacle (95). Funnily enough, the suspect Chinaman (96), so detachedly critical of Danuese inconsistency and inefficiency, cannot help becoming infused with the communal spirit. Amidst the awed crowd, he receives his baptism as a Danuese in his own right. Adolph Ng, the bathetic, cynical, self-deprecating outsider, is given a new sense of belonging, of pertaining to a community by virtue of the enduring bond of shared hsiotoricla memory the cornerstone of the construction of national consciousness. His idiosyncratic way of constantly othering the Danuese and emphasising his ethnic and racial difference is silenced by under his new feeling of an insider rather than the perpetual outsider. They becomes us, in keeping with the communal articulation which Bhabha equates with the enunciation of nationhood as the one as many and the many as one: I dont think any of us there, whatever happened to us afterwards, wherever we ended up, ever forgot that day. Nothing the malai did could blot out that memory. It was worth doing. You need a focus for emotionYou think you are immune at such spectacles. But you arent (97). Ngs reflection hammers home the truth that, like any ideological message, the discourses and public displays of nationalistic aspirations operate subliminally, not only at the ideational level of discourse and language, but at the deeper level of the communitys sheer emotional response to the communal experience of a nationally defined oneness, which Homi Bhabha calls the many as one. In Mos text, the message of the nations oneness is internalised as a collective epiphany experienced affectively rather than intellectually. The word as ideological weapon is reinforced by the synergy of an archetypal form of communal epiphany, experienced at sensorial, emotional and spiritual levels via the syncretism of word, image, sound and feeling coalescing in the elevating awe of a collectively glimpsed instantiation of a human ideal.
Bibliography: Mo, Timothy. The Redundancy of Courage. London: Vintage, 1995 Friedland, Jonathan. An Insular Occupation. Far East Economic Review. Vol. 151, No. 14, May 30 1991, p. 59 Hall, Laura. New Nations, New Selves: The Novels of Timothy Mo and Kazuo Ishiguro. Other Britain, Other British. Ed. Lee, Robert. London. Pluto Press, 1995 Ho Lin, Elaine Yee. Timothy Mo. Manchester and New York. Manchester University Press, 2000 Lim, Shrley Geok-Lin. Race, Identity, and the Subject in the Novels of Timothy Mo. Fusion of Cultures. Eds. Stummer, Peter O. and Balme, Chrostopher. Amsterdam. Rodopi, 1996 Ramraj, Victor J. Diasporas and Multiculturalism, in New National and Post-Colonial Literatures: An Introduction. Ed. Bruce King. Oxford. Clarendon Press, 1996.

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The Ideology of Postmodernism

Asist. dr. Andreia Irina Suciu Universitatea din Bacu
Abstract: More or less accepted as a self-standing trend, more or less clearly defined, more theorised upon and less praised, postmodernism has gained its page in the history of literature, art, criticism, politics, technology and what not. Thus, extensive studies have been written trying to establish the new ideology of the new trend, trying to trace origins and set boundaries, to distinguish between features and follow the causes and effects. Our paper tries to be a brief account of all these mentioned above, with a focus on the main theories and theorists, always filtered through or applied on the work of Malcolm Bradbury who, from the double position of critic and writer, and spanning a creative period of approximately four decades, offers a clear example of the manner in which the postmodern ideology changed with each decade while still comprising a broad, constant spectrum. Key words: postmodernism, ideology, Malcolm Bradbury work

1. Postmodernism simply a post-/ just another -ism? Any new trend in philosophy, the theory of literature or social studies has tried to establish a territory of investigation and then see how the new trend brings an evolution of human understanding of the society he lives in and an understanding of himself. Both contested and praised, postmodernism, beyond its ideological constructs, raised controversies concerning even its denomination, its formation through affixation. Whether or not it was poor enough not have been able to be termed but as a mere prolongation of modernism, or whether or not we needed just another ism in the series of theoretical concepts, was material enough for extensive debates. Some rejected from the beginning the act of defining a movement in relation to something else (that is, modernism) instead of defining it in its own terms and proposed such terms as surfiction or fabulation (Raymond Federman) or post-contemporary fiction or post-industrialism (Daniel Bell), contemporary post-realistic novel (Ronald Sukenick) or anti-aesthetic (as a critique which destructures and then reinscribes representation) (Hal Foster), late modernity. Other terms, more socially rooted were proposed; the risk society, the global age, the information society, the communicative era, the second media age, the transparent society, the society of political citizenship, or the culture-and-personality crisis. They are both true in part and when taken as whole they offer a clearer image on the multiplicity of aspects that define these times. All or some of these visions considered the term postmodernism a solecism, because it does not simply come after the present (a temporal boundary to which modernism is identified etymologically), but it also includes an organized system, with its own poetics, and an improved, or at least, updated vision upon the contemporary. Others have found multiple, deeper possibilities in the meaning of the prefix. Among the first users of the term postmodernism, Alfred Toynbee used it starting as far as back the first decades of the last century. Thus, he used it in a volume from 1939 to refer to the age inaugurated by World War I foretelling that it would bring both new tragedies as well as new developments1. The use of the prefix post- usually designates a process of historical succession, so from this restricted perspective postmodernism would be regarded as the period following on from and replacing the modern. As Jean-Franois Lyotard states in his essay Notes on the Meanings of post- this perspective means that the post- of postmodernism has the sense of a simple succession, diachronic sequence of periods in which each one is clearly identifiable. The post- indicates something like a conversion: a new direction from the previous one2. Thus, we can say that in the postmodern period we assist the emergence of a new period, a new style of fashion superseding previous ones. The same opinion is followed by Best and Kellner who interpret post- as signifying a historical sequencing in which a previous state of affairs is

Arnold J. Toynbee, A Study of History, apud Margaret Rose, The Post-Modern and the Post-Industrial: A Critical Analysis, Cambridge University Press, 1991, p. 11. 2 J.-F. Lyotard, The Postmodern Explained to Children: Correspondence 19821986, Turnaround, 1992, p. 90.

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superseded and thus functions, as in the first instance, as a periodizing term3. Even though primarily postmodernism signals the passing of the old and the advent of the new, and even though it seems to summarize the diffuse senses of afterness that have arisen in many areas of academic endeavour4, the interpretation of this sequential marker as simply after would nevertheless efface the complexity of the term and the causes or the manner in which Po-Mo comes after Mo would not be taken into consideration. Coming after something new (modern) postmodernism would only mean something newer, but this would discard any differences in quality and a particular system and thought or distinct ideology. Thomas Docherty also rejects such a simplistic interpretation of the term, underlining that it is mistaken to conceive of postmodernism as a periodizing concept. [] The postmodern is not synonymous with the contemporary.5 Docherty then completes in his Introduction to Postmodernism: A Reader in 1993 that the word postmodernism is characterised, from its inception, by an ambiguity. On the one hand it is seen as a historical period; on the other it is simply a desire, a mood which looks to the future to redeem the present. The word, with this ambivalence, then hovers around the edges of sociological arguments and the end of ideology debates in the 1950s. But it is in the theories of architecture and in the discourses of literary criticism that the peculiar tension in the term begins to articulate itself more pointedly. In both, there is a tension between, on the one hand, thinking of the postmodern as a chiliastic historical period which, after modernity, we either have entered or are about to enter, while on the other realising that we are condemned to live in a present, and adopting a specific some have said schizophrenic mood as a result of acknowledging that this present is characterised by a struggle on contradiction and incoherence6. Clearly, a simple effacing of the old and a replacement by something thought subsequent or later than modern is not sufficient for the understanding of postmodernism, and Jean-Franois Lyotard introduces a second interpretation in which postmodern may introduce a concept designating something that is contemporary with the modern or even prior to it the postmodern as a moment in which innovation and development can no longer be viewed as progress. At this point, postmodernism marks a decline in the confidence that, for two centuries, the West invested in the principle of a general progress of humanity [] It is no longer possible to call development progress. It seems to proceed of its own accord, with a force, an autonomous motoricity that is independent of us. It does not answer to demands issuing from human needs. On the contrary, human entities whether social or individual always seem destabilised by the results and implications of development7. It is now that postmodernism is associated with loss of faith in progress, disbelief towards univerals and disorientation at the rapid technological changes. At the same time, he underlines that postmodernism is not simply a replacing agent, not simply anti-modernism (even if David Harvey claims that it is from the chrysalis of the anti-modern that postmodernism had emerged8) because it also involves re-readings, interpretations and critiques of the meaning and essence of the modern values and projects, so it comes rather as a critical attitude towards modernism. A similar attitude of comprehensiveness towards postodernism is taken by Charles Jencks, an American architectural theorist, landscape architect and designer with a formation in English literature, who after having walked through the Garden of cosmic speculation opens in 1987 one of his seminal studies What Is Postmodernism? as follows:
Post-Modernism is now a world-wide movement in all the arts and disciplines. Postmodern politics varies from the conviction politics of Margaret Thatcher and Tony Blair to the search for a new liberalism that can combine multiculturalism and universal rights. [] There are more books on Post-modernism than its parent Modernism, which is not to say

Steven Best; Douglas Kellner, The Postmodern Turn, The Guilford Press, New York & London, 1997, p. 3. John P. Jones; W. Natter; Theodore Schatzki, Postmodern Contentions. Epochs, Politics, Space, The Guilford Press, 1993, p. 1. 5 Thomas Docherty, After Theory, Routledge, 1990/ 1996, p. 19. 6 Thomas Docherty (ed.), Postmodernism. A Reader, Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1993, pp. 98109. 7 Jean-Franois Lyotard, op. cit., pp. 9092. 8 David Harvey, The Condition of Postmodernity. An Enquiry into the Origins of Cultural Change, Blackwell, Cambridge MA & Oxford UK, 1990/ 2007, p. 3.
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that it is more mature or better, but just here to stay. We are well past the age where we can merely accept or reject this new -ism; it is too omnipresent for either approach9.

This ubiquity of postmodernism from global politics to fashionable food, permeating at the same time all the circles of art has made of postmodernism a style of our age. Whether or not we had better speak about trans-modernism, ultra-modernism, surmodernism, super-modernism, hyper-modernism, pseudo-modernism, cyber-modernism, para-modernism (in both its philosophical and medical meaning of the prefix), metamodernism, counter-modernism (with both meanings of opposite and complementary because these denominations would render better the self-conscious, decentred, sceptical, playfully polymorphous, new steering nature of the text and type of thinking) is a matter still open to discussion. But perhaps we need not torment ourselves in interminable mental haemorrhages for it is not the term that matters as long as we have established the broad frame of manifestation. Generally speaking all the interpretations that have been emitted of postmodernism, centred on three large areas of application. Steven Connor identifies them as follows10: firstly, postmodernism referring to and designating a number of developments in the art and culture in the second half of the twentieth century; secondly, it describes the emergence of new forms of social and economic organization and it can be observed in full manifestation starting around the period of World War II; and thirdly, it registers a new theoretical perspective and manner of writing and reflection, thus cultural studies or literary criticism creating a trend of their own. It is the awareness of these three perspectives that have brought new artistic, philosophical, economic, political or psychoanalytic interpretations of the term. This does not mean however that the three perspectives have been bordered and theories have formed independently of these sectors neither the cultural sphere nor the critical-institutional sphere and fictional one determine exclusively a theory of the postmodern. This theory is to be found rather after the renegotiation of the spaces between them. One constantly accepted perspective upon postmodernism is that it registers a dramatic acceleration of the reshaping of structures of experience on account of the extremely rapid advances in the field of technology, a revolution in which innovation and experiment swept across art, cultural activity and industry. This allowed a flexibility of the expansion of production and of capital in more geographical points leading to disarticulation and fragmentation of the subject (producer and produced) and to a more or less promiscuous crossing and combination of cultural forms which determined a revolution in the academic circles and cultural institutions. We will develop in our next chapter the issue of this change brought by the new times of the last four or five decades, with a boom in the last two. 2. Origins and periodizations The attempt to pinpoint the exact start of this wholesale culturecide11, or credicide12 as postmodernism was labelled by some, meets again various opinions. If modernism was characterised by a forest of symbols, postmodernism is characterized by a forest of identified origins (as well as features and theories). Steven Connor registers its frequent use in the 1950s and 1960, but establishes its use as fully crystallized social and cultural phenomenon only in the 1970s13, Terry Eagleton sets its beginnings in the 1960s or the 1970s, immediately after Fordism or autonomous culture or metanarratives supposedly ground to a halt14 and David Harvey is even more specific by stating that somewhere between 1968 and 1972 we see postmodernism emerge as a full-blown though still incoherent movement out of the chrysalis of the anti-modern movement of the 1960s15. More or less precise, what is certain is that we can trace its manifestations from the
Charles Jencks, What is Postmodernism?, 1987, apud Simon Malpas, The Postmodern. The New Critical Idiom, Routledge, Taylor and Francis Group, 2005, p. 11. 10 Steven Connor in Michael Payne, A Dictionary of Cultural and Critical Theory, Blackwell Reference, 1997, pp. 418432. 11 Steven Connor, Postmodernist Culture. An Introduction to Theories of the Contemporary, Blackwell Publishers, 2006, p. 34. 12 Labelled as credicide postmodernism would mean according to Stuart Sim, Irony and Crisis. A Critical History of Postmodern Culture, Icon Books UK, Totem Books USA, 2002, p. 7, the death of belief. 13 Steven Connor, op. cit., p. 5. 14 Terry Eagleton, The Illusions of Postmodernism, Blackwell Publishing., 1996/ 2007, p. 30. 15 David Harvey, op. cit., p. 38.
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tentative beginnings in the 1950s (which is when Malcolm Bradbury too registered its rising degree of literary and artistic currency in the study What Was Post-Modernism?, p. 766) up to its overwhelming self confidence in the 1990s. Some critics are specific in designating even the place of birth. Andreas Huyssen, for example, is determined in seeing postmodernism as a type of American avant-garde as it was in America and not Europe that the term accrued its emphatic connotations16. The critic even claims that the European context of the 1960s with a Germany still discovering its moderns after a period of prohibition against some of them and with a France that witnessed a return to modernism rather than a step beyond it, could not have provided a fertile soil for such new manifestations. This is what Bradbury claims too, seeing postmodernism as totally American unlike modernism which had been born in Europe. (The Modern American Novel, p. 206) He even quotes Alan White who declares in Horizons of Assent: Modernism, Postmodernism and the Ironic Imagination that postmodernism is an essentially American affair. (ibidem) America, as a genuine capitalist, pluralist, multi-hegemonic society may have given birth to postmodernism, but Bradbury continues saying that postmodernism only domesticated what was an international phenomenon linked with experiments in other countries and he quotes three figures which he considers important for the rise of postmodernism so as support his idea Nabokov, Beckett and Borges. He indissolubly connects the new path taken by the postmodern novel to the tendencies in France (nouveau roman), in Italy (Ecos or Calvinos fiction) or Britain (John Fowles being quoted as a main influence). He underlines, however, that the American novel had a certain distinctive character of its own as it lacked the philosophical seriousness of French or Italian fiction, or the humanist preoccupations of the British being instead sometimes pervaded by dismay and negativity and other times by the typical American optimism, humour and hope and creating a new type of attitude dubbed as cheerful nihilism. This is the type of perspective upon the world that made Lyotard regard the States as the apotheosis of a strange new age of technological futility and simulated reality, a world in which open-endedness, provisionality, suspension of judgement, disbelief in hierarchies, mistrust of solutions, incompletion of denouements, self-conscious analysis as well as far reaching mockery creates a state (nation or atmosphere) of chaos (especially to a conservatory England, for instance). Even in a more recent study (What Was Post-modernism?), Malcolm Bradbury maintains that Europe seems to have been in a state of political, cultural and intellectual stasis (p. 763) that changed only as a result of external transformations. Existing as a cultural cockpit, as Bradbury calls it, Europe had simply played to the tune of the extra-continental influences freezing and thawing, rejecting and accepting the new coming from over the iron fence. The influences were mainly American because post-modernism was surely just America itself: Hollywood, Disneyland, the car and casino culture of Las Vegas, the energetic, historyless, non-hierarchical spirit of hi-tech, consumer oriented, fun-filled American expression, which Americas own technology transmitted iconographically across the world. (p. 769) At the same time he also links the po-mo tendencies with those of the French existentialism: structuralism, with its semiotic approach and its concern with the nature of the sign, and deconstruction, which argued that the structure had no structure, saw the sign as under erasure, and emphasized the inevitable slippage of all referents (The Modern American Novel, p. 206). These are precisely the phenomena that Bradbury parodies in his fiction, notions and theories whose exaggerations and self-proclaimed authority are derided in his novels after the 1990s when the postmodern novel had moved far beyond its roots. Hans Bertens regards it as a complex of anti-modernist artistic strategies which emerged in the 1950s and developed momentum in the course of the 1960s.17 But he goes further than this and distinguishes even two moments within postmodernism: the first belonging to later 1970s and the early 1980s derives from Barthes and Derrida and is linguistic, it orients on the text and the exploration of freeplay with its interplay of signification and the exploration of intertextuality. Especially after Roland Barthess The Death of the Author the text was seen as a multidimensional
16 Andreas Huyssen, Mapping the Postmodern, 1984, in Charles Jencks (ed.), The Postmodern Reader, Academy Editions, St. Martins Press, London, 1992, p. 48. 17 Hans Bertens, The Idea of the Postmodern. A History, Routledge, London and New York, 1995/ 2005, p. 3.

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space in which a variety of writings, none of them original, blend and clash and as a tissue of quotations drawn from the innumerable centres of culture.18 This new perspective of the death of the author, whether fully accepted or not, brings new questions onto the foreground of the politically determined world: Whose history gets told? In whose name? For what purpose?19 But we consider that these questions have lost more and more their value in the contemporary loss of teleology and in the exclusive concentration of the play within the text. The second phase, belonging to the 1980s derives from Foucault and it assumes a reality of textuality and signs, of representations that do not represent.20 It is now that the text (and the postmodern self together with it) was seen as free-floating, contingent, aleatory, shattered, caricatured, schizoid. The stress was laid in exchange on the workings of power. These two phases are evident in Malcolm Bradburys works because if his works in the 60s and 70s show the search of and for a subject and the relations of power all projected onto the background of an already written history (of a people or of a literature), his works in the 80s still preserving and exploiting the issues of dominating powers bring the wildly frolicking interplay of signs (not only linguistic). Works such as Rates of Exchange, Why Come to Slaka? and Mensonge provide a wonderful display of the way in which codes do not yield meaning anymore and signs refuse to represent. At the same time, Bertens observes the increased interest in the concept of postmodernism and its indispensable employment especially between 1981 and 198421. If until 1980 the postmodern debate and the debate upon postmodernism had remained almost exclusively confined to architecture and to the world of art, the post 80s period brought through figures such as Jrgen Habermas, Jean-Franois Lyotard, Fredric Jameson, Jean Baudrillard, Linda Hutcheon or Richard Rorty a placing of postmodernism and postmodernity on the theoretical map. The same increased use of the term is observed by Simon Malpas who, after setting its intense employment in the late 1970s, the 1980s and the early 1990s notes that there was a brief period during these three decades when every new work, event and innovation was liable to be described as postmodern, when the news media employed the term on an almost daily basis and the presses of the academic publishers seemed constantly to be churning out new and different books and articles describing it and applying it to phenomena from across the cultural spectrum. From Cabbage patch Kid dolls to chaos theory, Band Aid to war in the Balkans, almost everything that emerged on the cultural scene at the time was hailed as being in one way or another a new instance of the postmodern22. Suggesting more or less an inflationary trend in the employment of the term, Malpas also observes the covering by the term of such fields as feminism and queer theory, postcolonialism and the politics of globalization or environmental studies besides the main areas such as art, philosophy, literary criticism, history. Bradburys theory regarding postmodernism registers a more intense movement in the social and the artistic context in the sixties as well. Discussing the fervent stirrings in America he registers a return to politics and history though he underlines that there can be delineated neither a clear ideology nor a devotion to any form of realism. What he registers as a clear manifestation in the transforming period in the American arts is a spirit of avant-garde. Techniques grew random, styles mixed and merged, methods became increasingly provisional. The tendencies that emerged acquired a variety of names beat writing, black humour, aleatory art, bop prosody, and so on but, in an age that likes to have even its most provisional arts clearly labelled, it is well to settle, for a description of the general tendency, on the term postmodernism. (The Modern American Novel, p. 198) Though admitting to the elusiveness of the term, Bradbury is of the opinion that its appearance on the firmament communicates two certain things: modernism is over, and the late modern arts still function in its shadow. (id.) He signals a retaining of the avant-garde duty, but a
Roland Barthes, Image Music Text, Hill and Wang, 1978, p. 155. Brenda K Marshall, Teaching the Postmodern: Fiction and Theory, Routledge, London and New York, 1992, p. 4 apud Hans Bertens, op. cit., p. 7. 20 Hans Bertens, op. cit., p. 7. 21 Idem, p. 111. 22 Simon Malpas, op. cit., pp. 56.
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duty without definition as they brought together the behavioural and the aesthetic in a yet floating composite because of the dismissal of forms, genres, structures, and official structures of power while strongly promoting the artistic experiment as a cause of the celebration of youth, the momentary event, the instantaneous cultural experience and any form of liberation from under the system (dropping out, taking drugs among the young generation). Malcolm Bradbury also registers a fundamental tone of black humour and absurdism that painted such a world driving the individual away from realism, a tone supported in America especially by the absurdity of its history and of its daily reality. The daily events in the new world were so rapid, intense and daringly liberating that the novelist had difficulties in outwitting them. Philip Roth in his essay from 1961 Writing American Fiction registers precisely this leap beyond human effort that the novelist has to make so as to write something worth any interest:
The American writer in the middle of the twentieth century has his hands full in trying to understand, describe, and then make credible much of American reality. It stupefies, it sickens, it infuriates, and finally it is even a kind of embarrassment to ones own meagre imagination23.

This is what led to a movement of fiction outside the borders of history and into the realm of unreliability or, as Bradbury puts it, into the arena of distorting power-plays, vast technological systems, conspiratorial structures, and apocalyptic threats to individual survival in the general background of dissolution of society values and the self. (The Modern American Novel, p. 199) By offering the examples of some writers from the decade, Bradbury presents the solution they found so as to respond to and protect themselves from such a world: looking back to history, past and present, they played with it in a parodic and disruptive spirit, rewriting public legend, teasing the dream and the flag, playing at the ambiguous border between fact and imagination, official record and invented fiction, public sign and private symbol, thereby undermining familiar concepts of realism. (id., p. 201) Novelists sole weapon against the over-written, over-plotted world outside was rewriting and deconstruction. Fiction had moved beyond the conventional novel, with its fixed temporal frame, narrative coherence, familiar outcome, conventional ending, and claimed authorial exclusiveness. It was exhausted with conventionalism and conventionalities and it now moved beyond the usedupedness and launched itself in a playful undertaking of self-rediscovery, transcending its own fictionality and looking upon it at the same time. Fact and fiction were now mixed creating a new faction which seems journalistic report but is in fact fictional masquerading, a type of writing at the border between fabulation and metafiction. In these time the essential premise is that the novel constructs nothing other than itself [and] it is at best an ambiguous and deceitful mirror of what we think to be reality, and make no claim to represent it, to signify. (id., p. 203). Bradbury signals clearly the appearance of the metafictional novel which explores its relation to the public and the social fictions that surround it trying at the same time to to find a mode of discovery and exploration (id., p. 204) within itself. The two main directions of manifestation are, on the one hand the exploration of fictiveness itself and, on the other hand, an increased interest towards the fantastic, Gothic and surreal as a strategy, Bradbury explains, not of escaping from reality and the real, but of interrogating its conventions and breaking the rules of narrative familiarity. Two main features of this type of fiction are parody and playfulness with the declared purpose of recreating a reality in agreement with the sceptical contemporary spirit. In this type of self-reflexive work the idea of fictionality is played with and parodied, and the elements of fiction made provisional, so that novel or story becomes an elaborate form of complicity between author, text and reader (ibidem) If some authors or critics have used the metaphor of fashion as a symbol for change in and of the contemporary society, Bradburys favourite metaphor when defining the new social context is that of the melting-pot. Heavily employed both in criticism and his fiction, this metaphor contains both the basic meaning and feature of the tenor an actual crucible (the ground is the resistance to high temperatures, of the social changes this time), and, in the case of New World, the
Phillip Roth, Writing American Fiction, in Malcolm Bradbury (ed.): The Novel Today. Contemporary Writers on Modern Fiction, new edition, Fontana Press, 1990, p. 29.
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secondary meaning of the melting pot as a country, place or area in which immigrants of various nationalities and races are assimilated24. Thus, the tenor postmodernism, seen as counter-culture was rooted in the youth or protests movements, in the media wrap of the new global village, in the new cultural melting-pot with its rich but random display of styles, messages, images, and goods. (idem, p. 205) and it gave rise to a body of new forms and discourses. In the meantime we also add that Malcolm Bradbury too, together with Richard Ruland, in their joint study, in the attempt to identify the social stirrings that led to emergence of postmodernism observed that Postmodernism now looks like a stylistic phase that ran from the 1960s to the 1980s and left the intellectual landscape looking very different partly reshaped by the anxious, self-doubting liberalism of the 1950s, partly by the indeterminate, radical spirit of the 1960s which encouraged expressionist art, aleatory music, performance theatre, the happening, the street event. (p. 193) Thus, the stress is laid on the spontaneity of the new political and artistic tendency and on the coming closer to peoples desire, way of being and level of understanding. Modern exhausted forms are replaced, as John Barth explains in his Literature of Exhaustion25, with new forms that go beyond the used-upness, staleness and outmodedness of certain forms of literary, thematic and ideological expression in a permanent attempt to create new forms while simultaneously acquiring a self-consciousness about the nature of literary language and artistic structure, yet never forgetting to amuse the reader. In 1980, Barth was going to reformulate his opinions and regarded these changes of original models that postmodernism drew on as being encompassed and forming a literature of replenishment a rediscovery of the act of artistic creation, a pointing to other new possible directions. In another study (What Was Post-modernism?) Malcolm Bradbury makes a periodization of his own registering the changes overcome throughout decades both in literature and in critical theory. Thus, postmodern literature emerged in the period of new, energic and affluent experimentalism comprising the beat poets, the black humour novelists, the new performance theatre groups and so on; then there were reflected abstract expressionism, pop art and counterculture; new liberties pervaded or invaded afterwards the literary texts through spontaneous poetry, sexual frankness and experimental, playful textuality. As for critical theory, Bradbury underlines the crossing by postmodernism of two large trends structuralism which dispensed with the historical and ethical anxieties of Camus and Sartre, and the hunger for meaning and essence, and emphasized the collective codes of cultural discourse, and their reading and misreading as destructible icons (p. 768), and then by deconstruction which was much concerned with the instability of all discourses, the slippage of all meanings and the fading of the grand narratives ending in a coexistence of postmodernism with feminism and post-feminism, new historicism and post-new historicism. (p. 768, p. 771) 3. Definitions Attempts to define postmodernism have given rise to long, abstract explanations, cultural or literary expoundings, historical categorizations, philosophical conceptualizations or sociological studies. First, there have been identified the areas of manifestation and they have been narrowed down (or expanded) to the social-cultural, the artistic and the philosophical field26 perspectives which led to reconsiderations in the field of sociology of culture, the theory of art or philosophy itself. Briefly or extensively regarded, postmodernism was interpreted as a trend, a mode of being and manifesting, an aesthetic and cultural style, a cultural construct, a literary period, the exhaustion of modernism, a counter-reaction to previous historical periods or philosophies, a conflict of old and new modes, a break with the aesthetic field of modernism and a breakthrough towards a new condition, the liberation from an institutionally repressive culture, an abdication of social and intellectual responsibility, a philosophy that resists the totalising impulse/ principle, harbinger of a new intellectually and spiritually hungry (wo)man, jouissance and horror, a result of
24 25

Websters New World Dictionary and Thesaurus, electronic version. s. v. melting pot. John Barth, Literature of Exhaustion, 1967, in Malcolm Bradbury (1990) (ed.): op. cit., pp. 7186. 26 Apud Stefan Morawski; Zygmunt Bauman, The Troubles with Postmodernism, Routledge, 1996, p. 1.

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the history in the West, a parodic or allegorical re-interpretation, a discourse built as collage/ montage/ pastiche, a crisis of identity, order of things and beings and of representation, a doctrine of/ for the metropolis, a putting into practice of the literary theories, a critical discourse towards modernist practices, and so on. Academically speaking postmodernism comprises more types of discourse such as: a historical narrative registering the breach from certain aspects of modernism, philosophical argument regarding postmodernism as a new cultural practice, pedagogical discourse attempting to raise awareness upon the new type of structural and principial mode of being, and the textual used in the practice of writing. All bring together, more or less, a look back in anger and irony on a background of emotional and cultural crisis. Malcolm Bradbury is well aware of the both popularity and unpopularity of the term, and he admits (as he himself is a part of the world of critics) that the term post- often seemed to be more useful to critics than writers. After recalling that some saw in the term an absence of origins and originals, others the language crisis of the age, and others the loss of exterior referent and the human subject or the playful age of story in a time of parodic discovery, he describes the postmodern episode as an attempt to break free of many of the established conventions of genre and narrative, representation and characterisation, [] a form of writing highly alert to the late twentieth-century cultural situation and its more open world of styles. Its chief achievement is surely that, in returning to some of the fundamental questions of narrative, representation, fictionality, literariness, surface, and depth, it has opened the doors of literary convention and brought a new era of radical enquiry not just to American fiction but the novel internationally. (The Modern American Novel, p. 209) Despite the uncertainty and fuzziness in attempting to define or denominate it (after all writers and critics alike were struggling in the prison-house of language and were living in a city of words), postmodernism was definitely perceived as a change undergone after a collapse of some sort of previous values. 4. Causes and effects Almost any type of rational analytical undertaking starts by analysing the causes and effects of a phenomenon. Even if the literature of the absurd of the 1950s and 1960s had brought precisely the loss of this chain, this is still one of the issues that literary critics have written long studies on in the attempt of outlining the theoretical and cultural borders of such a type of artistic and/ or political manifestation. Terry Eagleton identifies among such causes postindustrial society, the final discrediting of modernity, the recrudescence of the avant-garde, the commodification of culture, the emergence of vital new political forces, the collapse of certain classical ideologies of society and the subject27. The new technology, the appearance of a new view of the world, the emerging of experiment, the reification of abstract concepts, the deployment of political poles, the downfall of previously canonical social and personal ideologies have all contributed to a new emanation which had difficulties not only in being accepted, but also in being dubbed. Some have contested it on account of the inflation of flashy theoretical debates and instant intellectual consumption, perceiving it more as a metamanifestation rather than as purely culturally and historical manifest process. It is, as Eagleton puts it, a theoretical display of fashionable terms principles in a game of transforming Kant into cant (idem p. 29). As for the effects, it is generally admitted that it managed to place issues of sexuality, gender, ethnicity, racism and media or even religious culture, abortion, sexual orientation, gun control, euthanasia or cloning on the political agenda. These topics, some of them previously taboo, have become almost fetishes for some individuals and they present them just as they are the problematic aspects of their personal lives. It is not the needs of a nation that are promoted and debated now, but of the individual in his struggle to subsist in the permanently changing emerging society and in his effort to impose himself for what he/ she is in his/ her own right. Because of this promotion of the individual and his particularities (or better said idiosyncrasies) the discourse of postmodernism is equated with a discourse of difference instead of self-identity, plurality instead of singularity and heterogeneity or hybridity instead of homogeneity and purity. These are most of the
27

Terry Eagleton, op. cit., p. 21.

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times promoted through the exposure of some dichotomies such as identity and non-identity, unity and difference, system and Other, even though some theorists might accuse it of being both promoter of some aspects and censor of others for it may speak of human culture but not human nature, gender but not class, the body but not biology, jouissance but not justice, post-colonialism but not the petty bourgeoisie (ibidem). But this maelstrom of perspectives was regarded in two ways. On the one hand, this may have been postmodernisms triumph. This is one aspect that Bradbury identified when describing the American fiction of the 1990s:
It may well be that the variety, formal multiplicity, and cultural multi-ethnicity of recent fiction represents the ultimate triumph of postmodernism, displaying the Byzantine variety of styles and cultural source, the endless search of new styles and roles, the hungry hypermodernity and melting-pot variety that marks the contemporary American life. (The Modern American Novel, p. 283).

On the other hand, the acceptance of such a plurality of cultures and discourse did its share of harm in generating kitsch. This environment of philistinism, schlock and kitsch, of TV series and Readers Digest culture, [] with that whole landscape of advertising and motels, with the Las Vegas strip, with the late and Grade-B Hollywood film, with the so-called paraliterature with its airport paperback categories of the gothic and the romance, the popular biography, the murder mystery and the science fiction or fantasy novel28 created an atmosphere, a realm of high or lite culture which was not exclusive anymore and in which the line between high art and commercial forms is increasingly difficult to draw. Tim Woods too mentions among the effects of postmodernism fascination with the artifice, schlock and kitsch29. The causes lie in the manifestation of a new politics of the linguistic play and new modes of narrative self-reflexivity all suffused with aesthetic representations of commodities and mass media entertainment (ibidem) and in the evident manifestation of a desire to subvert the elitism of modernist high culture. The same double perspective upon the shifts that the postmodern period brought is again registered by Bradbury under the form of a type of welcome that they had both among theoreticians and among the common people. Hence, when debating upon the nature of these changes, he concludes that they may have been both popular and unpopular:
Popular because they help define the obvious fact that there are great and seismic shifts in the process of history, the structure of culture, the nature of collective consciousness, and in the aesthetics, styles and preoccupations of the arts; unpopular because they paste over fundamental differences, and generate endless quarrels about what such terms may really be set to define. (What Was Post-modernism, p. 764).

Thus, this manifestation also brought its slippages in uncertainty, false prizings, contaminations, bendings, shakings of foundations, disorientations and disarmings of the ones who treasured certain types of values. But it also demystified institutions and laid bare the conventions that ruled the world breeding a new mentality, a new horizon of explorations and freedom of speech. It was now that a new fulcrum was found not in the central power but in the power of the local, the regional. Jean-Franois Lyotard too speaks about this plundering and recycling of avant-gardism and postmodernism by defining eclecticism as the degree zero of contemporary general culture: one listens to reggae, watches a western, eats McDonalds food for lunch and local cuisine for dinner, wears Paris perfume in Tokyo and retro clothes on Honk Kong; knowledge is a matter for TV games. It is easy to find a public for eclectic works. By becoming kitsch, art panders to the

Fredric Jameson, Postmodernism and Consumer Society, 1983, p. 165, in Peter Brooker (ed.), Modernism/ Postmodernism, Longman, London and New York, 1992/ 1994, pp. 163179, and, Fredric Jameson, Postmodernism, or, the Cultural Logic of Late Capitalism, Verso, 1991/1993, pp. 23. 29 Tim Woods, Beginning Postmodernism, Manchester University Press, Manchester & New York, 1999, p. 49.

28

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confusion which reigns in the taste of patrons. Artists, gallery owners, critics, and public wallow together in the anything goes, and the epoch is one of slackening30. These types of attitudes gives shape to a new realism a realism of money in which the value of works of art is measured and given by the profits they make. The effect of this bringing together of commodities in different worlds is an interweaving, a simulacra because man experiences various geographies vicariously, swapping the national for the multinational. We purchase and use bits and fragments from other territories and cultures and acquire an eclectic whole of identities and landscape of plural worlds. The erosion of borders mentioned above from Jamesons analysis also took place in the case of the discourse of academic disciplines. Theorists have widened their horizons of reference in analysing the manifestations of postmodernism so that philosophy, history, political science, sociology and social theory or literary criticism have been blended in one unitary discourse of different cultural phenomena. This fluidity of borders is also brought about by the ceaseless, speedy physical movement of jet-setting businesspeople and package holidaymakers31 (more or less superheroic as Roland Barthes introduces the Jetman in his Mythologies), but also by the communicational radio waves movement made by mobile phone users, television viewers, Internet surfers at the push of a button or touch of a key in a discarding of borders and permanent keeping in touch with one another. The contemporary man was seen as inhabiting a multinational, multimedia, interdependent market place having built and still developing a culture that in all its variety rests on money, on buying power (idem p.2). Exchange transactions or unifying currency and the tensions of preserving national currency (and identity) still promoting market economy are among the new lullabies or bedtime stories. These are definitely the precepts that more or less consciously guided Malcolm Bradbury in his creation that brought together in his fiction the world of television and film-making, the world of the academia and their theories, reports of historical events or the registering of social movements as well as and very often a satirizing of all these. As for the work of criticism, it too attempted to filter the literary phenomenon through the sectors of technological development, social stirrings and changes, important moments in history and theoretical trends perspectives. There are, however, pessimists in the project of postmodernism and postmodernity. Because of the hyperreal that has escaped our control, Jean Baudrillard objects to the dystopic vision of late modernity, as he termed it in the seventies, or postmodernity as it has been termed since then onwards. He sees this age as one of transition from an older, industrial capitalism to a new form of capitalism which is concerned with information technology and high-tech electronics, thus with reproduction rather than production in a process of consumption. The new form of capitalism led to a loss of sense and meaning of history together with a dismissal of concepts like state, class and power.
Postmodernity is a game with the vestiges of what has been destroyed. This is why we are post history has stopped, one is a kind of post-history which is without meaning32.

5. Features One of the main attempts to present the features of postmodernism came from the field of architecture wherefrom postmodernism had started actually being theorised ever since the 1960s. Thus, in 1980 when Charles Jencks published his Late Modern Architecture there had passed two decades of progressive debates and theories. It is now that Jencks can give an almost definitive shape to postmodernism (or to his describing postmodernism) by establishing eight ideological definers among which double coding, pluralism, a preference for semiotic over functional form, active involvement, encouragement of participation; thirteen stylistic variables comprising hybridism, complexity, eclecticism, representation, ornamentalism, interest in metaphor, historical reference, symbolism, humour; and nine design ideas including contextual urbanism and

Jean-Franois Lyotard, Answering the Question: What is Postmodernism?, 1982, in Jean-Franois Lyotard, The Postmodern Condition: A Report on Knowledge, foreword by Fredric Jameson, Manchester University Press, 1984/ 2005, p. 76. 31 Simon Malpas, op. cit., p. 1. 32 Jean Baudrillard, Interview: Game with Vestiges, 1984, apud Hans Bertens, op. cit., p. 155.

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rehabilitation, functional mixing, collage, collision33. The features quoted above can all easily be employed with reference to the literary phenomenon and not only to architecture.The various approaches towards capitalism and the technical-cultural evolution that it brought with it as at one and the same time the best thing that has ever happened to the human race, and the worst34 made postmodernism be regarded in opposite ways by various theorists (or sometimes by one and the same). Thus, for Fredric Jameson postmodernism can be seen dialectically, as catastrophe and progress altogether (ibidem) which made it difficult to identify truth or a truthful perspective on it. What is generally accepted is that features of this age, be it called multinational, consumer, late capitalism or simply or controversially called postmodernism, include new consumption patterns, by ever faster turnover in the areas of fashion and styling, by planned obsolescence, by the ubiquitous presence of advertising and the media (especially television), by the explosion of suburbia (at the expense of both city and country), by the demands of standardization, by the arrival of automobile culture, and so on35. The new stars and values of the age created new hierarchies, accelerated some movements and slackened some or put a brake on others. And this because the new mutations of society manifest in the postmodern age are:
a new depthlessness both in contemporary theory and in a whole new culture of the image or the simulacrum; a consequent weakening of historicity, both in our relationship to public History and in the new forms of our private temporality; new types of syntax or syntagmatic relationships in the arts; a whole new type of emotional ground tone; a whole new technology, which is itself a figure for a whole new economic world system; a new mission of political art in the bewildering new world space of late multinational capital36.

The flatness or depthlessness mentioned as first feature in the series above is what Jameson considers to be perhaps the supreme formal feature of all the postmodernisms he discusses, and all this because of the waning of affect in postmodern culture.37 This loss of affect is synonymous with the death of the subject itself, not because of death of feeling but because of the feelings of alienation, frustration and Angst having their roots in full modernist age. This anxiety with its angst-ridden cry38 is expressive of the nightmare state of the world in which modernist alienation is combined or has given way to fragmentariness. Other postmodern replacements, as presented by Jameson, regard the repudiation of oppositions essenceappearance, latentmanifest, authenticity inauthenticity, signifiersignified39 and we add the repudiation but also the bringing together of abstract and concrete in the age of reification, of high and low in the age of plurivalence, of the artistic and the inartistic in the age of experiment, of the idea of permanence and change in a world which encourages individuality and yet breeds global values, of certainty and suspicion in the world and scientific discoveries and political issues, of utopia and dystopia in a world where everything is possible and yet everything has a price. This loss of fundamentals has as a cause the basic feature of postmodernism the impossibility of representation. Representation, surpassing the vague conception of reality, has become, in the age of cinma vrit, simply a specific sign system which is supposed to render and transmit the ideological messages of and about society and the social and historical realities. But as long as everything is met with disinterest or scepticism, representation, in this sense, loses its utility. Bradbury himself cannot refrain from describing these times even in his fiction, granting himself the liberty of a purely metafictional discourse which can slip towards subjective admonition while expressing his disapproval towards the new Naughty Nineties, with its lazy decadence, ideological vacancy, consumerist ethics, empty narcissism. People are self-creationists; drunk on drugs and aimless shopping, they pass by in the streets with pins through their noses, nails through their navels, clowning with their bodies. The seasoned, reasoned, puritanically serious
33 34

Charles Jencks, Late Modern Architecture, Academy, London, 1980, apud H. Bertens, op. cit., p. 62. Fredric Jameson, op. cit., 1991/1993, p. 47. 35 Hans Bertens, op. cit., p. 162. 36 Fredric Jameson, op. cit., 1991/1993, p. 6. 37 Idem, pp. 910. 38 Stephen Baker, The Fiction of Postmodernity, Edinburgh University Press, 2000, p. 22. 39 Fredric Jameson, op. cit., 1991/1993, p. 12.

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world Ive taken as history since the fifties seems to be wearing out. Newly bereft of ideas and a clear political order, it seems to have given itself to nothingness, froth, senseless self-pleasuring, drab eroticism, licit illicitism, populist emotions, media-fed public moods and crazes. (To the Hermitage, p. 27) The same idea of repudiation, or what he calls negation of postmodernism, is followed by Dick Hebdige in Hiding in the Light: On Images and People40, where he identifies three main negations of postmodernism all of which have in common a manifestation of an attack on Marxism as a total explanatory system. Thus, he discusses postmodernisms opposition (a) against totalisation (linearity is broken; the concept of mass, class society, the unitary subject, Europe as a centre of all movements are discarded and there is an increase towards microrelations grown out of such issues as feminism, the counterculture, the politics of sexuality); (b) against teleology (a scepticism towards the idea of certain causes in the new world of speculation and simulacra, proliferation of sources through the use of intertextuality and pastiche); (c) against utopia (as absurd manifestation of a programme or solution such as Marxism or fascism which is supposed to bring a scientific and ideological fulfilling of absolute aspirations and values such as Truth, Justice, Right which are normally beyond our grasp; an example at a smaller scale as we understand it would be the Thatcherite authoritarian populism). In a similar manner, the features of postmodernism are presented by Stefan Murawski41:
rejection of all emancipatory and Utopian aspirations; palpable, even if not declared, conformity; the denial of avant-garde faith in the development of art through the activity of the future-oriented elite; the ostentatious turn towards mass culture with its laws of the market; the return to figuration, narration and melody and in general to those components of the work of art that support close with the broadest public; the eclecticism, quotation of old styles of art or masterpieces in order to produce pastiches of playful juxtapositions of them; the use of parody not as a method of self-ridicule or criticism, but merely in order to indicate that the world of culture abounds with used signs and any presence of authentic novelty or originality will be a mystification; hedonism consisting in the unpretentious pleasure of producing something which, according to the institutional rules, is still treated as a work of art and at the same time affording short-term joy and relaxation on the part of the recipient (idem p.5).

Postmodernism is the result of a diffusion of forces, trends and conceptual controversies, interminably split open by a ceaseless play of difference, an aesthetic instability backgrounded onto a stage which permanently puts on an ephemeral spectacle. One main feature of postmodern media reality is that is it highly instable and ephemeral. Superficiality pervades all strata and this reality is an epitome of the content-without-form manifestation. The lack of text(ure) is in flagrant contradiction with the ever renewing visual and technological effects be they in film, shows or the news. 6. Conclusions This looking for differences made postmodernism be much taken with extreme situations42 unmasking classical established norms as the illusions they are bringing the individual at a first impression towards a state of alienation which becomes only natural on a later stage. This is how notions such as norm, Law, authority, power echo somewhat ominiously (idem p. 56) in the collective consciousness of a people, but they can as well be very well received when they manage to establish some rights and freedoms of the individual. The new difference is also brought by trends such as globalization, the transformations of colonial power, the development of new media and communication networks, and the collapse of religious and political traditions and beliefs43. The changes of modernist preconceptions and transformations of its procedures was inevitable with the formation of a new ethos be it perceived as bearing mainly sceptical tones or as marking a proliferation of discursive interventions and a thriving of liberalism.
40 41

Dick Hebdige, Hiding in the Light: On Images and People, Routledge, 1988/ 2002, pp. 186207. Stefan Morawski; Zygmunt Bauman, op. cit., p. 5. 42 Terry Eagleton, op. cit., p. 54. 43 Simon Malpas, op. cit., p. 34.

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The commitment to minorities that is characteristic of postmodernism brought with it a questioning or even discarding of the notion of the general humanity. Achieving unity of belief and purpose at such a large scale is not topic of interest anymore, but on the contrary a serious mistake in the detriment of the affirmation of the individual who is not a simple contrivance set up for the master plan of the realization of national identity, but who is encouraged to exist as a unity of difference. What postmodernism is called to achieve is a new type of cultural objectivity which would mean a descentred openness to the reality of others.44 However, the affirmation of such small scale identity is perverted and bedevilled by the spreading of globally accepted brands and makes which bring a much contested uniformization as long as the absolute goods or truths promoted by the postmodern age are difference, variability and heterogeneity. This uniformization is generated by global wars, booms and slumps with a worldwide impact, international brands, or challenges (ecological or political, for instance) which confront the whole of humanity. And still, the melange, multiplication, collision and transformation of norms, their ad hoc negotiations and diffusions are exactly the ones that give shape to the postmodern identity that would see no turning back to a society of sameness. As a potential conclusion to what has been discussed in the previous subchapters we can bring as reference the four very direct features or principles of postmodernism (be it seen as a counter to modernism or as a bizarre continuation) that Thomas Docherty offers in his study After Theory45. Thus, in his opinion: postmodernism does not produce it does not even aim at producing some sort of philosophical meaning, but rather at luring and seducing; postmodernism transgresses conventions, boundaries and it works against totality promoting multiplicity instead; postmodernism prioritizes the aural giving importance to that which is usually not heard and not stopping at the superficiality of visual reflection; postmodernism flees culture as a totalising unstratified concept and manifestations. These features determine such effects as: the deteritorrialisation of the work of art, a disrootedness or uprootedness from previous traditions and from the sense of identity; the immaterialisation of the work because of the effacement of the interplay and the reflection of the difference between reality and appearance in an age in which the unseen and unspoken are given credit to; the self-awareness of the work concerning its temporal and spatial location which led to the emergence of a metadiscourse, a self-explanatory type of fiction; the heterogeneity of the work which gives shape to a stratified structure which forms a fragmented whole and resulting in an aesthetic, political plurality drawing on a set of eclectic cultural practices.
Bibliography: Stephen Baker, The Fiction of Postmodernity, Edinburgh University Press, 2000. Roland Barthes, Image Music Text, Hill and Wang, 1978. Hans Bertens, The Idea of the Postmodern. A History, Routledge, London and New York, 1995/ 2005. Steven Best; Douglas Kellner, The Postmodern Turn, The Guilford Press, New York & London, 1997. Malcolm Bradbury, Richard Ruland, From Puritanism to Postmodernism. A History of American Literature, Penguin Books, 1992. Malcolm Bradbury, The Modern American Novel, second edition, Oxford University press, 1992. Malcolm Bradbury (ed.): The Novel Today. Contemporary Writers on Modern Fiction, new edition, Fontana Press, 1990. Malcolm Bradbury, To the Hermitage, Picador, London, 2001. Malcolm Bradbury, What Was Post-Modernism? in International Affairs (Royal Institute of International Affairs 1944), vol. 71, no 4, Special RIIA 75th Anniversary Issue, October 1995, pp. 763774, Royal Institute of International Affairs. Peter Brooker (ed.), Modernism/ Postmodernism, Longman, London and New York, 1992/ 1994. Steven Connor, Postmodernist Culture. An Introduction to Theories of the Contemporary, Blackwell Publishers, 1989/ 2006. Thomas Docherty, After Theory, Routledge., 1990/ 1996. Thomas Docherty (ed.), Postmodernism. A Reader, Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1993
44 45

Terry Eagleton, op. cit., p. 123. Thomas Docherty, op. cit., 1990/ 1996, pp. 1718.

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Terry Eagleton, The Illusions of Postmodernism, Blackwell Publishing., 1996/ 2007. David Harvey, The Condition of Postmodernity. An Enquiry into the Origins of Cultural Change, Blackwell, Cambridge MA & Oxford UK., 1990/ 2007. Dick Hebdige, Hiding in the Light: On Images and People, Routledge, 1988/ 2002. Fredric Jameson, Postmodernism, or, the Cultural Logic of Late Capitalism, Verso, 1991/1993. Charles Jencks (ed.), The Postmodern Reader, Academy Editions, St. Martins Press, London, 1992. John P. Jones; Wolfgang Natter; Theodore Schatzki, Postmodern Contentions. Epochs, Politics, Space, The Guilford Press, 1993. Jean-Franois Lyotard, The Postmodern Condition: A Report on Knowledge, foreword by Fredric Jameson, Manchester University Press, 1984/ 2005. J.-F. Lyotard, The Postmodern Explained to Children: Correspondence 19821986, Turnaround., 1992. Simon Malpas, The Postmodern. The New Critical Idiom, Routledge, Taylor and Francis Group, 2005 Stefan Morawski; Zygmunt Bauman, The Troubles with Postmodernism, Routledge, 1996. Michael Payne, A Dictionary of Cultural and Critical Theory, Blackwell Reference, 1997. Margaret Rose, The Post-Modern and the Post-Industrial: A Critical Analysis, Cambridge University Press, 1991. Stuart Sim, Irony and Crisis. A Critical History of Postmodern Culture, Icon Books UK, Totem Books USA, 2002. *** Websters New World Dictionary and Thesaurus, electronic version. Tim Woods, Beginning Postmodernism, Manchester University Press, Manchester & New York, 1999 .

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Power of Subcultural Ideology: The Case of Romanian Hip-Hop

Lect. dr. Daniela orcaru Universitatea Dunrea de Jos din Galai Abstract: Romanian hip-hop has fed and thrived on most of its original influences, but also on Romanian cultural specific elements to the point of emerging as a stand-alone music genre, rapidly growing in popularity all over the country. Only this time it is not about the underground. Although censorship is still being exercised, more and more people of all ages and social conditions are beginning to listen to this type of music and Romanian hip-hop groups are collaborating with TV stations in order to promote national culture and history. The power of it ideological discourse becomes clearer when analyzing the impact it has on the subcultural community members. Key words: cultural elements, censorship, ideological discourse, subculture

The need to understand cultures has never been greater than nowadays, as cross-cultural and cross-subcultural contacts have become an everyday event. Subcultures have achieved various types of cultural status, either islands of identity fiercely defended by community members, or open enclaves that want to share their reality with the rest of the world. A subculture exists when a group of people has developed a set of variations on cultural norms and values that set these people apart from other members of their society. Media culture (sometimes) reveals conflicts that trouble society, conveying ordinary peoples fears and sufferings and, at the same time, providing the necessary material to create new identities and to establish new perspectives on understanding the world. The moment members of marginal groups manage to gain access to the media culture, their manifestations often imply alternative approaches to society, sometimes voicing more radical perspectives. Until hip hop found its own way into the stream of the media culture, it only existed as a very marginal group; all that changed the moment the media culture came into play and hip hop burst into a nation-wide phenomenon, inflaming the world with its extreme linguistic violence. All of us have our own creative decodings of various popular culture products, such as music, television, celebrities, magazines, books, etc. Considering the fact that hip hop mainly relies on music as a tool of conveying its message, creative decodings are at their best, as members interpret both music and linguistic message proper according to their own life experiences and need to identify to what hip hop preaches. Forms and readings of popular culture (from rap music to sitcoms) can express discontent and resistance by groups that are or feel oppressed. By means of hip hop, members of the subcultural community criticize, most of the times in an extremely violent manner, social and political issues that have scarred the country for too long. Society and politics, both corrupt and prejudiced, are the unequal power relations that members face everyday and which they feel they have to fight against so as to alter for the better. Creating a unique show of its own, political life draws a great deal of attention, both from the media and from various subcultures. Furthermore, music may be regarded as resistance to social and political oppression as Afro-Americans made use of music while reacting against slavery (gospel) and institutional discrimination (blues). Such music types later evolved into ragtime, jazz, R&B, rocknroll, rap, hip hop, to mention only a few of the most successful branches that sprung from the original roots. The linguistic violence in the hip hop songs may be regarded as being double layered: on the one hand, the audience first gets the more obvious impact of pejorative words, while, on the other, this linguistic stylistic effect is supported and enhanced by semantically insulting collocations depicting the true political life and its representatives. The harsh, non-conventional sound of hip hop, doubled by the original, and untraditional, blending of music and lyrics, are another indication of the members using it as a form of resistance to and a means of criticizing society and especially the great responsibility that the political class have. Among subculture members, hip hop is seen as having opened up new possibilities for selfexpression and broken down the conventions of and stuffiness of every day life with all it implies. As a result, hip hop is something vibrant and something that various types of authority have not

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liked since the beginning. Most of the times defined as suggesting violent solutions to problems, presenting a gang world-view of life, and embedded with denigration of women, hip hop has been particularly successful in articulating a political message within the context of a mass-circulated form. Despite obstacles set by various types of authorities, hip hop reached more people than initially expected by either sides, and community members today vary strikingly as cultural background, education, social status, with a surprising majority of people having higher education, well-paid jobs and a respected social status. Perhaps the first political rap song, if one excludes the Last Poets and Gil Scott-Heron, is "The Mes- sage," released in 1982 by Grandmaster Flash and the Furious Five, and although many counterpose its austerity to the later "hedonism" of gangsta rap, the truth is that the two share a descriptive quality. The fact that the song opens with the mundane observation that there is "broken glass everywhere, people pissin' on the stairs you know they just don't care" is no coincidence, and the ultimate development is toward a narrator that is rendered unstable by conditions, warning, "don't push me, cause I'm close to the edge." This descriptive quality is shared by two icons who would, despite the posthumous ascription of the label, come to signify gangsta for much of the mainstream: Tupac Shakur and the Notorious B.I.G.: "Ultimately, Tupac and Biggie, like most of the controversial and best rappers who came after Public Enemy's political spiels, were both poets of negation ... [who] made harsh, contemplative, graphic, deliberately violent American pulp art". Whether it be Tupac's description of "thug life," Biggie's description of the crack-selling imperative in Brooklyn, or even the early antipolice rhetoric of Compton's N.W.A., whose members would go on to spearhead some of the most flagrantly violent rap of the period, so-called gangsta rap rarely transcended description. But therein lies its importance: Rather than attempt to explain in global terms the relationship between joblessness, racism, and the rise of crime in the inner-city communities, gangsta rappers construct a variety of first-person narratives to illustrate how social and economic realities in late-capitalist L. A. affect young black men ... the use of "I" to signify both personal and collective experiences also enables gangsta rap- pers to navigate a complicated course between what social scientists call "structure" and "agency." In gangsta rap there is almost always a relationship between the conditions in which characters live and the decisions they make. It would take the historical playing out of the heightened descriptiveness of the gangsta era, its undermining of the culture-of-poverty argument, and subjective identification with its realism to allow for the full integration of both faces of didacticism. Indeed, the immediate gangsta-era decline of politically prescriptive rap would not last long, as within a few short years a number of less well-known artists - including Paris, Nas, The Roots, Common, Mos Def and Talib Kweli, The Coup - would make their appearance in the underground as "organic intellectual voices hip-hop Gramscians" influencing the mainstream. Hip hop's major problem as a political movement is that MCs [emcees] are not social activists by training or inclination. The hostile atmosphere of commercial hip-hop is such that self-production becomes almost a necessary precondition of political hip-hop. Political attitudes and issues, nevertheless, transcend social barriers and demand for solutions in any society trying to constantly evolve. People who take it upon themselves to preach any type of solutions have always been exposed to great risks from both authorities, society at large and peers, all the more so if the solutions proposed are of a more violent and radical nature. The message that change is absolutely needed is the most important aspect to be decoded, as the violence accompanying the message may be interpreted as either subjective, or not adequate to the personal decoding of each individual.
Bibliography: Alridge, Derrick P. and Stewart, James B. 2005. Hip Hop in History: Past, Present, and Future, The Journal of African American History, Vol. 90, No. 3, The History of Hip Hop (summer). Baker, H. A. 1990. Handling "Crisis": Great Books, Rap Music, and the End of Western Homogeneity (Reflections on the Humanities in America), Callaloo, Vol. 13, No. 2 (spring). Bennett, A., Shank, B., Toynbee, J. (eds.). 2006. The Popular Music Reader, London and New York: Routledge.

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Gladney, M., The Black Arts Movement and Hip-Hop, African American Review, Vol. 29, No. 2, Special Issues on The Music (Summer, 1995), pp. 291-301. Longhurst, B. 2007. Popular Music and Society, Cambridge and Malden: Polity Press, second edition. Maher G. C. 2005. Brechtian Hip-Hop: Didactics and Self-Production in Post-Gangsta Political Mixtapes, Journal of Black Studies, Vol. 36, No. 1 (September).

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Image and Ideology in the Discourse of Ezra Pound

drd. Pompiliu tefanescu Universitatea Dunrea de Jos din Galai Rsum: Cet article analyze d'abord l'importance et le traitement de l'image en tant que matire potique dans les oeuvres dEzra Pound, partir de la cration du mouvement imagiste dans les annes du dbut du 20me sicle, avec ses influences et son impact internationales, en continuant avec la thorisation et emploi de limage dans les Cantos de diffrents niveaux de lecture. L'article analysera par la suite le processus de la construction de lideologie littraire moderniste par une prsentation dun contenu dides encyclopdique, dans une forme potique libre et varie. La dispersion de cette idologie parmi les figures marquantes des diffrents domaines de lart et le soutien des nouvelles voix litteraires dans la voie moderniste seront prises en compte, tout comme le mlange des perspectives politiques radicales et des principes economiques utopiques dans les Cantos aussi que dans dautres textes. Le but de cette presentation est de jeter un regard nouveau sur la naissance d'une nouvelle idologie esthtique et littraire par le biais d'une mentalit d'une des plus influentes et controverses de la littrature moderniste. Mots cls : mouvement imagiste, impact internationales, lideologie littraire moderniste

I have brought the great ball of crystal; who can lift it? - Canto 116 These lines published in 1968 in the final volume of Cantos: "Drafts and Fragments: Cantos CX-CXVII" offer, from a very general point of view, a retrospective look upon the whole poetic discourse of Ezra Pound. They show in a concise form the self-referential mechanism of writing poetry of an author considered to be mainly responsible for promoting poetic modernism. It is worth pausing on the image created by these lines, before moving on to a broader perspective, because they represent in a nutshell the composition, philosophy, method and, at the same time, the basic cell or unit of a poetic corpus not very accessible to the modern reader but highly influential and canonical to a certain extent for the early 20th century literature. There is a striking effect of vividness in the image of the great sphere of light which is Dantes crystal paradise, The Divine Comedy being one of the models for the composition of the Cantos. Image of poetic knowledge or of epiphany of artistic inspiration, of magical vision in a crystal ball or of a re-constructed tradition asking to be "lifted or carried forth, the image lends itself to infinite possibilities of interpretation by the readers. It can also be noted that in the Middle Ages, and the Renaissance the ball of crystal was the symbol of madness. "The madman, writes Michel Foucault1, carries his [wisdom] in an unbroken sphere: the ball of crystal which is, for other eyes, empty, is in his own mind densely packed with invisible knowledge". Pound seems to be aware of that association, as he continues with the following lines: Can you enter the great acorn of light? But the beauty is not the madness. Yet another image is brought here to enhance the meaning of the former, and chained together, the images compose the phanopoeia or the visual property of a text, one of the three modes of poetry which Pound defines as "a casting of images upon the visual imagination.2 It is useful to consider that Pound defined the image as that which presents an intellectual and emotional complex in an instant of time.3 And thus, with the bricks of poetry constituted from images, poetic language becomes charged with meaning to the utmost possible degree. The conception of poetry as a uniquely concentrated form of meaning is perhaps Pounds most distinctive contribution to literary theory. Unlike description, the image has a momentary intensity, like a light bulb going off, serving for the concrete, visual presentation and generating meaning rather in the unsaid in the readers poetic imagination. I take that unsaid to mean mainly the significant associations such as the ones mentioned in relation to the image above triggered by the reception of the poetic image. By presenting the reader
1 2

Foucault, M. Histoire de la folie l'ge classique, Paris: Gallimard 1972 Pound, E. How to Read in Literary Essays, Faber (1954) p. 25 3 Pound, E. Literary Essays, Faber (1954) p. 4

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disjoined parts or luminous details to be reconstructed and in turn to point to the fuller meaning spiralling up from the text, Pound seems to be metonymically constructing ever larger units of sense out of privileged elements of the puzzle. In this way, Pound seeks to place the thinking outside the poem, rather than within it, meanings are to be adduced rather than stated. The principle laid at the basis of the imagist ideology an aesthetic manifesto Pound proclaimed at the beginning of the last century to promote a lyric which would capture a moment of heightened aesthetic awareness with a pronounced economy of means. The aim is that of triggering a certain kind of aesthetic emotion and intellectual experience demanding an observation of the stated and an understanding of the unstated. This concept, later developed into vorticism, by-passes the traditional image-idea association by generating infinite possibilities of associations. Pound insists that the image is not an idea. It is a radiant node or cluster, it is what I can and must perforce call a vortex, from which, and through which, and into which ideas are constantly rushing.4 The term vorticism itself offered the seduction of an aesthetic alliance between painting, sculpture and literature on the background of the recent development of Futurism and artistic avant-garde in an increasingly industrialized world. Pound is seeking for a composition in words that can be as object-like as a sculpture and makes an interesting inquiry into the affinity of a linguistic and a non-linguistic art-work, a comparison both stimulating and potentially productive. It is worth mentioning, only in passing here, Pounds interest in cubism in the works of the sculptors Gaudier-Brzeska and Brancusi, or in the paintings of Picasso or Francis Picabia. In their works too, fractured segments of reality are displaced and recomposed to stand for a global perspective of life and art, in constant transformation. On a different level of artistic expression, the modernist poet hoped to find in language an immediate correspondence between word and thing and he found that in the Chinese written character, or ideogram, which he later incorporated in his body of works. Chinese ideogram, declared Pound in the ABC of Reading, is the picture of a thing in a given position or relation, and thus the ideogram sun tangled in the trees branches, as at sunrise means East.5 The vividness of the Chinese ideogrammatic writing in the manner of painting brought to the sensibility of the modern writer the perspective of new means of expression. But it also opens the question of the appropriateness of western writing for modern poetry. Is there a distrust of the written word and of the meaning-creation mechanism from modifying and postmodifying what is stated to gradually construct reference? Pounds well-known intention is to eliminate as much as possible from the poetic text any adjective and other such artifice that doesnt contribute to the presentation, to the primary emotion. In his use of images, as the ones mentioned before he prefers to bring in front of the reader the icon, the visual correlative, and direct meaning by linking images in special correlations. In short, Pound displays a true metonymist preference for external reference present inside the text, leading to presentational immediacy, and thus he favours icons and indices to verbal symbols and linguistic signs. The Art poem, for example, published in 1910 functions exclusively in the visual mode. Green arsenic smeared on an egg-white cloth Crushed strawberries! Come, let us feast our eyes. To take a further look into the matter, I consider it useful to extend the inquiry into Roman Jakobsons analysis of the bipolar nature of language and his distinction between the metaphoric and the metonymic modes of discourse6. The metaphoric mode of discourse connects one verbal unit with another on the basis of some internal similarity or analogy and the mental operations required by the metaphorical mode are the selection and substitution of similars. The metonymic mode of discourse, on the other hand, connects verbal units by means of contiguity in space and time. Meaning no longer derives from patterns of similarity but from spatial and temporal associations due to proximity, subordination or coordination. The mental operations consist in combination and contexture, that is, in a rearrangement or deletion of contiguous entities.
4 5

Pound, E Gaudier-Brzeska A Memoir 1916 p. 92 Pound, E. ABC of Reading 1934, p. 21 6 Jakobson, R. Fundamentals of Language The Hague 1956 part 2 pp. 55-82 and Selected Writings 2 The Hague 1971

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According to Jakobson, any individual use of language, any verbal style and in our case, poetic discourse displays a predilection either for the metonymic or metaphoric function. As proof of Pounds preference for the metonymic mode, Herbert Schneidau in his essay Ezra Pound: The Image and the Real7 observes Pounds escape from sameness to contiguity mentioning his general irritable attitude towards the similarity functions of analogy and metaphor, his contempt for poetic similarity devices such as regular metre, rhyme, regular stanzas, his belief in discontinuity and in the juxtapository procedures and his tendency towards ellipsis and elliptical sequels that explains his fascination for all forms of concision, the epigram and the Japanese haiku. His most famous poem, "In a Station of a Metro" stands as the best example of the procedure presented by Schneidau. It reads: The apparition of these faces in the crowd Petals on a wet black bough. Meaning in this couplet is given by the juxtaposition of two sets of linguistic units in parallelism. The selection and substitution of signifying sets operates in relation to larger units of signification: man and nature, beauty and art. The method of composition exemplified here works by means of compression and contraction. The craftmark of Pounds work, Schneidau comments, is not expansion, but contraction, like in the sapphic poem Papyrus published in Lustra in 1916: Spring Too long Gongula Writing as with an eraser, condensing to the maximum extent and compressing the Sappho poem to the fragments forming the Papyrus is proof of a manner of writing poetry out of segments and fragmented details. Deletion is basic to the metonymic processes: all metonymies and synechdoches are relics or condensations of deleted contexts. The economy of means, not only disturbs the syntagmatic associations and forces a paradigmatic reading as the only possibility for interpretation but also re-affirms the hypothesis of the modernist distrust of the written word. Pounds discontinuous poetry translates almost paradoxically into a distrust of language, especially of writing which extended into a similar distrust of money. Money, like language, circulates with no real certainty that the object which it represents will ever be restored. Like language, money is particularly groundless. Pound's long anti-Semitic campaign in his work take root in his developing theory that corruption of the meaning of words and corruption of the value of money could be blamed on the Jews. Lacking a material basis, money is arbitrary and differential, like language. Hence Pounds longing to overcome the separation of money and commodity, word and thing. The solution to close the gap, according to Pound, is the iconic use of the image in poetry, in the manner of the ideogram and an economics based on the will of the state, embodied in the leader, Jefferson and/or Mussolini. In other words, Pound's call for exact naming, a Confucian imperative, parallels an economic utopian parity between work, money and commodity. To exemplify, the following excerpts are taken from Canto XLV: With usura hath no man a house of good stone [...] with usura hath no man a painted paradise on his church wall [...] with usura, sin against nature, is thy bread ever more of stale rags is thy bread dry as paper, with no mountain wheat, no strong flour [] Usura slayeth the child in the womb It stayeth the young man's courting It hath brought palsey to bed, lyeth between the young bride and her bridegroom [...] Formally, here again it is to be noticed the extensive use of metonymy, to point to larger spheres of reference than the concrete elements produced by the Canto, elements which in their

Schneidau, H.N. Ezra Pound: The Image and the Real. Baton Rouge, Louisiana State University Press 1969

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turn compensate in concreteness and vividness for the abstract notion of usury, an old term meaning the charging of interest on loans. Pounds economic ideology results in equating jewishness with the otherness to be marginalized because the their mode of production is condemned as unnatural. He promotes the exlusion of the foreign Jewish element for what he associates it with, usury, which is contra naturam, against creativity. If money is the correspondent of creation in an amount of time, than to accumulating and lending it is to distribute time, and defer the closure of money and commodity in a single identity, when the commodity is money itself. Thus, Pounds railing against Jews and usury translates the poet's radical wish to exclude the unnatural production of the same out of the same: money out of money, language out of language. Creating texts out of texts, however ironically, is exactly the procedure behind the Cantos. Composed as a palimpsest of ever shorter units of intelligence, fractured quotations and fleeting allusions, The Cantos appears as a bewildering labyrinth of images. Excavating myths and personal experience ideologies and undigested fragments of history, the poem displays an anthropological array of fragmented images of humanity for which Pound stands as the only guarantor. Modelled after Odysseuss epic, The Cantos as a modern epic replaces Odysseus as epic protagonist with Pound as the poet-protagonist who claims for himself the authority of experience. Following in the line of the unacknowledged legislators of the world8, Pound assumes in this "record of struggle" as his task the laborious reconstruction of a plausible whole from the broken fragments on the page, in a wish of projecting his vision of educational, economic and political and reformation of the Western man. Pound was the rootless poet wonderer who nursed the Messianic hope of a paradise on Earth, the city of Dioce whose terraces are the colour of stars (Canto LXXIV) and he came to regard Mussolini as the political saviour who would transform his vision into reality. I have tried to write Paradise he declares in Canto CXX. Analysing the encyclopaedic character of the Cantos, Hugh Kenner, Pound's major critic and promoter, sees in the poem a form of curriculum presenting by means of selection and concentration, and in an authoritarian rhetoric an American paideuma. The term, borrowed from the ethnologist Leo Frobenius and used repeatedly in Pound's Guide to Kulchur, interrelates the spheres of culture and tradition to present "the tangle or complex of the inrooted ideas of any period."9 Consequently, one can read the poem as having a didactic goal which is the regeneration of American culture through a transplant of experience resulting from the presentation of innumerable references of other cultures, figures and systems of thought. Marjorie Perloff concludes What other 20th century poet has had so ambitious a project?10 The most challenging element of The Cantos remains its incoherence. I started this paper with a quote from Canto CXVI, I wish to retake the quotation in the ensuing lines: I have brought the great ball of crystal; who can lift it? Can you enter the great acorn of light? But the beauty is not the madness Tho' my errors and wrecks lie about me. And I am not a demigod, I cannot make it cohere. The laborious reconstruction of a plausible whole out of the fragments in the Cantos refuses a closure. In the enthusiasm to compell and reflect a plethora of images, discourses and traditions which lend this poem a chaos of systems, all cannot be reduced to a master system. Nevertheless, the advanced techniques of The Cantos, relying on a fusion of the ideogram, document, myth and citation define its uniqueness. The frequent collage cuts that startle and jump from experience to ideologies are recurrent procedures readable throughout modernist verse. Pounds poetic, Marjorie Perloff claims, has become synonymous with modernism itself. Such
8 Shelley, P.B. A Defence of Poetry in Eliot, C.W. (ed) English Essays from Sir Philip Sidney to Macaulay The Harvard classics New York: P.F. Collier & Son, 190914 vol XXVII 9 "Frobenius uses the term Paideuma for the tangle or complex of the inrooted ideas of any period. . . . I shall use Paideuma for the gristly roots of ideas that are in action." in Pound, E. Guide to Kulchur New York: New Directions, 1970 pp.57-58 10 Perloff, M. Pound Ascendant Boston Review; Apr/May2004, Vol. 29 Issue 2, p52-54

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axioms as Go in fear of abstractions or use no superfluous word, no adjective which does not reveal something (A Retrospect) [] are now embedded in our critical vocabulary 11. The focus on the particular, the image, the object forms the core of modernist ideology. The estrangement of language from current linguistic norms relates Pound to the LANGUAGE POETS like Joan Retallack, Steve McCaffery of Charles Bernstein. Jackson Mac Lows 1983 poem Words nd Ends from Ez demonstrates the innovative, open, almost investigative poetry resulting from Pounds efforts. It rejects the notions of unity, closure and prosody and selects words and fragments from The Cantos based on the positioning of the letters in Ezra Pound's name. oZier's cuRve he wAll, Phin hOut exUltant seeN impiDity, Exultance, aZ loR rleAf Paler rOcklayers atUn e deNho ia12 The reception of Pounds work remains a problem to this day. Initially, readers, critics and the public did not know what to make of Pound. His politics were extreme, his criticism abrasive and his poetry complex. Unlike T.S.Eliot or Joyce, he never had a best seller. The Waste Land and Ulysses were internationally recognized, whereas the only text of Pound that seemed to gain wide recognition was his haiku In a Station of the Metro. His economic ideologies and expressed anti-Semitism overshadowed his poetry. But for the literary tradition, all discussion about modern poetry inevitably turns towards Pound because we are here in the presence of one of the manufacturers of modernism.
Bibliography: Ayers, D. Modernism. A Short Introduction Wiley-Blackwell 2004 Bloom, H. (ed.) Ezra Pound. Modern Critical Views Chelsea House Publishers, New York 1987 Ciugureanu, A. High Modernist Poetic Discourse: TS Eliot, Ezra Pound, William Carlos Williams, Marianne Moore, Wallace Stevens Ex Ponto 1997 Kronick, Joseph. Resembling Pound: mimesis, translation, ideology - Ezra Pound - Post-ing Modernism in Criticism Wayne State University Press 1993 Nadel, B.I. The Cambridge Introduction to Ezra Pound CUP 2007 Pearl, J. Literary Modernism: The Struggle for Modern History (The Great Courses Series) Audiocassettes. The Teaching Company 1999 Smith, P. Pound Revised Croom Helm, London 1983 Terell, F.C. A Companion to the Cantos of Ezra Pound Univerity of California Press 1984 Tryphonopoulos, D. Adams, S. The Ezra Pound Encyclopedia Greenwoord Press 2005.

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Perloff, M. Poetic Licence. Essays on Modernist and Postmodernist Lyric Northwestern University Press 1990 p. 122 Mac Low, J. Roof Books 1986

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Eevenimentul de pres. Un studiu de caz: Tanacu

Asist. cercet. dr. Claudia Talaman Chiorean Istitutul de Cercetri Sociale - Centrul de Cercetare in Jurnalism al Facultii de tiine Politice, Administrative i ale Comunicrii din cadrul Universitii Babe-Bolyai, Cluj-Napoca Abstract: The way from event happened to news is a real challenge for each and every journalist. Not many from those that make an attempt to assume that way really manage up to the targeted point of their ascension. Nevertheless, nobody thinks of the event itself as a failure from the part of the objectivity and this only because media objectivity is, in fact, just a utopic dream. Key words: event, news, utopical standards,

Funcia presei, generalisim recunoscut i acceptat de toat lumea, este una de mediere, oferind cetenilor un serviciu de informare. Informaia este un drept fundamental, care a fost pus n eviden de dreptul cutumiar al Comisiei Europene i a Tribunalului Drepturilor Umane legat de Articolul 10 al Conventiei Europene privind Drepturile Umane i recunoscut n Articolul 9 al Conveniei Europene privind Televiziunea Transfrontier, precum i de toate constituiile democratice. Deintorul dreptului este ceteanul, care mai are i dreptul de a cere ca informaia oferit de jurnaliti s fie veridic n cazul tirilor i onest n cazul opiniilor, fr intervenii din exterior att din partea autoritilor publice, ct i a sectorului privat. Principiul de baz al eticii jurnalismului este diferenierea dintre nouti i opinii, astfel nct acestea s nu fie confundate. Noutatea este o informaie referitoare la fapte i date, n timp ce opiniile includ gnduri, idei sau preri ale ageniilor de pres, editorilor i jurnalitilor1. Difuzarea tirilor ar trebui s fie bazat pe adevr, asigurat prin mijloace adecvate de verificare i demonstrare i pe imparialitate n prezentare, descriere i narare. Zvonurile nu ar trebui confundate cu noutile. Titlul i sumarul tirilor reflect esena evenimentelor i datelor prezentate ct mai precis. Pentru ca un eveniment s fie oferit publicului, ar trebui s fac dovada ncrcturii sale informative. Primul care a realizat o categorizare a criteriilor de selecie a informaiilor a fost Walter Lippman, n lucrarea Public Opinion (1922). Au fost enumerate: proximitatea spaial, proximitatea temporal tirile trebuie s fie actuale conflictul, implicarea unei personaliti (de orice natur ar fi ea), neobinuitul, interesul uman, informaiile practice/utilitare, divertismentul. Jurnalismul nu ar trebui s modifice informaia veridic, imparial i opiniile oneste sau s le utilizeze n scopuri de informare, pentru a crea sau a influena opinia public, deoarece pe legalitatea acestuia se bazeaz respectarea dreptului fundamental de informare a cetenilor ca parte a respectrii valorilor democratice. Exprimarea opiniilor poate include gnduri sau comentarii asupra unor idei sau remarci generale privind tirile despre evenimentele actuale. Chiar dac opiniile sunt ntotdeauna subiective i nu pot servi drept criteriu pentru veridicitate, ele trebuie exprimate onest i etic. Subiectele controversate sau senzaionale nu ar trebui confundate cu subiectele utilitare, despre care este imperios necesar s scrii. Pentru a informa corect, e nevoie de o bun documentare, de o analiz a datelor obinute n timpul documentrii, de o selectare n funcie de relevana informativ, n primul rnd, pentru public. Aspectul formativ nu ar trebui s primeze n conceperea unui articol cu rol informativ. Se manifest n genurile jurnalistice care avertizeaz, prin specificul lor, c i propun formarea de opinii (de ex. editorialul). Toate aceste realiti nu ar trebui s fie ipotetice ntr-o pres i ntr-o societate ideale, presa reprezentnd oglinda societii n care se manifest. Studiile teoretice i cadrul legislativ din massmedia mai ofer studenilor la jurnalism i jurnalitilor practicani nenumrate alte indicaii din sfera deontologiei. Omul de pres nu are voie s inventeze fapte, date, amnunte, s sacrifice
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Legislaie internaional: Rezolutia 1003 privind http://www.mediaindex.ro/articol.php?a=42&s=2&ss=3.

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fondul de dragul formei. Dei trebuie s prezinte informaiile ntr-o manier ct mai atractiv, spectaculoas sau dramatic, pentru a-i cuceri publicul, nu trebuie s exagereze sau s mint, s cosmetizeze realitatea2. Toate lucurile n teorie stau bine. Dar, de la teorie la practic, drumul e lung i anevoios. n reguli i interdicii toat lumea se ncurc. i, unde exist o lege, va exista ntotdeauna i o derogare de la lege, o excepie sau mai multe pentru a fi dovedit valabilitatea legii. Prin operarea unei distincii ntre evenimentul cotidian i evenimentul-tire, mass-media ofer imaginea unei realiti deformate. Abaterile realitii mediatice de la realitatea obiectiv au fost remarcate de ctre sociologul Dennis McQuail3. Dei textul citit sau scris trebuie s se raporteze la realitate, s i gseasc corespondent n realitate, reflectarea n mass-media nu este ntotdeauna referenial i nici proporional cu numrul statistic al populaiei. n ntreaga lume evenimentele prezentate n tiri au, preponderent, caracter dramatic, neateptat, violent, spectaculos, fiind atipice pentru normalitatea unei societii. Temele articolelor de pres demonstreaz conformarea la tendina consensual-social, la valorile comunitare, n detrimentul prezentrii corecte i obiective a faptelor. Ce se ntmpl dac evenimentul este mai puin spectaculos sau nu exist nimic dramatic? Intervine cosmetizarea. Pentru a impresiona, pentru a-i menine publicul, presa are, de multe ori, tendina de a prezenta faptele n mod exagerat, la limita cadrului deontologic. Evenimente spectaculoase ajung hiperbolice, evenimentele dramatice storc lacrimi, nduioaz sau isterizeaz populaia, n timp ce unele, care nu se bucur de un asemenea potenial, sunt aranjate din condei pentru a fi n ton cu tendina general. Afirmaiile de mai sus nu sunt gratuite. Sunt realiti cunoscute de lumea presei de la noi i de oriunde i acceptate printr-un acord tacit. Doar cnd se exagereaz n mod flagrant, suprtor apar reacii/sanciuni. n cazul nostru sanciunile vin din partea CNA-ului. n rest, presa i publicul ei s-au obinuit cu doza zilnic de spectaculos, de care au devenit dependeni n egal msur. Pentru validarea acestor afirmaii despre pres, presa romneasc i specificul ei, metoda de cercetare folosit a fost analiza de coninut4, iar exemplu ales: cazul Tanacu. Monitorizarea5, pe care s-a bazat analiza de coninut, a fost realizat n patru ziare, pe o perioad de o lun, 16 iunie 31 iulie 2005. Premisele de la care s-a pornit n analiz au fost :

Redarea din memorie a coninutului de idei cuprins n manualele de jurnalism folosite n mediul unversitar de profil. Informaie preluat din Sociologia, Traian Rotariu i Petru Ilu, Editura Mesagerul, Cluj-Napoca, 1996. 4 A aprut n SUA, dup Al II-lea Rzboi Mondial, i este folosit mai ales n politic. Analiza de coninut este o metod acceptat de investigare a textelor, mai cu seam n cmpul cercetrilor dedicate comunicrii de mas. Cercettorii stabilesc un set de categorii, iar apoi numr unitile care intr n fiecare din categoriile presupuse. Cerina crucial este aceea ca aceste categorii s fie suficient de precise pentru a permite unor codificatori diferii s ajung la acelai rezultat, n momentul n care toi examineaz acelai material textual. Se acord o atenie deosebit coeficientului de siguran al msurtorilor sale i validitii descoperirilor. Analiza de coninut a discursului este aplicat n mod eficient pe documente cu informaie complex i cu valoare comunicaional maxim. Este o metod ce se refer la analiza cantitativ a documentelor, urmrindu-se punerea n eviden de teme, tendine, atitudini, valori sau pettern-uri de asociere a unor teme i evaluri (de atitudini i valori). Ea a mai fost numit i tratarea cantitativ a unui material simbolic calitativ.(Ilu, 1996) Este un ansamblu de tehnici destinate s fac s apar, n coninutul diverselor categorii de documente scrise articole de pres, interviuri, chestionare, note personale, etc. anumite elemente singulare din care se deriv apoi caracteristica psihosociologic sau alta a individualitii cercetate. Textele furnizeaz date complexe, neprovocate i accesibile, care i exercit efectele asupra lumii reale. Rolul cercettorilor de texte nu este acela de a evalua sau critica anumite texte conform unor standarde aparent obiective, ci de a analiza modul n care textele provoac anumite efecte. Patru ci de analiz a efectelor se pot lua n considerare: analiza de coninut, analiza structurilor narative, etnografia i analiza categorizrii membrilor. Necesitatea utilizrii acestei metode vine din cteva aspecte pe care le incumb: aduce o not de rigoare n interpretarea documentelor, dincolo de simpla impresie; are o relevan deosebit n analiza produciilor tiinifice; relev tendine din interiorul unuia sau a mai multor documente, realiznd un sistem comparativ de analiz; este preferat de cercettori pentru c documentele nu sunt create sau provocate de acetia; are caracter epistemic i poate realiza vaste comparaii n spaiu i timp; costul relativ redus al cercetrii. Punctul de vedere nu este numai a lingvistului, ci i a sociologului, interesat de continua translaie de la vorbire la vorbitor, spre a ti nu numai ce se spune, ci i cine spune i n ce scop spune. n atenie nu st numai enunul, ci enunarea, situaia concret de comunicare, factorii politici i socio-culturali care condiioneaz comportamentul verbal. 5 Analiz de coninut. Monitorizare Subiect: Fenomenul mediatic Tanacu, Perioada: 16 iunie 31 iulie 2005 Premise: 1. Presa scris a prezentat obiectiv evenimentului de la Tanacu
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presa scris a prezentat obiectiv evenimentului de la Tanacu i presa scris a prezentat n mod defectuos, neprofesionist evenimentul de la Tanacu. Interpretarea tabelului de frecvene (nota de subsol nr. 5) ofer imaginea sintetizat a tendinelor n prezentarea cazului de ctre cele patru ziare (Ziua, Adverrul, Jurnalul Naional, Cotidianul ) selectate spre analiz. Cum se poate observa, frecvenele apariiei unor cuvinte sau expresii sunt diferite pentru fiecare din cele patru ziare. Selectarea publicaiilor a fost realizat prin raportare n primul rnd la tiraj i la liderii de opinie care scriu n aceste ziare voci ascultate n jurnalismul romnesc de opinia public i de ctre ceilali jurnaliti. Au fost luai n calcul i patronii ziarelor, dar eseniale rmn tirajul i personalitile jurnalistice de numele crora se leag fiecare publicaie. Ultimii (numele jurnalitilor foarte cunoscui) garanteaz credibilitatea ziarului n care scriu, influennd tirajul. n acest context, cele patru ziare ocup n audiena romneasc pri semnificative. Ziua are titrajul de 36.933 de exemplare pe zi. Este unul dintre ziarele cunoscute n Romnia. Se afl n administraia jurnalistului Sorin Roca Stnescu. Numele patronilor este asociat cu PETROMSERVICE SA6. Adevarul este un ziar cu audiena de 49448 exemplare/zi. Este fostul Scnteia din perioada comunist. Pna n iulie 2006 societatea Adevarul SA era patronat de catre Tinu Ana Maria. n februarie 2007, dintre administratori s-au retras George Claudiu Constantinescu i Tinu Ana Maria. Printre proprietari este menionat ROMPETROL HOLDING SA Elvetia.7 Jurnalul Naional are un tiraj de 109631 exemplare/zi. Voiculescu Corina Mirela este proprietarul, iar administratorul este Marius Tuca.8 Cotidianul nu i-a publicat tirajul actual. Dar este unul dintre ziarele revigorate odat cu venirea la conducere a lui Robert Turcescu. Academia Caavencu SA. este proprietarul ziarului. Liviu Mihaiu este administrator9. La mijlocul lui iunie 2005, un eveniment mai puin obinuit pentru biseric, pres i opinia public declana o adevrat micare de fore. O sor de mnstire (Irina Cornici) murea, n condiii neelucidate, la mnstirea (sau n timp ce era dus cu salvarea de la mnstire) unde i dorea s rmn, mnstirea Tanacu. Dei situaia impunea deschiderea imediat a unei anchete att din partea Bisericii, ct i a forurilor legal ndreptite (poliie), presa nu a avut rbdare. n goana nebun dup afirmare, dup obinerea ntietii n prezentarea subiectului, presa transform comunicatul Poliiei ntr-un pretex pentru afirmaii grave despre eveniment i personaje. O imagine scandaloas, alarmant despre eveniment este extins asupra Ortodoxiei i asupra
2. Presa scris a prezentat n mod defectuos, neprofesionist evenimentul de la Tanacu, n publice. Variabile Ziua 23 art Adevrul 9 art Jurnalul Naional 6 art Daniel Corogeanu 27 5 1 Criminal/asasin/calau 77 1 0 Irina Cornici 17 5 2 Crim/omor/chinuri 60 3 7 graoznice,odioase/orori Omort/ucis 4 0 0 Ritual/ practic barbar, 1 3 0 pgn Pr. exorcist/exorcistul 7 19 2 Preot 93 39 22 Discernmnt 0 5 0 Evul Mediu 9 2 1 Fanatism 3 1 0 Moarte 18 5 6 Credin 2 6 dezavantajul opiniei Cotidianul 3 art 5 3 1 9 1 3 0 6 0 11 1 3 1

6 7

Datele sunt preluate de pe sit-ul publicaiei. Datele sunt preluate de pe sit-ul publicaiei. 8 Datele sunt preluate de pe sit-ul publicaiei. 9 Datele sunt preluate de pe sit-ul publicaiei.

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preoilor ortodoci. E manifest aici nelipsita tendin de generalizare pe care presa o demonstreaz destul de des i de bgubitor pentru subiectul prezentat. Din analiza celor patru publicaii reiese modul hazardat, neprofesionist, n care au abordat subiectul n prima lun dup eveniment. Atunci instana nu stabilise nc vinovia preotului Daniel Corogeanu i a micuelor de la Mnstirea Tanacu. Ziare precum Ziua au uzat din abunden de termenii: criminalul (77 de apariii n 26 de articole pe parcursul primei luni de la eveniment), crim (60 de apariii), omort (4 frecvene), Evul Mediu (9 apariii). n celelalte trei ziare termenii acuzatori au o frecven mult redus. n Jurnalul Naional termenul de criminal lipsete cu desvrire, nu i cel de crim. Se creeaz astfel aparen acordrii prezumiei de nevinovie. Pentru Adevrul este limpede c Daniel Corogeanu este un exorcist i c la Tanacu a avut loc un ritual barbar, asemntor cu cele din Evul Mediu, declanat de lipsa de discernmnt a preotului. Ziarul induce o fals similitudine ntre arderea pe rug a vrjitoarelor din Evul Mediu i Molitvele Sfntului Vasile, incluzndu-le pe ambele la ritualuri cretine. Cotidianul nu identific fenomenul de exorcizare, reducnd totul la un ritual din Evul Mediu, care s-a soldat cu o crim. Cel mai ponderat n afirmaii rmne Jurnalul Naional care evit s dea verdicte. Dei este la fel de convins c a a vut loc o crim, nu o atribuie nici lui Corogeanu, nici nu o asociaz cu practicile Evului Mediu, nici nu o catalogheaz ca fiind o exorcizare. Confuzia mare aprut n pres ntre: practicile Evului Mediu, exorcizare, canoane bisericeti, tradiie, specific ortodox, practici ortodoxe a declanat o adevrat confuzie n mintea opiniei publice. Pe forumurile ziarelor au aprut poziii pro i contra, vehemente, la fel de acuzatoare ca i ziarele n care apreau afirmaiile despre eveniment. Oameni, care nu tiau nimic concret i sigur, acuzau cu pasiune, personajele implicate, preoii, biserica, n general. Muli dintre ei fiind probabil botezai ortodoci. n ultimele sondaje, 98% dintre romni sau declarat ortodoci, dar numai 10 % merg la biseric. Replica conform creia mersul la biserica nu definete credina, nu se susine. Un concept de baza al credinei cretine este comuniunea, rugciunea comun, colectiv care este o parte important a rugciunii. Ce nseamn totui a fi ortodox, a face parte din Biserica ortodox? Pentru muli, este doar o apartenen la o instituie, un calificativ trecut n acte i n recensminte. Biserica ar trebui n primul rnd neleas ca o biseric vie, alctuit din toi cei care se declar i se simt ortodoci. De atitudinea i de comportamentul fiecrui membru depinde ntregul numit Biserica Ortodox Romn. i dintre jurnalitii care au scris cu atta patim i implicare, ofens i autondreptire, sunt declarai, poate, ortodoci. Cum se face atunci c nu tiu nimic despre practicile ortodoxe? Cum de ncurc termenii (maic n loc de sor de mnstire, preot duhovnic cu stare la o mnstire de maici)? Sunt doar cteva elemente care demonstreaz o hib n problema catehizrii cretinilor ortodoci. Dei dup Revoluie religia a fost introdus n coli ca obiect de studiu, msura nu a fost suficient pentru a acoperi vidul de informaie i de practic religioase de care sufer Romnia. Dar lispa documentrii obligatorii, pe care un jurnalist nu poate s o neglijeze n momentul n care nu este familiarizat cu fenomenul, cu domeniul din care prezint evenimentul, este o eroare deontologic grav pentru orice jurnalist care i respect publicul. Simpla preluare a comunicatului Poliiei cu toate imperfeciunile de exprimare, erorile de coninut religios care apar n text, a dus la interpretarea inadecvat a evenimentului, a generat verdicte i acuze fr acoperire legal la momentul respectiv. Efectul, n rndul opiniei publice, a fost confuzia general, scderea credibilitii bisericii i a preoilor ei, bulversri interioare, ndoieli, derut i punerea sub semnul ntrebrii a propriei credine. Presai de acuzele presei, clericii au luat hotrri drastice pentru parintele Daniel Corogeanu i cele patru maici. Dac contextul mediatic ar fi fost mai aproape de obiectivitate i de profesionalism, celor cinci implicai li s-ar fi dat ansa s fie anchetai i judecai n primul rnd de ctre Biseric i apoi de ctre autoritile statale. n toat aceast agitaie a spiritelor, Biserica a fost prezentat ca o instituie utilitar care ar trebui s ofere servicii i s se comporte ca oricare instituie laic. Concluzia cu care a rmas publicul romnesc dup evenimentul mediatic Tanacu a fost c i poate reconsidera credina, c trebuie s suspecteze mediul eclezial n orice aciune pe care o

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face, c poate rmne, n cel mai ru caz, un om cldu n credin, ignorant, cci aa este modern i cuminte. Moralitatea societii contemporane, general acceptat (nu i adoptat), i fondeaz, n cea mai mare parte, preceptele pe nvturile cretine. Deontologia presei este conceput n aceeai not a moralitii cretine. Totui, perspectiva presei romneti (i nu numai) asupra lumii contemporane, asupra sensului vieii i al morii se situeaz n contradicie cu nvturile Bisericii, cu moralitatea cretin. Spectaculosul, ineditul negativ, aberantul, extravagana, divertismentul, sexualitatea, violena de imagine i de limbaj sunt elemente care contureaz astzi o parte tot mai consistent a presei romneti. Audiena crete n rndul publicului, implicit i venitul instituiilor de pres. Opinia public i savureaz drogul mediatic ntr-un automatism ndelung exersat. Nu ar trebui s ne mai ntrebm cu ce pre i n avantajul cui se ncurajeaz o mass-media consumerist. Ctiguri financiare de moment sunt, dei afecteaz valoarea jurnalismului romnesc n perspectiv. Patronii de pres nu sunt afectai n mod direct i imediat de falimentul calitativ al publicaiilor lor, deci, subcultura poate constitui esena acestui jurnalism de conjunctur. Aa se explic poziia median a presei n topul instituiilor credibile din Romnia, dup Biseric, de exmplu. Astzi, clasamentul nu constituie un subiect de interes. Poate, cndva

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Regularities of Behaviour in Translating Culture-Bound Elements the Cases of Jane Eyre and Wuthering Heights
drd. Andreea-Mihaela Tamba Universitatea Alexandru Ioan Cuza Iai coala Doctoral de Studii Filologice Rezumat: Articolul i propune s analizeze strategiile folosite n traducerea termenilor culturali, scopul final fiind acela de a identifica regulariti de comportament (regularities of behaviour"), n acest sens. Sintagma amintit, propus de ctre traductologul israelian Gideon Toury, face referire la tendina sistematic a traductorilor de a opta pentru soluii de traducere similare, ca rspuns la probleme asemntoare. Vom cerceta, n vederea efecturii unei analizei contrastive, un corpus de traduceri din literatura victorian, care cuprinde dou ediii ale unei traduceri n limba romn a romanului Jane Eyre (1948 i 1972), precum i dou versiuni romneti ale romanului La rscruce de vnturi (Wuthering Heights,1959 i 1978). Cuvinte-cheie: traducerea termenilor culturali, regulariti de comportament, analiza contrastiv, literatura victorian

The problems raised by cultural asymmetry in translation have so far triggered different translators responses. The solutions opted for by the latter consist of explicitations, cultural adaptations, cultural loans or omissions of the cultural items. Such alternatives can represent either unconditioned individual translation choices or collective translation solutions, functioning as tendencies, conventions, norms, rules or laws10 over a particular period of time. It is the latter category that should be linked to Gideon Tourys concept of regularity of behaviour, which refers to the fact that translators tend to respond in a similar manner to recurrent translation problems stimuli of the same type (1995: 16). The purpose of this paper is to analyse the translators choices in the translation of English culture-specific items and intertextual allusions into Romanian during the late 1940s, 1950s and 1970s. The overall aim is to identify regularities of behaviour in terms of strategies used in response to ongoing norms. The corpus of texts used for the analysis includes, on the one hand, two different editions of Paul B. Marians translation from Charlotte Bronts Jane Eyre11 and two editions of Henriette Yvonne Stahls translation from Emily Bronts Wuthering Heights12, on the other. Charlotte and Emily Bronts novels have been translated many times during the communist period in Romania. Six successive editions of P. B. Marians and D. Mazilus translation from Jane Eyre came out between 1956 and 197213, while eight editions of H. Y. Stahls translation from Wuthering Heights were issued between 1959 and 197814. The considerable

Gideon Toury approaches, in his Descriptive Translation Studies and Beyond (1995), the distinction between Idiosyncrasy, Whim, Convention, Norm and Rules, as different types of constraints imposed on translation, seen from a socio-cultural point of view. 11 Charlotte Bront, Jane Eyre: roman, Paul B. Marian (transl.), Editura Lumina Romneasc, Bucureti, 1948. Charlotte Bront, Jane Eyre: roman, Paul B. Marian and D. Mazilu (transls.), Editura Eminescu, Bucureti, 1972. 12 Emily Bront, La rscruce de vnturi, Henriette Yvonne Stahl (transl.), Ana Crtianu (preface), Editura de Stat pentru Literatur i Art, Bucureti, 1959. Bront, Emily, La rscruce de vnturi, Henriette Yvonne Stahl (transl.), Editura Univers, Bucureti, 1978. 13 Bront, Charlotte, Jane Eyre, Paul B. Marian and D. Mazilu (transls.), ESPLA, Bucureti, 1956. Bront, Charlotte, Jane Eyre (2nd edition) Paul B. Marian and D. Mazilu (transls.), EPLU, Bucureti, 1962. Bront, Charlotte, Jane Eyre, Paul B. Marian and D. Mazilu (transls.), Editura pentru Literatur, Bucureti, 1966. Bront, Charlotte, Jane Eyre. Roman, (2nd edition) Paul B. Marian and D. Mazilu (transls.), Minerva, Bucureti, 1970. Bront, Charlotte, Jane Eyre. Roman, Paul B. Marian and D. Mazilu (transls.), Eminescu, Bucureti, 1971. Bront, Charlotte, Jane Eyre. Roman, Paul B. Marian and D. Mazilu (transls.), Eminescu, Bucureti, 1972. 14 Bront, Emily, La rscruce de vnturi, Henriette Yvonne Stahl (transl.), Ana Crtianu (preface), ESPLA (Editura de Stat pentru Literatur i Art), Bucureti, 1959. Bront, Emily, La rscruce de vnturi, Henriette Yvonne Stahl (transl.), Ana Crtianu (preface), Editura pentru Literatur, Bucureti, 1962. Bront, Emily, La rscruce de vnturi, Henriette Yvonne Stahl (transl.), Ana Crtianu (preface), Orion, Bucureti, 1964. Bront, Emily, La rscruce de vnturi, Henriette Yvonne Stahl (transl.), Ana Crtianu (preface), Editura pentru Literatur Universal, Bucureti, 1964.

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number of translations is closely connected to the massive translation campaign that was initiated in communist Romania, as a result of the introduction of the concept of mass-culture and of educational reform schemes. Leon Levichi, Dan Duescu, Mircea Ivnescu, Petre Solomon, Antoaneta Ralian, Frida Papadache, Dan Grigorescu were only a few of the professional translators that signed famous translations of classical works during the communist period15. Translation standards were established by publishers, professional translators and literary critics, marking the translation projects at the time, both quantitatively and a qualitatively. In the pre-communist period, for a change, translation constraints were of a commercial nature, rather than of a professional one. The contrastive analyses of P. B. Marians 1948 first edition of Jane Eyre: roman (a novel) and the 1972 edition of the same translation (to the accomplishment of which D. Mazilu contributed, as well), together with H. Y. Stahls 1959 first edition of La rscruce de vnturi (Wuthering Heights) and of its 1978 corresponding edition allowed us to follow the dynamics of the translators choices, from the pre-communist period to the communist years, on the one hand, and in the communist decades - from the 1950s to the 1970s, on the other. As regards the British culture-bound elements and intertextual allusions in Jane Eyre, the 1948 and 1972 translation editions display different translation strategies when dealing with SCspecific items. If both the 1948 and 1972 target readers knowledge regarding names of places in England was taken for granted by the translator, who did not provide informational input for instances such as Millcote and Morton, the same did not hold true for Thornfield and Bridewell. Paul B. Marian and D. Mazilu provided, in their 1972 revised Romanian version, footnotes at the bottom of the page where they decomposed the English names into their constitutive parts, helping the Romanian readers better understand the authors intention of using setting elements that should reveal the characters role in the novel (P. B. Marian and D. Mazilu, 1972: 124 and 230, respectively). In the 1948 edition, Paul B. Marian provided neither intratextual nor extratextual glosses for Thornfield and Bridewell; he even modified the latter English site name, turning it into Bridwell (P. B. Marian, 1948: 218). Similar cases of apparently unexplainable modifications or omissions of place names and of whole textual sequences that were operated in the 1948 translation and that have been properly transposed into Romanian in the 1972 version can further be illustrated in the following example: ST: [] the coast of Norway, studded with isles from its southern extremity, the Lindeness, or Naze, to the North Cape Where the Northern Ocean, in vast whirls, Boils round the naked, melancholy isles Of farthest Thule; and the Atlantic surge Pours in among the stormy Hebrides. Nor could I pass unnoticed the suggestion of the bleak shores of Lapland, Siberia, Spitzbergen, Nova Zembla, Iceland, Greenland [] (our italics, p. 2). TT1: [] acele coaste ale Norvegiei presrate cu insule dela marginea de miazzi pn la capul cel mai de Nord, unde Oceanul de miaznoapte clocotete n vrtejuri foarte mari n jurul insulei sterpe i triste Thull, unde Oceanul Atlantic se arunc n mijlocul Hebridelor furtunoase. Deasemenea nu puteam s trec peste descrierea acelor rmuri ale Siberiei, ale Spitzbergului, a Nouei Zimbla, a Islandei, a Finlandei cea verde! (our italics, P. B. Marian, 1948: 18)

Bront, Emily, La rscruce de vnturi, Henriette Yvonne Stahl (transl.), Ana Crtianu (preface), Editura pentru Literatur, Bucureti, 1967. Bront, Emily, La rscruce de vnturi, Henriette Yvonne Stahl (transl.), Ana Crtianu (preface), Editura de Stat pentru Literatur Universal, Bucureti, 1968. Bront, Emily, La rscruce de vnturi, Henriette Yvonne Stahl (transl.), Ana Crtianu (preface), Editura de Stat pentru Literatur Universal, Bucureti, 1969. Bront, Emily, La rscruce de vnturi, Henriette Yvonne Stahl (transl.), Ana Crtianu (preface), Univers, Bucureti, 1978. 15 For a more detailed analysis of translations in the communist period, see Dimitriu, Rodica, Aldous Huxley in Romania, Iai: Timpul, 1999, pp. 195-201.

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TT2: [] acele coaste ale Norvegiei, presrate cu insule de la marginea de miazzi, Lindeness sau Nazie, pn la capul Nord. La nord unde-oceanul n valuri se zbate, Ape n clocot izbind de stncile-aride, Acolo, spre Thula, talazuri se umfl, Gem ca furtuna i spal Hebridele rmuri. De asemenea nu puteam s trec peste descrierea sumar a acelor inuturi ngheate ale Laponiei, Siberiei, Spitzbergului, Noii Zemlia, Islandei, Groenlandei [] (our italics, P. B. Marian and D. Mazilu, 1972: 9) In the 1948 translation, the translator omits the references to Lindeness and Naze islands and to Lapland, translating the name of the Thule Island as Thull and mistranslating Greenland as Finlanda cea verde. In the 1972 revised edition of the translation, nevertheless, the omissions and the wrong translation solutions from the first edition were partially corrected, the information from the source text being fully rendered in the target text, the Romanian equivalents bearing, at times, slight orthographic modifications i.e. Thula, for Thule, Nazie for Naze and Groenlanda, for Greenland. Divergent translation strategies were also used, in the editions under investigation, in the case of intertextual allusions. In the 1972 Romanian version of Jane Eyre, comprehensive footnotes are displayed, at the bottom of the page, regarding Samuel Richardsons Pamela and The History of Henry Earl of Moreland (P. B. Marian and D. Mazilu, 1972: 10), Samuel Johnsons Rasselas (P. B. Marian and D. Mazilu, 1972: 61), Walter Scotts Marmion (P. B. Marian and D. Mazilu, 1972: 461), to mention just a few cases, for which the 1948 translation provided neither intratextual nor extratextual informational input. The following contrastive translation solutions are illustrating this situation: ST: [] she has sent her here to be healed, even as the Jews of old sent their diseased to the troubled pool of Bethesda; and, teachers, superintendent, I beg of you not to allow the waters to stagnate round her. (our italics, p. 75) TT1: Ea a trimis-o aici ca so vindece, dup cum Evreii i trimiteau bolnavii la lacul Bethseda. Dr directoare, d-nelor profesoare, v cer din nou, nu lsai roadele bune s putrezeasc n preajma ei. (our italics, P. B. Marian, 1948: 86) TT2: Binecredincioasa doamn a trimis-o aici ca s-o vindece, aa cum n vechime evreii i trimiteau bolnavii la lacul Bethesda. Doamnelor profesoare, domnioar directoare, v cer s nu lsai ca apele s rmn neclintite n preajma ei. (our italics, P. B. Marian and D. Mazilu, 1972: 83) In the 1948 translation, the biblical allusion was lost in the translators own interpretation of the parable, the name of the lake itself being erronously rendered in the target text i.e. Bethseda; in their 1972 translation, P. B. Marian and D. Mazilu chose to remain faithful to the source text, their translation closely following the original, but also helping the target readers fully understand the cultural hint through a footnote. As far as the British culture-specific addressing formulae are concerned, the two versions bear different translation solutions, as well. For the British (abbreviated) Mrs., Mr., Miss forms, P. B. Marian used Romanian equivalent abbreviated addressing formulae i.e. d-na, d-l (d-le, d-lui), dra (d-oar, d-r, d-relor), to mention just the most representative cases, closely following the source text thus making the target text sound more familiar to the Romanian target readers. The 1972 translators, for a change, suggested full addressing formulae, instead of abbreviated forms, as the author did in the source text i.e. doamna, domnul (domnule, domnului), domnioara (domnioar, domnioarelor). As regards the British title of nobility lady, the translators of the two Romanian versions transcribed the cultural term as such, in italics, whereas Gentleman was both translated as nobil (P. B. Marian, 1948: 22) and borrowed as such and transcribed in italics in the 1948 edition (P. B. Marian, 1948: 343), again, in order to provide an exoticizing touch. In the 1972

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edition the translators used a literal translation of the cultural term, suggesting the form gentilom (P. B. Marian and D. Mazilu, 1972: 14), and thus helping the Romanian readers feel more comfortable while reading the text. The translator(s) choices diverge, as well, in the case of British culture-specific dishes and measuring units. If, in the 1948 translation, porridge was naturalized as sup (P. B. Marian, 1948: 61) and yards, as metri (P. B. Marian, 1948: 70), the translators of the 1972 revised edition operated through a loan transfer, in the case of porridge, and through a partial transfer, with a slight orthographic modification, in the case of yards (yarzi, P. B. Marian and D. Mazilu, 1972: 66). The encyclopaedic footnote provided by the translators, in order to explain yards, stands as vivid proof of the concern the 1972 translators showed for the target readers. British culture-bound elements and intertextual allusions are approached differently also in the case of Henriette Yvonne Stahls translation from Emily Bronts Wuthering Heights the 1959 first edition and the 1978 revised edition. Just like in the case of Jane Eyre: roman, in La rscruce de vnturi, also, most of the British place names were left unexplained, in both editions, by the translator, who presupposed that the target readers shared the same knowledge with the author of the novel. An exception was made, nevertheless, in the case of Wuthering Heights: for the name of Heathcliffs mansion, that also inspired the title of the novel, Henriette Yvonne Stahl provided a footnote, where she suggested the translation of the name in question (Stahl 1959: 18; Stahl, 1978: 6). The editions of La rscruce de vnturi resemble very much P. B. Marians translations of Jane Eyre, as far as the manner of dealing with the intertextual allusions is concerned. Joseph is the character in the novel that frequently cites from the Bible. If, in the 1959 translated text, no gloss intratextual or extratextual is provided by the translator, in order to let the readers know about the biblical allusions, the 1978 revised edition displays explanatory footnotes at the bottom of the page, thus helping the Romanian readers fully understand Josephs references and Emily Bronts intention. The following examples illustrate the two types of translation approaches: ST : What the devil, indeed ! I muttered. The herd of posessed swine could have had no worse spirits in them than those animals of yours, sir. (our italics, p. 22) TT1: Ce dracu, ntr-adevr! mrii eu. Turma de porci n care-au intrat demonii n-a putut fi stpnit de duhuri mai rele dect jivinele dumneavoastr, domnule. (our italics, p. 22) TT2: Ce dracu, ntr-adevr! mrii eu. Turma de porci n care-au intrat demonii nu era stpnit de duhuri mai rele dect jivinele dumneavoastr, domnule. (our italics, p. 10) In the case of the source culture-specific addressing formulae, H. Y. Stahl opts, the way P. B. Marian and D. Mazilu did, in their translation, for Romanian equivalent forms like domnul (for Mr.), doamna (for Mrs.), domnioara (for Miss), and domnioar (for young lady). As for lady, in her 1959 translation, H. Y. Stahl chooses an adaptation, suggesting cucoan, instead, while in the 1978 revised edition, the same translator preserves the British cultural term as such, marking it in italics, thus clearly orienting the translation towards the source culture: ST: Why, Cathy, you are quite a beauty! I should scarcely have known you: you look like a lady now. (p. 57) TT1: Cathy, eti o frumusee! Ct p-aci s nu te recunosc, ari ca o cucoan ! (Stahl, 1959: 70) TT2: Cathy, eti o frumusee! Ct p-aci s nu te recunosc, ari ca o lady ! (the translators italics, Stahl, 1978: 57) The British culture-specific porridge term also came to be approached differently in the two editions of the translation from Wuthering Heights: when the term is mentioned in the source

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text, for the first time, the 1959 translator omits it, focusing on it later on in the novel, when he provides an explanatory footnote at the bottom of the page. In the 1978 translation, for a change, H.Y. Stahl rearranges the information in the target text, closely following the source text and providing the porridge cultural term and the corresponding footnote the very first time it occurs in the English text: ST: [] and after he had told Joseph what was to be done during the day, he turned to Hindley, and Cathy, and me for I sat eating my porridge with them [] (p. 44) TT1: [] i, dup ce-i spuse lui Joseph ce era de fcut n ziua aceea, se ntoarse ctre Hindley, Cathy i mine cci eu edeam la mas i mncam mpreun cu ei [] (Stahl, 1959: 53) TT1: Am s fac eu porridge-ul! (the translators italics, Stahl, 1959: 162, Chapter XIII) TT2: [] dup ce-i porunci lui Joseph ce era de fcut n ziua aceea, se ntoarse ctre Hindley, Cathy i mine cci eu edeam la mas i mncam mpreun cu ei porridge-ul [] (the translators italics, Stahl, 1978: 40, Chapter IV) The translation of British currency is also significant for the different treatment of cultural references within the same translation: if there are no already existing Romanian translations for the terms in question (e.g. lir for pound, Stahl 1959: 39, 1978: 26), such instances are either transferred in the target text, with slight domesticating orthographic modifications (e. g. iling, for shilling, Stahl, 1959: 73, 1978: 60) or the English term is borrowed as such from the source language and marked in italics (e. g. penny, Stahl, 1959: 39; Stahl, 1978: 26). If the first two cases are arguments in favour of the target-orientedness of the translation strategies, instances of italicmarked loan transfers are exotic elements, reminding the reader that it is another culture (the British culture) that is hinted at. Conclusions The contrastive analyses of the two translations from Jane Eyre and also of the Romanian versions of Wuthering Heights confirm the existence of regularities of behaviour in translating similar types of culture-bound elements. Thus, the use of extratextual glosses / footnotes in the 1970s texts shows that considerable attention was paid to responding to the target-audience's needs. In the 1950s translation, different strategies were turned to when dealing with cultural elements more intratextual glosses and adaptations of cultural terms and less footnotes were used. As regards the late 1940s translation, the complete lack of footnotes and the rather frequent inconsistencies, as far as translation strategies are concerned, can be explained through the rather unstable status of translations and of translators in the pre-communist years. Since footnotes are also markers of the translators visibility, the extensive use of extratextual glosses in the 1970s translations is a proof of the translatorss highly improved social status in the communist decades. The situation of the 1940s and 1950s translators, for a change, was very different, the total absence of footnotes in the former case being a proof of the translators tendency towards staying invisible in the pre-communist period. However, by translating literally and by preserving SC elements in all the translations, translators clearly orient the latter towards the source culture. The 1970s, the 1950s and even the 1940s Romanian translators acted loyally (cf. Nord 1997) rather than faithfully with regard to the source text in that they catered for their readers needs, without losing sight of the source text.
Bibliography Primary Sources Bront, Charlotte, Jane Eyre, Heron Books, London, 1978.

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Bront, Emily, Wuthering Heights, Penguin Books Richard Clay and Company, Ltd., Great Britain, Bungay, Suffolk, 1954. Bront, Charlotte, Jane Eyre: roman, Paul B. Marian and D. Mazilu (transls.), Editura Eminescu, Bucureti, 1972. Bront, Charlotte, Jane Eyre: roman, Paul B. Marian (transl.), Editura Lumina Romneasc, Bucureti, 1948. Bront, Emily, La rscruce de vnturi, Henriette Yvonne Stahl (transl.), Editura Univers, Bucureti, 1978. Bront, Emily, La rscruce de vnturi, Henriette Yvonne Stahl (transl.), Ana Crtianu (preface), Editura de Stat pentru Literatur i Art, Bucureti, 1959. Secondary Sources Alvarez, Roman and Africa Vidal, Carmen (eds.), Translation, Power, Subversion, Multilingual Matters, Clevedon, 1996. Chesterman, Andrew, Memes of Translation, John Benjamins Publishing House, Amsterdam / Philadelphia, 1997. Dimitriu, Rodica, "Translation Policies in Pre-Communist and Communist Romania" n Across Languages and Cultures, nr. 2, 2000, pp. 179-193. Dimitriu, Rodica, The Cultural Turn in Translation Studies, Institutul European, Iai, 2006. Dimitriu, Rodica, Aldous Huxley in Romania, Timpul, Iai, 1999. Hermans, Theo, Translation in Systems, St. Jerome Publishing, Manchester, 1999. Ionescu, Gelu, Orizontul traducerii, Editura Institutului Cultural Romn, Bucureti, 2004. Nord, Christiane, Translating as a Purposeful Activity. Functionalist Approaches Explained, St. Jerome Publishing, Manchester, 1997. Popescu, Horia-Florian, Cartea englez n Romnia dup 23 August 1944 n Secolul 20, nr. 10-11-12, 1978, pp. 214-218. Selejan, Ana, Trdarea intelectualilor. Reeducare i prigoan, Cartea Romneasc, Bucureti, 2006. Toury, Gideon, Descriptive Translation Studies and Beyond, John Benjamins, Amsterdam /Philadelphia, 1995.

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De la discursul ideologic socialist la discursul politic postdecembrist. Analize publicistice de Mircea Nedelciu
drd. Onorica Tofan Universitatea Dunrea de Jos din Galai Rezumat: Mircea Nedelciu has a coherent, articulated thinking system that is to be followed in theoretical texts, as well as in his prose and journalistic articles. He is a kind of writer aware of whatever he needs to write, of narrative themes and strategies. His writings prove him to be a very educated person in touch with reality. His articles in Suplimentul literar i artistic al tineretului liber, durring the first half of 1990, build a framework of the social-political aspects of life, and observe, more or less ironically,the political discourses of the newly emerged politicians. Key-words: social-political aspects, political discourse,ideological discourse, pesimistic utopic views.

Mircea Nedelciu are un sistem coerent de gndire bine articulat demonstrat de textele teoretice, proza scurt, romanele i, nu n ultimul rnd, de publicistica sa. El are contiina limpede a ceea ce dorete s scrie, a temelor i a procedeelor abordate. Textele lui sunt lucide, precise trdndu-i nc o dat formaia intelectual, formarea teoretic bine pus la punct, dar i de simul realitii dublat de o atitudine echidistant . Referindu-se la textele neliterareale lui Mircea Nedelciu, Ion Bogdan Lefter afirm c multe dintre ele completeaz proiectul prozastic al autorului uznd fie de instrumente analitice cu un aspect mai tiinific, psiho-sociologic, fie chiar de mijloace epice propriu-zise (portrete, replici, evocri, mici naraiuni). (...) Prelungea astfel, sub forma speciilor jurnalistic-eseistice, eseniala dimensiune autoreflexiv, metatextual a prozei sale1. n cele ce urmeaz, vom analiza cteva articole aprute n Suplimentul literar i artistic al tineretului liber, n prima parte a anului 1990, n care el realizeaz, pe lng o radiografiere a aspectelor socialpolitice, i o analiz, mai mult sau mai puin ironic, dar corect a discursurilor proaspeilor politicieni ai vremii. Primul numr al Suplimentului literar i artistic al Tineretului Liber, din 30 decembrie 1989, public dou articole, dintre care unul scris cu cteva luni nainte, purtnd tampila cenzurii, cellalt fiind scris n zilele Revoluiei. Redacia a preferat aezarea lor unul lng altul pentru a se observa atitudinea constant a lui Mircea Nedelciu. Cele dou articole se numesc Participnd i Profesionalismul. Primul se refer la aciunea specific scriitorului, fcut sau suferit sau i una i alta, nu tocmai spectaculoas, nici de invidiat, nici de dispreuit, dificil oricum, oferind, totui, satisfacii dintre cele rare, ducnd uneori i la surogate de plcere, dar asta numai n cazurile neparticipative, adic atunci cnd aciunea n sine, din pornire, este surogat2, definindu-l printr-un mod verbal (gerunziul) i nu prin coninutul unui verb. De fapt, el ncearc s detaeze scriitorul de tagma celor care folosesc n mod absolutist infinitivul verbelor a luda i a cnta, adic a istoricilor literari sau a pedagogilor care predau istoria literaturii naionale (n orice limb, cred!). Astfel, articolul devine o satir la adresa culturnicilor i a conductorului cruia i place s se lase ludat devenind suficient, automulumit, ceea ce atrage dup sine o inteligen diminuat, o stopare a aciunii mentale i fizice pentru savurarea plcerii de a fi ludat. n viziunea lui Mircea Nedelciu, cntul () acioneaz corosiv asupra coninuturilor, deoarece un mesaj serios pe muzic devine parodie, spre deosebire de Simfonia a III-a care nu laud pe nimeni i nimic, ea fiind muzic n sine. Dup o ntrebare retoric ce se vrea nevinovat i atunci cum ne ade nou, oameni mari i ne facem c nu nelegem - cum ar spune Caragiale s credem c n coninutul acestor dou vorbe, a cnta i a luda, st menirea scriitorului? acord, ironic, circumstane atenuante celor ce s-au lsat nelai de mesajul primului vers din Iliada lui Homer cnt, zei, mnia ce-aprinse pe-Ahil peleianul (n.n.) preciznd c cine le-a citit i pe celelalte a vzut c Homer nu laud pe nimeni. Afirmaia devine o critic dur la absena culturii n rndul celor care se vor scriitori i care se folosesc de anumite sintagme, scondu-le din context. Concluzia se constituie ntr-un sfat dat mai ales scriitorilor tineri s-i ntoarc faa de la aceste
1

Ion Bogdan Lefter, Proz scurt, text, experiment etc. Prefa cu i despre Mircea Nedelciu, Prefa la Aventuri ntr-o curte interioar, culegere integral ale prozelor scurte ale lui Mircea Nedelciu, Editura Paralela 45, Piteti, 1999. 2 Mircea Nedelciu, Participnd, n Suplimentul literar i artistic al Tineretului Liber, nr.1, 30.12.1989, p. 4

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vechi marote, participnd. Bineneles c nu lipsesc, spre final, cuvintele care s nele vigilena cenzorilor: lund parte la suferinele i victoriile poporului su (s.n.), scriitorul are o menire ceva mai constructiv dect acelea de a luda sau a cnta, dar acestea deturneaz mesajul coninut, n general, de limbajul de lemn, ceea ce a dus i la respingerea articolului. Al doilea articol din acelai numr, Profesionalismul, reia motivele a luda i a cnta, care au dus la deprofesionalizarea naiei. El recunoate c singurii profesioniti ai momentului din Romnia sunt teroritii care l aprau pe dictator, revoluionarii de profesie3. Rolul acestor indivizi care nu se pricepeau la nimic i erau utili dictatorului tocmai prin aceast idioenie a lor era de a anihila, de a deprofesionaliza oamenii pricepui i eficieni prin sute de metode perfide. Armata era trimis n agricultur sau pe antier, ranii, desrnii, muncitorii dui pe scena Festivalului Cntarea Romniei sau la cules porumb, intelectualii pui s cnte i s laude, judectorii s fure i s nele, iar hoii eliberai n zilele festiviste pentru a striga triasc pn le cretea puin prul i se reprofesionalizau rapid. O alt categorie a deprofesionalizailor i cuprinde pe aceia care fceau ciubucuri, ciupeli, furturi mrunte. Mircea Nedelciu constat cu luciditate c valorile () din absolut toate domeniile erau fie nimicite n fa (prin felul cum era organizat nvmntul), fie atrase n partid pentru a fi umilite i compromise, inute n mn adic, fie lsate n afara partidului pentru a nu putea promova, fie obligate, din exasperare, s emigreze. Concluzia la care ajunge este c refacerea din temelii a rii trebuie s nceap cu refacerea rapid a fiecrui om, profesionitii adevrai (), de la rani i muncitori pn la ultimul intelectual i ultimul om politic, trebuind s se autoanalizeze i s stabileasc obiectiv, ce tie s fac i ce nu. El consider c cine face altfel se face vinovat de trdare fa de martirii Timioarei, Bucuretiului i ai ntregii ri. Mircea Nedelciu este doar mpotriva revoluionarilor de profesie prin acetia nelegndu-se cei care nfptuiau neabtut revoluia Romniei socialiste (n.n.) privindu-i cu ngduin pe deprofesionalizaii sistemului, dar tonul su devine acuzator n eventualitatea continurii acestei stri de fapt. n numrul din 20 ianuarie, 1990, dup ce se dduse publicitii celebra stenogram din 17 decembrie 1989, Mircea Nedelciu nu se poate abine s nu o ntoarc pe toate prile i s nu-i dea diferite semnificaii, trecnd prin semiotic, politic i literatur, ajungnd la concluzia c pn i limbajul de lemn este subversiv, ascunznd adevruri i ameninri. Lecturnd n capcana limbii de lemn observaii asupra stenogramei din 17 dec. 1989 avem impresia c citim nceputul articolului su teoretic Dialogul n proza scurt transcriere i construcie. El supune textul stenogramei deconstruciei i construciei cu armele teoreticianului contient de limitele impuse de text, dar i de libertatea de interpretare, explicnd coerent de ce unele fraze sunt trunchiate: Este plauzibil c stenografele aveau un consemn permanent s nu transcrie i njurturile, expresiile jignitoare, epitetele. Din acest motiv filtrul iniial al transcrierii ne oblig la pruden n interpretrile de stil. Unele fraze sunt trunchiate tocmai pentru c stenografa sttea cu creionul n aer pn se termina cascada de injurii. Cnd relua transcriere, ori ea ori vorbitorul uitaser de unde au plecat. Eliptismul unor fraze ns, ca i confuzia asupra tranzitivitii vorbelor sunt chiar marca fabricii de vorbe care a falimentat la 21 decembrie4. Se analizeaz cinci situaii, fiecare avnd cte o concluzie, fie lapidar, fie generos asezonat cu exemple din literatur. Expresia dictatorului aa-zisul pastor reformat este ntoars pe toate prile: Este evident c nu-i servete la nimic s pun la ndoial adjectivul clarificator reformat sau calitatea de pastor. Aa-zisul este doar expresia furiei agresive i lipsite de argument. Autorul articolului crede c expresia demonstraii cu uniti de tancuri este cea care i-a fost fatal lui Ceauescu, acesta vrnd s spun prezena demonstrativ a tancurilor. ntre ceea ce efectiv se comandase, iar armata se supune, adic s fac o plimbare, i ceea ce ar fi vrut ca generalii s fac, deci s duc unitile n centru, exist un hiat de comunicare ce las loc interpretrilor. Situaia se repet i n cazul discuiei despre muniii. Dei ceruse o simpl demonstraie, ar fi vrut ca militarii s fie narmai, asta nsemn c el avea de la bun nceput intenia represaliilor. ntr-o ampl parantez, Mircea Nedelciu presupune c ordinele au fost date neclar din viclenie, pentru ca Ceauescu s fac din cei trei api ispitori, cum c ar fi tras fr ordin, dar cum cei trei neleg capcana, nu ordon niciunul dintre ei focul.
3 4

Mircea Nedelciu, Profesionalismul, n Suplimentul literar i artistic al Tineretului Liber, nr. 1, 30.12.1989, p. 4. Mircea Nedelciu, n capcana limbii de lemn, n Suplimentul literar i artistic al Tineretului Liber, nr. 3, ianuarie 1990, p.

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nelegnd c scenariul tardiv cu tierea capului lui Mooc a fost oricum ncercat n 22 dec. (Idem), autorul ajunge la concluzia hilar c la ntoarcerea din Iran, singurul Mooc pe care l-a gsit n cursa ntins i pe care ar fi trebuit s-l sacrifice pentru c luase ordinele n spirit i nu n liter era ea. Urmtoarea situaie e tradus prin grila lui Caragiale: Are deplin dreptate Castro, n cele spuse n activul de partid, pentru c nu se poate una ca asta (s.n.). Dup cum se vede, nonsensul e la el acas. Ceauescu devine Tiptescu, iar Postelnicu, Pristanda dup afacerea cu steagurile, numai c paranteza auctorial sau indicaiile scenice o raporteaz la o alt realitate: Am discutat cu voi toat noaptea de cteva ori. Ne ntrebm i noi ca i Nedelciu, care subliniaz doar cuvntul cteva, lsndu-i cititorului libertatea de a participa sau nu la construirea sensului: sau toat noaptea sau de cteva ori? Postelnicu: (umflnd cifra ca n agricultur) Aa este, de cel puin 15 ori!. Ultima situaie considerat de autor monumental se raporteaz la ntrebarea pus lui Milea, general i ministru al aprrii, dac a fcut armata, ceea ce lui Nedelciu nu i se pare de colea. Revenindu-i repede din uimire, el d i explicaiile necesare, emind dou ipoteze: prima ar fi c scopul acestei inepii este o clarificare de limbaj, sugernd nesigurana, iar a doua se refer la un paradox al societii socialiste: revoluionarii de profesie nu erau obligai s fac armata, dac voiau s ajung generali sau comandani supremi, sugernd c altele dect competena n domeniu erau criteriile de promovare. Concluzia la care se ajunge este c Limba lor nu era limba romn. Ca i armata, limba romn a fost i este cu noi. Mai bine zis, pe niciuna dintre ele dictatorii n-au reuit vreodat s le stpneasc. Iat cum o simpl stenogram devine un text coerent, realist, acid, depind cu mult ironia, fiindc nici personajele analizate prin limbajul lor nu provoac rsul, ci indignarea, frustrarea c ai fost ncorsetat de chingile acestui sistem condus de reformai din punct de vedere cultural, analfabei, inculi. Cu articolul Ironie i textualism la C.P.U.N. Mircea Nedelciu inaugureaz textele despre oamenii politici ai vremii, insistnd, cu ironie, evident, pe neprofesionalismul multora dintre ei. Tocmai pentru c nu e parlament, dar numai de asta, e att de original i pitoreasc adunarea din Dealul Mitropoliei. Serialul edinei din 23 februarie a mutat pentru televiziune orele de vrf ale vizionrii mult dup miezul nopii, mai ales pentru c lumea vrea spectacol i l are5. Ipoteza odat lansat, urmeaz binevoitoarele argumente, reprondu-le protagonitilor a se observa c nu sunt numii politicieni c se grbesc s treac la alte arte, scuzndu-se c nu au profesionalism politic, dar i n acest caz (al abordrii altor arte) lipsa de profesionalism se rzbun cumplit pentru c n lipsa mijloacelor i a unei poziii specifice care trebuie sesizat la timp, ironia nu trebuie utilizat. Nimic nu e mai trist i mai jenant dect o ironie nereuit. n stilu-i caracteristic, Mircea Nedelciu ofer i antidotul: autoironia, dar atunci cnd se evit folosirea ei, rezultatul este blocarea tuturor ieirilor ce atrage dup sine sinuciderea. Afirmaia se cere exemplificat, ns domnul luat n vizor nu e numai ironizat, ci lovit cu biciul satirei: Cine l-a vzut pe dl. Nica Leon (sau Lica Neon, nu rein exact, i nici partidul pe care-l reprezenta nu-l rein) ncercnd s-l ironizeze pe preedintele C.P.U.N. de la judeul Arad numai pentru faptul c e actor i netiind apoi nici mcar s-i prezinte scuzele cu elegan, nelege ce vreau s spun. n polemica pe care ai vrea s-o duci cu procedee artistice, cnd declanezi atacul la persoan eti pierdut. Sfatul lui Nedelciu pentru cei care vor s fie ironici este s vin la cenaclu, nu la oricare ns, fcnd aluzie c Cenaclul Flacra nu se numr printre ele. Dnd vina pe Dumnezeu c a fcut risip de scriitori i avocai prin partide, el gsete motivul din care o bun parte a edinei () a cptat aspectul de cenaclu textualist i i d dreptate lui Iova, introducnd ideea n alt context c puterea este textual. Vina pentru vidul de putere greu de umplut de care se plnge toat lumea aparine celor ce ar dori s exercite puterea n numele poporului, care nu se pricep n ale textului. De aceea petrec 10 ore pentru redactarea unui text de-o fil, ceea ce li se pare pierdere de timp. i pentru ca satirizarea aa-ziilor parlamentari, mai ales a celor care ncearc s ironizeze i s ignore scriitorii, actorii, avocaii, s mearg pn la capt, atrgnd atenia c pot avea aceeai soart, este adus exemplul lui Ceauescu, gsindu-le puncte comune cu el, nvins pentru c s-a lsat pe mna neprofesionitilor: la gsise o cale mai simpl (pe msura puterilor lui intelectuale). El doar semna (i nici asta nu era prea uor) nite legi redactate de juriti (adic de miliieni i securiti
5

Mircea Nedelciu, Ironie i textualism la C.P.U.N., n Suplimentul literar i artistic al Tineretului Liber, nr. 9, martie 1990, p. 5.

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care studiaser dreptul la fr frecven), iar pe cei ce tiau cum se lupt cu un text nrva i inea la dos (sau la ua lui Dulea). Asta l-a pierdut printre altele. Acum Nedelciu privete trecutul cu detaare ironic armele sale fiind parantezele i scrierea cu liter mic a unor nume i instituii care se voiau importante pe atunci, ns i-au dovedit cu prisosin incapacitile intelectuale i ineficiena dar se teme ca viitorul s nu stea sub auspiciile aceleiai grave greeli, adic marginalizarea profesionitilor. Textul se ncheie cu lansarea invitaiei de a participa la edinele cenaclului Junimea care i reia activitatea. Precizarea nimnui nu i-a fost inutil trecerea pe acolo i cheam pe toi la profesionalizare, mesajul subsidiar fiind ca s mai pun mna pe carte sau s se lase ajutai (consiliai) de cei care tiu cu adevrat ce s fac. Articolul Dragoste cu sila devine o adevrat Istorie ieroglific postmodern punnd problema raportului eros putere ntre electorat i partidele politice. Interesant este chiar i modul de a concepe incipitul: Probabil c v amintii c sila romneasc provine din cuvntul slav sila care nseamn PUTERE6. Sunt sigur c puini tiu aceast etimologie, la urma urmei, ocant i te atepi ca simplu cititor s descoperi ce ocuri a produs aceast descoperire asupra psihicului autorului, mai ales c abia ai ajuns la primul cuvnt al frazei urmtoare, dar ocat va fi tot cititorul pentru c ideea o ia n alt direcie: ocat eu nsumi de avalana imaginilor erotice din presa vremii ce-o triesc, aproape c am uitat s mai citesc n pres i despre putere. Excesul de eros te-mpinge spre putere, excesul de putere te las s mai speri doar n oaza eros. Contient, ca de altfel toat lumea, c dragoste cu sila nu se poate, el i ia peste picior pe cei care sunt att de naivi sau se cred att de detepi nct s ncerce combinaia gndindu-se c ar transforma astfel hrtia de ziar n aur pur. Pn cnd se vor convinge c tinichea coclit le-a ieit din toat truda, ne vom ntlni destul de des cu struocmila vopsit i prezentat drept zebr. Detandu-se de tagma mai sus enunat printr-un noi auctorial, al politeii sau al solidaritii, propune s fim cumini i s ne adresm cmilei separat i struului n alt zi, ca s nelegem de ce ambele sunt la mod i niciuna nu se ridic la peste cinci la sut din sufragii. Asta nseamn c nelegerea paradoxului presupune o adresare in absenia la persoana a treia, dar formula abordat aduce aminte de Dicionarul onomastic al lui Mircea Horia Simionescu: 1. Cmila. Are cincizeci la sut anse s fie politica i tot attea s fie erotica. Exist cte o anecdot pentru fiecare situaie. Ambele au ca decor deertul. n fiecare dintre ele, omul, fie c a voit putere, fie c a voit puin dragoste, a ieit pclit. Morala. Dragoste ce de-a sila nu se poate, cu att mai puin cu cmila. Ultima fraz strnete rsul, dac e luat n sens denotativ, dar conotaia e c n politic nu prea exist aliane, iar cea cu o cmil e chiar imposibil. 2.Struul. Imagine emblematic pentru bietul individ care s-ar feri de politic. Poziie erotic n care consimmntul partenerului pasiv nu este nici mcar presupus. Necunotina de cauz este trstura comun att politicii ct i eroticii struului. Manipulare. S obii puterea i s fii i convins c cel asupra cruia i-o exercii te iubete este la fel de imposibil ca dragostea cu de-a sila. Pe scurt, nici dragoste cu sila, nici putere (sil) cu dragoste. Pentru demonstraie Mircea Nedelciu se folosete de jocul semantic al cuvntului sil, folosindu-l att cu sensul actual, ct i cu sensul din limba de origine. n concluzie, cine se crede apolitic este abil manipulat de politic, fr s tie mcar c cineva se folosete de el. Demonstraia nu se oprete aici pentru c dou ci nchise o presupun pe cea de-a treia, iar autorul se ntreab cu naivitate aparent: Poate fi imaginat aceast a treia cale drept o combinaie (ieroglific) a primelor dou? Firete c nu, dar comerul chiar din acest motiv a fost inventat. Acolo unde nu exist nimic, nimic (n deert cum ar fi), iei o fata morgana cu aspect de struocmil i o vinzi cuttorilor de putere drept cmil, iar cuttorilor de dragoste drept stru. Strngi galbeni i nc ar fi bine de-ai putea cumpra ceva cu ei, mcar ap chioar (valoare de ntrebuinare maxim n deert). Dar nu cumperi nimic. N-ai dect s mergi nainte, fr busol, spernd doar n sprijinul boltei nstelate de deasupra i eventual ntr-o lege moral din tine. Tot ce i se mai cere e dramul de noroc. Marginea deertului s-i ias n cale n timp util. n aceast parabolmetafor e sugerat admirabil cameleonismul n politic, dar i inutilitatea lui cnd elurile sunt altele dect cele care trebuie sau cnd moneda de schimb nu e cea folositoare. Mircea Nedelciu are pregtit i replica pentru colegii care, presupune el, i vor vorbi de Sacher-Masoch i de Sade cu acelai aer blazat cu care (m)i-au njurat pn mai ieri cenzura. Ei, i? Exist teroare mai ngrozitoare dect aceea a prii supuse care ine cu tot dinadinsul s te asigure de dragostea ei? Exist situaie mai penibil dect s i se spun dac m iubeti,
6

Mircea Nedelciu, Dragoste cu sila, n Suplimentul literar i artistic al Tineretului Liber, nr. 21, mai 1990, p. 5.

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biciuiete-m! i s fii violentat pentru asta? Asta cnd vorbim de dragoste, unde dac umor nu e, nimic nu e. Echivalentul n sil (putere) a lipsei de umor n amor este ossana ridicat de snob intelectualului care nu-i poate reprima gustul pentru putere: nvtorule, tu ne ari ct suntem de proti, ct i este de sil de prostia noastr, ct de mult i repugn puterea i ct de ndreptit eti chiar prin toate astea s i-o adjudeci, nct noi suntem gata s i-o oferim. Parantez care se rostete doar n gnd: abia dup aceea se va vedea ce mulime de ini mai proti ca noi exist i ct va fi de necesar ca noi s exersm asupra lor puterea n numele Tu. i abia cu aceast majuscul T am spus totul (cu t mic). Replica are acoperire intertextual literar (Asta cnd vorbim de dragoste, unde dac umor nu e, nimic nu e), religioas (nvtorule, Tu) sociologic i lingvistic, avertiznd c politicienii au o concepie greit despre putere, nefiind departe de cea dictatorial, pe care, e drept, au avut-o ca model. Concluzia c se ncearc o reiterare sub form democratic a fostului regim, c oamenii nu sunt nc obinuii s triasc fr el, e sugerat de metafora pieii de zebr mbrcate de struocmil, devenit gratii de pus ntre cei muli i cei puini () fiecare ncercnd s dea iluzia c el e afar i ceilali nuntru. Exist totui posibilitatea ca gratiile imaginare s devin palpabile. Nedelciu abandoneaz repede aceast idee, deturnndu-i sensul: i gratii nu sunt, dar ne jucm cu ele pentru a avea motiv s ne fie dor de cei de dincolo de ele. Tocmai aceast not ludic din finalul articolului l salveaz de la vehemen. Avnd intenia de a parodia nonsensul unei fraze rostite de un venerabil politician care spune c Cea mai valoroas dintre toate dictaturile este dictatura libertii spre care vrem s ne ndreptm7 (s.n.) Brnzovenescu ar fi mndru de urmaul lui Mircea Nedelciu afirm la nceputul articolului Policraia c hazardul nsui este textualist, apoi i cere iertare pentru pornirile ludice i demonstreaz c numele decanului de vrst al Camerei Deputailor, Ren-Radu Policrat, att de rar de altfel, pare () compus cu etimoane greceti precum vechile sau mai noile nume comune: aristocrat, democrat, tehnocrat, introducndu-l i n marea familie a cuvintelor cu prefixul de origine greac poli: policalificat, politehnic, polimeri i politichie (dei ultimul are acelai prefix, dar cu alt origine semantic). De fapt, autorul articolului nu s-ar fi legat de numele bietului om, dac sintagma lansat de politician nu i-ar fi adus aminte de dictatura proletar transformat n dictatur, n numele proletariatului, ce-i drept, considernd c noul oximoron de tribun descinde din zodia lui Caragiale. Pe un ton jucu ce genereaz sarcasmul ncearc s le fac pe plac inventatorilor de perle i s le dea dreptate, dar rezultatul este dezastruos, cci orice ar face, nonsensul tot nonsens rmne: Da, dictatura libertii, mi vei spune, este libertatea nsi. Am zis! Aluzia la Caragiale este evident. De ea se va folosi i n continuare: n numele ei, hai s mai instaurm o dictatur. i astfel ncepe un nou ev al oximoronului (att de iubit pe plaiurile curat-murdare pe care muncesc i/sau triesc atia dalmaieni8), epoca oximoronului absolut n care dictatura i libertatea pot sta alturi n fraz, fr jen, cum ar sta la Piaa Universitii vechi activiti comuniti lng foti deinui politici anchetai pe vremuri de primii. Ei bine, aceast nou form oximoronic a dublei gndiri, care pe cei fripi cu ciorba i amenin surd cu disperatul iaurt din noaptea de dup prima zi de plaj, am putea, aplicnd-o la stat ca instrument original al omului de a se conduce pe sine, s-o numim Policraia (s.a.). Dubla gndire e specific dictaturii, deci democraia e pe cale s se transforme tot n dictatur, disperatul iaurt din noaptea de dup prima zi de plaj (Idem) fcnd aluzie la unele msuri aberante luate dup 22 decembrie chiar de fostele instrumente ale sistemului apus, msuri care tind a se reitera prin ali reprezentani nu cu mult diferii ca gndire i concepii de primii. Concluzia c romnii n-au prea nvat din propria istorie, ci doar au dat nume noi acelorai concepte, trind ntr-un balcanism continuu e admirabil sintetizat n ultima fraz: Polimorfismul balcanismului la nord de Dunre continu s fie una dintre cele cteva minuni ale Europei de la Atlantic la Urali. Articolul Un scriitor salvat: Llosa reia problema oximoronului n limbajul politicienilor, mutnd subtil unghiul ctre condiia scriitorului salvat prin eecul n politic. Conceptul de minoritate zdrobitoare lansat de o deputat M.E.R. din Iai, care se refer la numrul mic al femeilor n parlamentul Romniei, devine punctul de plecare al demonstraiei c, dei n estul Europei, intelectualii, mai ales disidenii, au avut un rol incontestabil n spectaculoasele rsturnri

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Mircea Nedelciu, Policraia, n Suplimentul literar i artistic al Tineretului Liber, nr. 24, iunie 1990, p. 5 Motivul dalmaianului se refer la oamenii ptai, la cei care se fac vinovai de greeli n timpul dictaturii i nu numai.

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politice din Estul pn mai ieri slbatic9, n Romnia lucrurile au luat un caracter de excepie. Lund regula ad litteram, elita intelectualitii romneti a intrat n politic, dar a mizat totul pe ansa ei de minoritate i ansa nu i-a surs pentru c s-a opus mai nti o regul mult mai veche, aceea a marelui scriitor care s fie un bun politician. Motivul nu este singurul. De valoarea i faima scriitorilor au profitat intelectualii de calitate ndoielnic, mai pe leau semidocii care voiau cu orice chip s se considere intelectuali () spernd c doar prin acest gest se vor legitima pe sine ca intelectuali, ceea ce a dus ctre un eec usturtor. Urmrile sunt diferite: dei credibilitatea politic a celor civa intelectuali de elit a sczut catastrofal, ei se bucur de acelai prestigiu cultural, scriitori ca Liiceanu i Ana Blandiana fiind citii i iubii n continuare pentru c sunt valoroi, iar un popor nu se desparte de valorile sale, pe cnd pseudointelectualii au o imagine public tot mai ifonat, cu toate c ncearc s trag false semnale de alarm despre falia care s-ar fi creat ntre intelectuali i mase. Cum astfel de oameni (pseudointelectualii) nu neleg ironia subire, autorul articolului apeleaz la comentariul cinic pentru a-i face s neleag c nimeni nu devine intelectual prin adoptarea unor slogane i prin denigrarea maselor, ci prin completarea instruciei: Putei vorbi orict despre nchipuita dumneavoastr falie ntre intelectualitate i popor, eu nu m voi simi niciodat de aceeai parte a faliei cu dumneavoastr. Privii mai bine n voi niv i mprejurul vostru. Oricum pe malul pe care ai rmas s v instalai cortul nu avei niciun Havel. ntrebarea retoric din titlu reluat n finalul articolului Pn cnd vei mai ambala mizeria voastr moral n cutele steagului sfnt al Ardealului? este adresat lui Eugen Barbu proaspt exclus din Uniunea Scriitorilor din motive asupra crora vom reveni , lui Adrian Punescu ce i-a dat demisia din aceeai Uniune a Scriitorilor n semn de protest fa de gestul colegilor i tuturor susintorilor primului care au ales ca form de protest publicarea n Romnia mare a unor articole prin care ei se declar patrioi, iar pe cei care sunt mpotriva lor i supun oprobiului public, catalogndu-i drept lipsii de patriotism. Aceast strategie este considerat de Mircea Nedelciu o trierie groas i jignitoare pentru inteligena cititorilor si10. Acuzaiile care au stat la baza excluderii lui Eugen Barbu sunt amintite de dou ori n articol, dar sub forme diferite: o dat sub forma tarelor omului care a dus la prejudicierea sindicatului de breasl (Idem) i a doua oar ca motivaii parodice ale patriotismului declarat de autorul Principelui, al crui plagiat a fost dovedit nc din 1979. O dm ca exemplu pe ultima, aceasta fiind mai plastic i mai adecvat falsitii morale afiate: Deci domnul Eugen Barbu din patriotism a plagiat, din patriotism a denunat securitii o ntreag generaie literar (nemaivorbind de cele anterioare n care, totui, opera selecii), din patriotism l-a njurat pe Marin Preda la civa ani dup moarte, ntro revist a elevilor din Focani (cu att mai odioas fapta cu ct se fcea ntr-o revist a liceenilor!), din patriotism aduce injurii scabroase scriitorilor, iar cei care hotrsc doar s nu mai fac parte din aceeai Uniune a Scriitorilor cu el sunt, pur i simplu, vndui strinilor. ntrebrile retorice organizate n climax se constituie n rspunsuri care vizeaz intenia manipulatorie a lui Eugen Barbu i Adrian Punescu. Crezndu-i proti pe toi cititorii gazetei autointitulate Romnia mare, Adrian Punescu vorbete pe trei coloane despre Ardeal, vrnd s dea impresia c cei de la Bucureti au exclus Ardealul din Uniunea Scriitorilor. Astfel se ajunge la concluzia enunat nc de la nceputul articolului: Ar trebui impus () un embargou asupra discursurilor pe tema Ardealului. Nicio lichea dovedit, niciun infractor, niciun fost delator s nu aib dreptul s intervin n aceste discuii i s nu fie ascultat, nici de-ai lui, nici de ceilali. Orict de european ar fi astzi Ungaria, nimeni nu m va putea convinge vreodat c nu are i ea lichelele ei, eugenbarbii ei, adrianpunetii ei. Ct vreme vom lsa aceast tem pe seama unor astfel de interlocutori, romni sau maghiari, linitea din jurul ei va fi amenintoare i rbufnirile tot mai dese. Aceste idei surprind prin limpezime, obiectivitate, dar, din nefericire nu s-a inut cont de ele, ceea ce generat evenimentele din 1991. Oportunismul duplicitar dictat de necesitatea conjunctural, risipa de energie i suficiena celor doi, Eugen Barbu i Adrian Punescu, sunt aspru criticate pe un ton ce adopt vehemena, o vehemen justificat de discordana caricatural ntre ceea ce vor s par i ce sunt, de fapt,
Mircea Nedelciu, Un scriitor salvat: Llosa, n Suplimentul literar i artistic al Tineretului Liber, nr. 25, iunie 1990, p. 5 Mircea Nedelciu, Pn cnd vei ambala mizeria voastr moral n cutele steagului sfnt al Ardealului?, n Suplimentul literar i artistic al Tineretului liber, nr. 41, octombrie 1990, p. 5
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proaspt autoproclamaii patrioi: Domnilor, sau ce vei fi, pn cnd vei mai ambala mizeria voastr moral n cutele steagului sfnt al Ardealului?. Articolul Tot mai cred i e tot mai absurd e repartizat n cinci minicapitole n care pune problema publicrii autorilor romni, a editurilor particulare sau nu care evit s-i plteasc obligaiile ctre stat i problema tergiversrii adoptrii legii presei: 1. Scuze; 2. Cartea ca absen postrevoluionar; 3. De la cine ateptm protecie? 4. Legea presei; 5. Scuze. n primul minicapitol autorul Cronicii Receptrii simte nevoia s-i prezinte scuze pentru c a fost bolnav cu o sptmn n urm i a lipsit din chenarul ziarului, fiind totui convins c Suplimentul nu are nite cititori att de ateni sau de fideli nct s fi observat aceast lips11. Al doilea minicapitol ncepe cu o interogaie retoric: i apoi, ce ar fi de receptat, la ce s aplicm noi estetica receptrii? Rspunsul e ocant: La fenomenul lecturii literare n niciun caz, iar explicaia nu ntrzie s apar: pe de o parte, crile publicate sunt de zece ori mai puine dect n orice an al fostului regim, din cauz c manuscrisele pregtite pentru publicat zac n zerii, n timp ce tipografii tipresc pe hrtia statului i cu mainile statului volumaele comersanilor de senzaional ieftin pe care eufemistica noastr limb i numete gazetari privai. Forma caragialian a substantivului comerciant reduce tagma la efectul buturilor spirtoase din clondirul cunoscutei Leanca Vduva. Pe de alt parte, editorii particulari fac o concuren neloial creaiei literare contemporane prin piratarea unui text strin al crui copy-right nu-l l pzete nimeni (furt?) tradus fr a trece prin instituia Fond Literar i vndut la un pre de vreo ase ori mai mare, fr a achita nici mcar timbrul literar. Neputina de a schimba aceast stare de lucruri este exprimat printr-o parafrazare a lui Creang i pas de mai intr tu, editor de stat i cu bune intenii pentru supravieuirea culturii romne la concuren cu el. i rde n nas i te spulber pentru c are de partea lui banii. Banii i mulimea de cititori-pltitori. Temei-v de crile scumpe! Avertismentul final pare inutil. Pe ct e de simplu rspunsul la ntrebarea-titlu a celui de-al treilea minicapitol, pe att pare de greu aplicabil n practic. Ministerul Culturii ar trebui s cear ajutorul Fiscului i poliiei pentru urmrirea respectrii legii timbrului literar, a drepturilor Fondului Literar i a folosirii mcar la paritate a hrtiei i a spaiului tipografic de ctre editorii de stat i cei particulari. (Totui msura mi se pare un pic irealist). Dac publicul o cere, este de acord i cu tiprirea crilor de consum cu copy-right ieftin, dar acest drept s revin editurilor care fac posibil i apariia a una-dou cri de literatur romn contemporan. n caz contrar, ara merge spre troglodizare. Tema celui de-al patrulea minicapitol este legea presei care e tot amnat de parlament, iar asta n favoarea comersanilor de senzaional i a politicienilor fr scrupule. Acetia din urm consider orice tentativ de instaurare a unui cadru legal n pres drept o nou cenzur, drept un atentat la libertatea de expresie. Nu le vine prea uor s plteasc daune pentru calomnie sau pentru neverificarea informaiilor publicate, deci se folosesc de toate mijloacele pentru a mpiedica votarea acestei legi. Al cincilea minicapitol intitulat ca i primul are o singur propoziie pe ct de ocant, pe att de conform realitii: 5. Scuze. S mai prezinte i ei! Ar cam fi cazul. Titlul articolului Statul-spectacol are la baz cartea cu acelai nume a lui R.G. Schwartzenberg, LEtat spectacle ce poart un subtitlu i mai oc, Eseu asupra i contra star-system-ului n politic12, aprut n 1977. Amintind i titlurile celorlalte cri care o preced pe aceasta Campania prezidenial din 1965, Rzboiul de succesiune. Alegerile prezideniale din 1969, Sociologia politic, aprut n 1974 , Mircea Nedelciu concluzioneaz c autorul francez este preocupat de o anume pies din enormul spectacol al unui stat de drept: alegerile pentru preedinie (Idem). ntrebrile ce o fi creznd R.G. Schwartzenberg despre spectacolul revoluiei televizate din Romnia sau cum l-ar fi vzut Mircea Nedelciu nsui dac i-ar fi citit crile, genereaz o adevrat odiseea procurrii ultimului volum de la primii francezi cu care el a stat de vorb fr s se ascund. Cum muli ridic din umeri, e plcut surprins cnd primete o copie xerox a operei. Cartea cuprinde trei pri: Personajele, Spectacolul, Publicul. Mircea Nedelciu raporteaz Personajele la actorii revoluiei romne: Eroii (21 dec.); Ca toat lumea (22
11 12

Mircea Nedelciu, Tot mai cred i e tot mai absurd, n Suplimentul literar i artistic al Tineretului liber, nr. 30, iulie 1990, p. 5 Mircea Nedelciu, Statul-spectacol, n Suplimentul literar i artistic al Tineretului liber, nr. 40, octombrie 1990, p. 5

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dec. dimineaa), Leader de charme (22 dec. dup-amiaza), Tatl nostru (22 dec. seara), La femme politique (cteva poziii de pe lista membrilor C.F.S.N.), Vie prive dun homme public (numeroase rubrici ale gazetelor libere din primul trimestru al lui 90). Spectacolul cuprinde cteva idei de regie: Arta politic, Cinematograful puterii, Mass-media politic, Omul la vedere, Industria spectacolului politic. Partea a treia se constituie ntr-o psihologie (psihanaliz) aplicat a componentei de obicei neglijate (sau manipulate) ntr-un spectacol, Publicul, care trebuie s neleag necesitatea demistificrii statului ca putere n favoarea vedetei pur i simplu, a renvrii lipsei de respect (refuzul obstinat al oricrei reverene, complezene sau deferene fa de putere, chiar dac se recunoate c nicio societate organizat nu rezist n absena unei autoriti recunoscute), a difuzrii (DIFUZAREA) informaiei dup principiul c libertatea nu se nva, dar educaia te poate pregti pentru ea (i aa revenim de la funcia de informare a presei la hulita funcie de educare de care fceau mare caz comunitii), a difuzrii (din nou DIFUZAREA) puterii, de fapt, banalizarea ei. Parantezele explicative ncearc epuizarea conceptului astfel nct s nu mai existe niciun dubiu, iar majusculele, (DIFUZAREA), subliniaz importana noiunii, n ambele sensuri, de rspndire a informaiei i de dispersare a puterii, venind n sprijinul ideii lansate de Mircea Nedelciu n unele articole anterioare c absena sau organizarea defectuoas a difuzrii, mai ales a difuzrii presei, conduce ctre un colaps informaional generat de IGNORAN i genernd IGNORANA, unul dintre inamicii publici de actualitate. Concluzia e c aceste ci de manipulare a publicului n perioada de trecere de la spectacolul de cmin cultural cu culisele bine pzite de efii de post locali la super-show-ul televizat cu culise transparente (Idem), nu sunt altceva dect metode mai vechi sau mai noi de Tratament fabulatoriu. Ideea de a le da acestor soluii valoare de utopii e destul de pesimist, ns trebuie s mizm pe realismul lui Mircea Nedelciu care e contient c publicul i actorii romni mai au mult de nvat pn s i schimbe tipologia rolurilor n spectacolul politic i social.
Bibliografie: Ion Bogdan Lefter, Proz scurt, text, experiment etc. Prefa cu i despre Mircea Nedelciu, Prefa la Aventuri ntr-o curte interioar, culegere integral ale prozelor scurte ale lui Mircea Nedelciu, Editura Paralela 45, Piteti, 1999 Mircea Nedelciu, Participnd, n Suplimentul literar i artistic al Tineretului Liber, nr.1, 30.12.1989 Mircea Nedelciu, Profesionalismul, n Suplimentul literar i artistic al Tineretului Liber, nr.1, 30.12.1989 Mircea Nedelciu, n capcana limbii de lemn, n Suplimentul literar i artistic al Tineretului Liber, nr. 3, ianuarie 1990 Mircea Nedelciu, Ironie i textualism la C.P.U.N., n Suplimentul literar i artistic al Tineretului Liber, nr. 9, martie1990 Mircea Nedelciu, Dragoste cu sila, n Suplimentul literar i artistic al Tineretului Liber, nr. 21, mai 1990 Mircea Nedelciu, Policraia, n Suplimentul literar i artistic al Tineretului Liber, nr. 24, iunie 1990 Mircea Nedelciu, Un scriitor salvat: Llosa, n Suplimentul literar i artistic al Tineretului Liber, nr. 25, iunie 1990 Mircea Nedelciu, Pn cnd vei ambala mizeria voastr moral n cutele steagului sfnt al Ardealului?, n Suplimentul literar i artistic al Tineretului liber, nr. 41, octombrie 1990 Mircea Nedelciu, Tot mai cred i e tot mai absurd, n Suplimentul literar i artistic al Tineretului liber, nr. 30, iulie 1990. Mircea Nedelciu, Statul-spectacol, n Suplimentul literar i artistic al Tineretului liber, nr. 40, octombrie 1990.

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The Postmodernist Writers in the Postwar Literary Canon

Prof. Rodica Mihaela Zanet Grup colar Traian, Galai Rezumat: Lucrarea de fa i propune s urmreasc, pe de o parte oportunitatea unei discuii despre canon, pe teritoriul romnesc, iar, pe de alt parte, modul n care scriitorii postmoderniti sunt acceptai n cadrul recentelor discuii despre canonul postbelic romnesc. Discuia romneasc despre canon a nceput de la articolul lui Sorin Alexandrescu Pentru un mai grabnic sfrit al canonului estetici s-a nteit cu traducerea crii lui Harold Bloom, Canonul occidental, cele dou eseuri ale lui Mircea Martin i un articol al lui Virgil Nemoianu. Dezbaterea, haotic, aruncnd pe pia o colectie uria de prejudeci, confuzii i resentimente, a durat relativ puin (doi ani) i s-a terminat, previzibil, brusc i nedecis. Importat forat din spatiul american, dezbaterea a pus la noi o fals problem i n-a avut o miz real, n ciuda energiilor puse n joc. A fost o tentativ de dezbatere canonic n lipsa deteritorializrii, a multiculturalismului, a feminismului, a conflictelor.Consider c, atta vreme ct realitatea socio-cultural romneasc nu cerea, n mod real, un alt criteriu valorizant i nici canoane alternative, btlia canonic a fost doar pretextul unor revizuiri n cheie etic ale literaturii postbelice i al unei lupte ntre saizeciti si optzeciti.Afirmaii precum Scriitorii postmoderni nu pot intra dect la periferia canonului neomodernist, ca o extravagan nu fac dect s complice discuia despre canon. La baza unor astfel de afirmaii st faptul c postmodernitii modific fundamental chiar conceptul de literatur, care se extinde acum dincolo de spaiul pur beletristic, inducnd i genurile nonficionale (jurnal, coresponden, literatur de popularizare) i literaturile noncanonice (literatura minoritilor naionale, cea pentru femei etc.). Literatura postmodernist are i trebuie s aiba locul ei bine stabilit n canonul postbelic deoarece contribuia acestor scriitori nu poate fi negat, chiar dac asistm la o estetic n care graniele culturale, limitele genurilor i ale speciilor literare se anuleaz. Asemenea avangardei, cu care are ceva n comun n ceea ce privete raportarea la trecut i exclusivismul aplicat unei nsemnate pri din literatura ce a precedat-o, generaia optzecitilor s-a aezat sau s-a clasicizat, devenind, uneori n detrimentul reprezentanilor generaiilor anterioare, obiect de program colar. In aceste condiii, discuia despre canon se reduce la o disput financiar i la o disput de orgoliu, existnd tendina de eliminare din canon a autorilor generaiei60 n favoarea introducerii celor din generaia 80. Cuvinte-cheie: canon postmodernist, revizuirea literaturii postbelice, saizecism versus optzecism

There are, in my opinion, in the debate of the postwar Romanian canon a couple of aspects that need to be pointed out: necessity of a real dispute on the Romanian canon, confusion between the esthetical canon and sub-canons ( the curricular, didactical and the intern, characterizing a literary current) which is reduced, in fact, to the debate between the two literary generations : the sixties and the eighties the official canon of the realist-socialist literature or proletcultist literature, and the canon of the more or less underground culture, the literature that continues the modern stream initiated by the authors of the inter-war period. This entire debate is complicated by the absence of an objective literary critique capable to set the values, given the fact that most of the eighties writers are also theoreticians. The debate is reduced, in our literature, to a difference between the curricular canon (didactic) and the intern canon ( of a literary current, like neo-modernism), but these are sub canons which are not to be confused with the esthetical (supra) canon, so the canon is not synonymous with the paradigm of an age ( its character is chronotopic), and post modernism does not substitute to post modernity and nor is it in a relation of precedence or opposition with the so called culture of the entertainment (another postmodern epiphenomenon). In the canon writers are not simply interchanged especially when they are equally important from the esthetical point of view and not at all in a direct competition. The canon does not have the tendency to simplify itself, eventually it resets ( as Paul Cornea considered), it is not a list of authors, does not contain complete works ( it can chose a single title), is not homogenous and doesnt create an opposition between modernism and post modernism. The writers of the sixties, of Trgoviste, the ravings, the writers of exile, textualists, milenarists, all have the chance of the same great canon. Statements like The postmodern writers can only be part of the peripheral neomodernist canon, like an extravaganza are only complicating the debate on canon. Characteristics of literary postmodernism in Romania Postmodernism, accordingly to Ovid Crohmlniceanu, is the Loch Ness monster of contemporary criticism, more and more people declare to have seen it with their own eyes, but render completely different descriptions of its fabulous appearance. It is difficult, if not impossible, to conciliate the theoreticians` points of view, and more so to reduce them to a few principles.

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However, here are a few points of view of some of the most authorized Romanian critics of the phenomena. Postmodernism is specific to the Romanian literature after the 70s, ridiculing the success recipes of acknowledged literature and the precedent aesthetic orientations. between 1978 and 1985 a wave of debuts takes place, first in poetry and later in prose, followed by other books by the debutants, a wave that consecrates rapidly both a new manner, immediately identifiable, of making literature, as well as a few names of very young authors, which the initiated already knew, in fact, from literary circles. [] the implantation in the Romanian space of the concept of post modernism is connected to the existence and the action of these authors, on a theoretical as well as pragmatic level []1. In prose, postmodernism implies textualism, a way of organizing the story or the novel; the passage from the auctorial prose to the reflexive one; the predilection for the fragment and a new relation with the reader, states Eugen Simion. Textualism is a form of postmodernism in the Romanian prose2. Textualism is, in the Romanian prose of the last twenty years, more likely a latemodernist component, manifested in the literary practice especially at a micro-textual level and having in common with the real post modernism only the tendency towards the linguistic experiment and towards the immanence of the writing act.3. Textualism, an expression of postmodernism in the Romanian prose, the specific of this current, is translated in the passing from auctorial prose, the consecrated formula of realism, to the auto-reflexive prose, of meditation on writing. Advanced experiences on intertextuality, metafiction, pagination etc., specific to postmodernism of the eighties and nineties have found in textualism a point of insertion and theoretical justifications4. The post modern novel in the Romanian literature developes through the representants of the 80s generation, in which we find primarilly Mircea Nedelciu, Mircea Crtrescu, Ioan Grosan, Alexandru Musina, Daniel Vighi, George Cusnarencu, Bedros Horasangian. [...] the eighties literary text, [is], without beeing at least conscient postmodern from the begining, it is excentric enough compared the precedent poetics to anounce the transition to a new literature5. In the case of postmodernism, the epic becomes autoreferencial ( the work is written, the analysis coming along this process), it is the act of writing, the narrators relations with the text, the passage from the condition of creator to the one of narrator, the position towards the text, the relations inside the text that are important. The reader is warned on tha characters, the autor judges on the retorical figures, makes remarks on the elaboration of the text, becomes the hero of a prose that marks the coming back of the autobiographical genre6. In these acceptions, the most trivial facts are twined with the unusual, the narrative invention with the massive insertion of classical text, the postmodernist writer often standing at the door of Caragiale (Ion Lacustra) and borrowing without restraint his art and mostly his narrative fragments. The postmodern poetry Nicolae Manolescu considers borrows its criteria of the poetic from the modern one, except that is seems to be more indulgent in its preferences and its idiosyncrasies. The post modern era does not truly invent a new poetry, like the modern era did. Monica Spiridon, on the other hand, believes it to be a cultural myth and nothing more. Mircea Crtrescu, on the contrary, accentuates the autobiographical, realist, oral and prose-like side of the literary current. The great theoretical value of the poetry of the 80s resides in the discovery of postmodernism as an artistic relevant and central world, which meant the opening of an aesthetic continent, only sporadically explored until then and without the conscience of the discovery of a new world. Without this revelation, the understanding of modernity (in its meaning of postmodernity) of the Romanian literature written after the war is impossible.

1 2

Crtrescu, Mircea, Postmodernismul romnesc, p. 144. Simion, Eugen, Scriitori romani de azi, IV, p. 476. 3 Crtrescu, Mircea, op. cit., p. 171. 4 idem, p.147. 5 idem, p.144.. 6 Simion, Eugen, Scriitori romni de azi, IV, p.480.

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The post modern pattern is nowadays the only one capable of generating coherent and believable alternate images of the Romanian writing, in order to finish the ticking traditional histories. Nevertheless, this does not mean that the literature of the 80s is a typical and essential postmodernism, but more likely a genuine, hesitant one, loaded of tradition. As we have seen, collocations like the poetry of the 80s, the eighties poetry, the literature of the eighties and postmodernism do not have the exact same meaning7. A very interesting article which discusses the career of the concept of postmodernism in the Romanian culture belongs to Magda Crneci. The Debate Around Postmodernism in Romnia in the 1980's", writen in 1994, has been published first in the magazine Romania literara, no.13/1994 under the title About postmodernism in Eastern Europe and reprinted in Euresis, no.1-2/1995, to be later again reprinted in the volume The art of the 80s. Texts about postmodernism (Ed.Litera, Bucharest, 1996). [] the post modern poet militates for more indulgence in the world of the spirit and in the social world; he is, truly, pluralist and thinks the poetic man in a new way than its modernist forefathers: a realistic, democratic, tolerant, and less rhetorical as possible man []8. Ion Bogdan Lefter points out the bindings between postmodernism and the Romanian literary experiment during the 60s and 70s. Alongside with all these, postmodernism also means game, combination, irony, rhetoric, the liberation of fantasy and the borrowing of the familiar language, but also ingenious constructions made of prefabs9. The majority of the poetry of the 90s is of this type: of a prosaic nature, direct, biographical up to the merging with the poets real existence. From this point of view, it is no more than a more pure extension of the literature of the 80s, cleaned of its modernist, neovanguardist and neoexpressionist residue.10 Postmodernism is one of the possible directions in the postwar poetry and prose. It is a manifestation of exhaustion, it expresses fatigue, the Alexander moment in a few great literatures (French, English, Italian, American but there it coexists with other directions). Oh, post modernity, the temporary term, I believe, to designate the major mutations of post industrialism, with the computer, multimedia, the show-biz society, this is something different. However we are in another world, communism has pulled us, partially, backwards in pre-modernity, anyway we are outsiders of postmodernity, and we are the garbage bucket, the slum if you wish, of the occidental world, which is in itself - in postmodernity11. Like the vanguard, with whom it has something in common in what it concerns its relation to the past and its exclusivity applied to an important part of the literature which has preceded it, the 80s generation has settled or has become classical, becoming, sometimes in the prejudice of the representatives of precedent generations, the object of school curricula. A first thing that has caught attention even from the first debuts was the fact that the young writers of the 80s have taken advantage, even before the revolution of 1989, despite numerous oppositions from the officials (the magazine Sptmna, but not only), of one of the most efficient programs of promotion existent in our literature. Unlike their predecessors, the writers of the 80s were not satisfied with being credited by the official critics of the moment, but have also made their determined voice heard in the cultural media, supported, it is true, by the critics with the greatest authority, capable to decisively influence the general reception. In spite of the publicist war between generations, it has not been made very clear, in the end, what was the problem of the Romanian canon, except, of course, its intrinsic dynamic which supposes, at certain periods of time, inherent resetting. So, as long as the Romanian socio-cultural reality didnt ask, in a real manner, another criteria of value and neither alternative canons, the canonic battle has been only the excuse for some revisions in ethical key of the post war literature and of a fight between the writers of the 60s and the 80s.
Bibliografie: Crneci, Magda, Arta anilor '80. Texte despre postmodernism, Editura Litera, Bucureti, 1996. Crtrescu, Mircea, Postmodernismul romnesc, Editura Humanitas, Bucureti, 1999. Lefter, Ion, Bogdan, Naterea unui personaj n Romnia literar, 18/1982. Muina, Alexandru, interviu n revista Contrafort, Chiinu, 2/2001. Simion, Eugen, Scriitori romani de azi, IV, Editura Litera, Bucureti, 1989.
7 8

Crtrescu, Mircea, op. cit., p. 400. Crneci, Magda, Arta anilor '80. Texte despre postmodernism, p.79. 9 Lefter, Ion Bogdan, Naterea unui personaj n Romnia literar, 18/1982. 10 Crtrescu, Mircea, op. cit., p. 164. 11 Muina, Alexandru, interviu n revista Contrafort, Chiinu.

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Interferene i conexiuni lingvistice

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De la sduction la persuasion dans la publicit. Deux arguments pour assener la beaut fminine
Lect. dr. Carmen Andrei Universitatea Dunrea de Jos din Galai Rezumat: Fenomen complex i definitoriu al societii contemporane, publicitatea face parte indubitabil din viaa cotidian a tuturor. Pentru a vinde cu orice pre, publicitatea recurge la procedee stilistice, lingvistice i vizuale atent alese. Ea mbat cu promisiuni i ofer factice prime de seducie oferindu-i publicului-int cea mai bun imagine posibil despre el nsui. Aceasta reacioneaz prin fora de clopotni sau fora de expansiune . Propunem n articolul de fa, pe lng o abordare teoretic a diferitelor aspecte de constituire i funcionare a acestei amante fabuloase i dou discursuri publicitare n oglind despre acelai produs de nfrumuseare feminin (o crem antirid), unul care dateaz din secolul al XIX-lea, inserat n romanul balzacian Csar Birotteau i unul recent, de sfrit de secol XX, pentru a pune n lumin asemnrile, dar i diferenele de paradigm argumentativ. Cuvinte-cheie: publicitate, persuasiune, argumentare

Une amante fabuleuse contemporaine : la pub Adversaires et partisans de la publicit, tous ont d admettre que la publicit savre un phnomne complexe de la socit contemporaine, une ralit indniable qui touche plusieurs domaines : la sociologie, la psychologie, la linguistique, lconomie, etc. Diffuse par les mdias (journaux, spots TV1), par des magazines (y compris lettres, catalogues, dpliants, brochures) ou par laffichage (mural, routier, mobile), la publicit peut tre envisage certains gards comme art de la synthse, car toute une histoire en un temps limit et sur une superficie rduite se rsume en quelques mots. Une annonce lmentaire russit exprimer la ralit voulue dun brand. De surcrot, les publicitaires justifient les stratgies discursives par des arguments sociologiques : part le but de vendre nimporte quoi nimporte quel prix, la publicit est le reflet fidle de la socit de consommation, de lvolution de ses murs et de sa mentalit2. Puisque dans la socit contemporaine linformation est vitale, toute information publicitaire voudrait jouer ce rle. Pour ce faire, elle se dfinit la fois comme un apport et un acquis mettre au profit immdiatement, ce qui peut offusquer certains prjugs ou les structures mentales figes, les mettant au dfi de se rorganiser. Du point de vue socio-psychologique, la publicit sduit lindividu anonyme en lui offrant la meilleure image quil puisse se faire de luimme, en linvitant sidentifier des modles prestigieux qui sont, soit des personnes relles (acteurs, chanteurs, sportifs), soit des types humains positivement valoriss3. Les spcialistes en argumentation publicitaire remarquent juste titre le fait que la publicit exploite des procds stylistiques, rhtoriques, linguistiques et visuels, de sorte que toute trace de rflexion logico-critique de la ralit sefface du discours en question4. Le public ne connat dhabitude que la partie visible de liceberg : la rclame faite par le texte qui sappuie sur limage. Tout ce qui tient du marketing publicitaire5 reste cach. Le consommateur potentiel est dcrit du point de vue dmographique (sexe, ge, race, ducation, occupation, revenus), psychographique6, gographique (par rgions : montagnardes, littorales ; par milieu : urbain ou rural) et comportemental. Le message publicitaire est donc conu par rapport toutes ces coordonnes importantes. Franois Brune la traite en amante fabuleuse ayant plus quune vocation : [...] Les prtres de la publicit nous apportent le salut par le rve , affirme-t-il tout simplement pour
1 2

On entend gnralement par spot une publicit la tlvision qui dure dhabitude environ 30 secondes. Le code dontologique des publicitaires les contraint construire des discours o apparaat toute comparaison explicite avec le produit dune autre marque. 3 Voir dans ce sens lexploitation excessive de limage de la femme fatale. 4 Autrement dit, lauteur considre que la publicit indique minutieusement les comportements imiter. 5 On entend par marketing publicitaire la pense commerciale qui prcde le produit et qui ralise des tests psychologiques de vente visant la politique publicitaire, lefficacit et la recherche de thmes, de mots, etc. 6 Selon le modle VALS labor aux Etats-Unis en 1978, il y a neuf types psychologiques parmi lesquels les intgrs, les comptiteurs, les gostes, les socio-conscients, etc. dont les publicitaires tiennent compte dans llaboration dun produit publicitaire.

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renoncer par la suite lexpression mtaphorique et se lancer dans des considrations plus dures du genre : nous sommes soumis un dressage publicitaire (loc. cit.) sorganisant autour des verbes : rduire, frustrer7, rotiser, rcuprer, conditionner, rendre enfantin. Cet auteur prend une position radicale lorsquil juge que, pour tre efficace, le langage publicitaire vite notre systme rationnel de dfense : il tient anesthsier notre intelligence par mille et un procds rhtoriques. Paralllement, il sefforce daugmenter la crdulit du destinataire en le sduisant avec des pseudo-vidences de limage. Il suscite et manipule en quelque sorte les motions du public en pastichant les genres de la fiction et en dtournant les spectateurs dune attitude critique. Les publicitaires tendent des piges la conscience prise dans le rseau des voix et des mlodies par les voies subtiles de lidologie publicitaire. Lun des objectifs de la publicit est, certes, de montrer que cest moi le meilleur choix dict par le bon sens, je suis le meilleur puisque japporte mieux et davantage . Cette vulgarisation du sens de la publicit est en fait la traduction de certaines tendances enregistres par les psychologues8 conformment auxquelles on achte des produits pharmaceutiques, alimentaires, armes, maisons par linstinct de conservation, on achte une uvre dart, un titre de Bourse par linstinct de domination, tandis que lorsquon se lance dans lachat de produits de beaut, de parfums et de bijoux, cela trahit une intention sexuelle double par lamour propre et lambition9. Les tudes de motivation permettent daller au trfonds des choses comme le soulignent les analystes ds les annes 50 :
Autrefois, on croyait navement quen vendant une automobile, des cigarettes ou des vacances, on vendait seulement un moyen de locomotion, de plaisir ou de service. Aujourdhui, on sait quon vend bien autre chose et bien davantage : du sentiment de puissance, du complexe dOedipe, un retour lenfance, etc.10.

Sydney Lens ajoute aussi que La publicit fait appel aux craintes et aux dsirs les plus profonds de lenfant qui demeurent en lhomme plutt que lhomme mr. 11. Ces techniques de vente psychologique sont utilises aussi bien en politique, dans les domaines culturels et artistiques. Grard Lagneau analyse dautres aspects, dordre psychanalytique12. Lannonce se rduit un slogan qui devient du coup plaisanterie et figure dvocation. Les travaux de Sigmund Freud sur le mot desprit montrent que la communication verbale peut tre loccasion dun pur plaisir par le jeu inconscient de notre conomie psychique. Les travaux sur le slogan publicitaire ont rvl dans les calembours une application systmatique des rgles dconomie psychique tablies par Sigmund Freud propos du mot desprit. Le plaisir est donc de nature ludique. Dautre part, le concept darchtype tel que Carl Gustav Jung le dveloppe indique la possibilit dassocier symboliquement lannonce des images motivantes imprimes ds la nuit des temps dans linconscient collectif. Ds lors, la publicit peut changer hardiment de nature, cesser dtre lassemblage plus ou moins pertinent dun texte et de son illustration pour devenir un pur jeu des sens et de lesprit auquel on prend plaisir sans en connatre les rgles. Il y a des publicits qui prsentent simplement lobjet sous son jour le plus flatteur, donc qui ne mettent en uvre aucune argumentation publicitaire. Dautres prsentent les manifestations de ses qualits. Ceci apparat frquemment dans les publicits tlvises qui montrent dune faon plus ou moins dramatise la vertu des produits dentretien, nettoyant les murs, faisant briller les sols (voir, par exemple la rclame pour Mr. Propre), de lessives qui font merveilles sur les linges les plus tachs, daliments sur lesquels se prcipitent familles, chiens et chats ou des vitamines qui rendent la vigueur et lentrain. Les tmoignages personnaliss y joue un rle argumentatif. La reproduction de lettres o des consommateurs se dclarent satisfaits dun produit est une technique
7

Les psychologues ont montr que par frustration on relance le dsir dacheter et le shopping est un rflexe consumriste de la dpression et de lalination. 8 Voir dans ce sens C. R. Hass, Pratique de la publicit, Dunod, Bordas, Paris, 1990, 9e d. 9 Cf. Marcel Bleustein-Blanchet, La rage de convaincre Nous en retenons lide que pour un produit de beaut ce nest donc ni le produit ni la femme quil faut tudier. Ce sont les deux ensemble. 10 M. Bleustein-Blanchet, op. cit., p. 35. 11 Lhomme standard , dans Esprit, n 271/ mars 1954. 12 G. Lagneau, La sociologie de la publicit, p. 56.

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trs ancienne. Les publicits qui utilisent lappt dune participation du souscripteur des tirages dots de lots plus ou moins importants confirment la ralit de ces lots en mentionnant les noms des gagnants de prcdents tirages, assortis ventuellement de leurs photos ou de la photo de la remise du prix. Cest pourquoi les sondages sont trs importants : la mention dun chiffre de vente ou de laffirmation plus gnrique : modle le plus vendu dans les derniers X mois incite le consommateur acqurir le produit en question. En change, laffiche de rue sadresse un grand nombre de gens sans discrimination. Elle soppose en ce sens au placard publicitaire insr dans une revue technique qui sadresse un public slectionn, public qui peut consacrer un certain temps la lecture de la publicit. Dans ce cas, Patrick Charaudeau parle dun contrat srieux avec un public rationaliste (dans les revues de spcialit) qui soppose au contrat de merveilleux avec un public enclin rver13. Ce deuxime type de contrat suppose une stratgie qui dveloppe laspect narratif comme dans : Gillette, une caresse amoureuse (Gillette, marque de rasoir). Lun des traits caractristiques de la publicit est son accessibilit, dmontre dailleurs par un pionnier de la publicit, Jacques Sgula. Passionn par son mtier, Sgula affirme que la publicit sefforce de rvler lme des produits commencer par la sienne 14. Ainsi, un spot Renault montrant un acheteur qui changeait plus souvent de femmes que de voitures a-t-il t bien reu, car cette image reflte des pratiques devenues relativement courantes. A noter en passant cet atout de la publicit qui permet de prsenter des situation tiquetes non thiques dans dautres contextes. En revanche, un film exploitant une situation de polygamie aurait t certainement censur. Le ct conomique vise les stratgies publicitaires15 qui transforment le consommateur dans une cible-marketing. La technique qui se retrouve dans dautres jeux (loterie, bingo), les promesses dun gain acquis par hasard, la rduction des prix (bons, couponnages, offres de remboursement, crdits gratuits), les cadeaux, les chantillons dessai, tout cela reprsente des moyens de persuasion, en plus des stratgies argumentatives du discours publicitaire proprement dit. La forme linguistique du slogan est devenue devise, sentence indiquant le got, les qualits ou les rsolutions de quelquun 16, et entrane des choix syntagmatiques et paradigmatiques diffrents. Soit, par exemple, laffiche publicitaire de la rue. Il ny a pas de triche avec laffichage : il faut des messages choquants, pas de dtours, ni des crations tides , demisel. Laffiche a le privilge ou la responsabilit dtre un bien collectif, doit se lire en dix secondes pour un automobiliste roulant 80km/h. Lemplacement, lclairage, la mise en page du texte, le choix des couleurs des lettres pour mieux rendre le contraste avec le fond chargent le texte dun pouvoir dcisif. En quelques mots, laffiche doit atteindre son but. Il ny a ni titre, ni corps de texte, ni conclusion, mais une seule phrase qui a une densit extrme17. Socialement nuisible ou indispensable, la publicit pose aussi le problme des publicitaires qui ont une responsabilit particulire en ce sens quelle dpasse leur obligation dobir aux lois et aux rglements en vigueur : par leur contenu et leur style, leurs crations doivent tre compatibles avec la manire de penser et de vivre correspondant un certain stade de dveloppement dtermin, puisque la publicit exprime ncessairement notre poque. La publicit comparative (voitures amricaines vs. voitures japonaises, par exemple) donne tous les dtails possibles sur la disponibilit du produit, son prix (comme principal point de diffrenciation), ses composantes, ce qui fait son originalit, le package des services qui lenglobe, etc.18
P. Charaudeau, Langage et discours, p.119. J. Sgula, La Publicit, Aubin, Paris, 1995. 15 Voir L. Marcenac, Les stratgies publicitaires, Ed. Breal, Paris, 1994. 16 T. Wellhoff, 15ans de signatures publicitaires, d. Dunod, Paris, 1991, p. 7. 17 Lexemple que J. Sgula cite dans La Publicit est un paradoxe. La force tranquille est le texte de laffiche politique pour la campagne de Franois Mitterand. Etant donn quune lection se gagne la frange, en convainquant plus dhsitants que son adversaire, cette campagne pour un candidat de gauche devait opter pour un ton conservateur. Cet oxymore avec son arrire-fond de clocheton, son ciel nationaliste et le regard serein de son hros fait une belle affiche de droite. 18 Nous nous sommes intresse de prs largumentation publicitaire et avons analys des crations linguistiques franaises dans la majorit des cas. Il serait sans doute trs intressant dentreprendre une analyse comparative entre la publicit franaise et la publicit amricaine, par exemple, pour mieux tudier les ressorts psycholinguistiques qui mnent un certain type de message publicitaire. Dans La publicit aux Etats-Unis, C. Souchre affirme que 75% des Franais aiment leur publicit la tlvision, tandis que 60% des Amricains trouvent que leur publicit est une insulte leur intelligence. La publicit amricaine a sa spcificit. Le comportement trs pragmatique des Amricains est lorigine
14 13

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La comparaison globale sans toutefois nommer de marque spcifique concurrente est trs la mode. Soit une publicit pour Trans World Airlines [TWA] : Presque trois fois plus de classes affaires sur vols intrieurs que sur lensemble des autres compagnies ariennes . Dans cette annonce, TWA dmontre sa supriorit par rapport aux autres compagnies ariennes en annonant quelle propose presque trois fois plus de vols intrieurs, offrant une vritable classe daffaires . Elle justifie mme cette dclaration : elle a pris au srieux les attentes des hommes et des femmes daffaires qui pour la plupart souhaitaient voyager en classe ambassadeur dont le confort et les services offerts ont t spcialement conus leur intention (cabine spare, fauteuils spacieux, repas raffins servis dans de la porcelaine et du cristal, cocktails de bienvenue, large place pour les jambes, etc.). La ncessit de la nouveaut dans la continuit, ainsi que loriginalit par rapport aux annonces concurrentes mnent des formules de plus en plus audacieuses, voire choquantes qui brisent les lois de la logique commune. On enregistre deux tendances en ce qui concerne le consommateur : 1/ une tendance prserver lacquis, appele communment la force de clocher, traduite par lattachement des consommateurs leurs biens, par une raction de dfense devant linnovation ; 2/ une tendance au renouvellement, appele la force dexpansion, qui rend les consommateurs avides de changement, qui dclenche chez eux un dsir dacquisition de biens nouveaux. Ces deux tendances ou forces sont la fois opposes et complmentaires. Les partisans de la publicit la considrent une forme dart qui illustre les tendances de la socit, tandis que pour ses critiques elle vhicule une idologie aline. Ces derniers sinterrogent sil sagit dun culte de lart ou de plagiat de la forme, devenu simple rptition. En tout cas, leffet quelle produit peut prendre la rigueur une forme humoristique : Ne dites pas ma mre que je suis dans la pub, elle me croit pianiste dans un bordel 19. Dbut de la publicit vs publicit contemporaine Nous proposons par la suite une analyse dune publicit apparue ds la premire moiti du XIXe sicle. Le fragment publicitaire se trouve dans le roman Csar Birotteau de Balzac o un jeune commis parfumeur, devenu propritaire de la parfumerie La Reine des Roses pense fabriquer lui-mme des parfums. La solution lui est rvle par un prtendu livre arabe20 trouv chez un bouquiniste, livre qui lui fournit les bases de sa future dcouverte. Double pte des sultanes et eau carminative de Csar Birotteau dcouvertes merveilleuses, approuves par lInstitut de France Cette Pte et cette Eau possdent dtonnantes proprits pour agir sur la peau, sans la rider prmaturment, effet immanquable des drogues [produits de mauvais qualit] employes inconsidrablement jusqu ce jour et inventes par dignorantes cupidits. Cette dcouverte repose sur la division de tempraments qui se rangent en deux grandes classes indiques par la couleur de la Pte et de lEau, lesquelles sont roses pour le derme et lpiderme des personnes de constitution lymphatique, et blanches pour ceux des personnes qui jouissent dun temprament sanguin. Cette Pte est nomme Pte des Sultanes parce que cette dcouverte avait dj t faite pour le srail par un mdecin arabe. Elle a t approuve par lInstitut sur le rapport de notre illustre chimiste Vauquelin, ainsi que lEau tablie sur les principes qui ont dict la composition de la Pte. Cette prcieuse Pte qui exhale les plus doux parfums fait donc
dune prdominance des publicits comparatives en tout genre, utilises pour tous les secteurs. La majorit des annonces ont une nature trs descriptive et rationnelle. La cohabitation des communauts blanche, noire et hispanique explique lexistence de plusieurs styles de communication en fonction de la population vise par lannonceur. Dans lapproche de chaque groupe appartenant des communauts noire et hispanique il existe des mdias et des agences spcialises. Les styles dannonces ont volu et la fin des annes 80 quelques campagnes sont plus europennes et donc plus motionnelles, tout en gardant le trait raliste et descriptif, car les Amricains sont toujours aussi rigoureux et avides de produits fonctionnels. On leur reproche une publicit peu crative et sans piment . 19 Cest le titre dun des livres sur ce sujet-l de J. Sguela, Flammarion, Paris, 1974. 20 Abdeker ou Lart de conserver la beaut.

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disparatre les taches de rousseur les plus rebelles, blanchit les pidermes les plus rcalcitrants, dissipe les sueurs de la main dont se plaignent les femmes non moins que les hommes. LEau carminative enlve ces lgers boutons qui, dans certains moments surviennent inopinment aux femmes et contrarient leurs projets pour le bal ; elle rafrachit et ravive les couleurs en ouvrant ou fermant les pores selon les exigences du temprament, elle est si connue dj pour arrter les outrages du temps que beaucoup de dames lont, par reconnaissance, nomme LAmie de la Beaut. LEau de Cologne est purement et simplement un parfum banal sans efficacit spciale, tandis que la Double Pte des Sultanes et LEau Carminative sont des compositions oprantes, dune puissance motrice agissant sans danger sur les qualits internes et les secondant ; leurs odeurs essentiellement balsamiques et dun esprit divertissant rjouissent le cur et le cerveau admirablement, charment les ides et les rveillent ; elle sont aussi tonnantes par leur mrite que par leur simplicit ; enfin, cest un attrait de plus offert aux femmes et un moyen de sduction que les hommes peuvent acqurir. Sadresser franc de port21 monsieur Csar Birotteau , successeur de Ragon, ancien parfumeur de la reine Marie Antoinette La Reine des Roses [...]22. Ce texte comporte une orientation argumentative globale. Cest un acte de discours explicite ou, pour mieux dire trop explicite, qui rsume lorientation pragmatique du message. La structure du texte combine deux dimensions, lune squentielle et lautre pragmaticoconfigurationnelle23. Au premier abord, nous constatons que le fragment est un mlange de plusieurs squences : narrative (concentre sur les droulements chronologiques finaliss), descriptive (qui reprsente des arrangements non plus selon un ordre linaire causal, mais essentiellement tabulaire, hirarchique, rgl par la structure du lexique disponible au XIXe sicle)24 et explicative (qui vise expliquer les tonnantes proprits de la Pte des Sultanes et donner des informations son propos). Nous y identifions galement une composante justificative du discours, qui va de pair avec celle explicative. Lexposition dun cas particulier le compte rendu de lexprience se constitue en argument transparent et puissant. Le dbut prometteur se trouve sous le signe dun argument dautorit tout aussi puissant : les dcouvertes en question sont approuves par lInstitut de France. La stratgie publicitaire est rudimentaire. Elle consiste dprcier les produits concurrents (technique interdite aujourdhui par des lois trs svres) et en vanter exagrment les siens. Les avantages des produits de Csar Birotteau sont de ce fait nombreux : lexhalation de plus doux parfums de la prcieuse Pte, la protection antirides, la disparition des taches de rousseur, le blanchissement des pidermes, la dissipation des sueurs, lenlvement des boutons, le rafrachissement et le ravissement de la peau, larrt des outrages du temps (litote pour les rides qui fait penser la rhtorique prcieuse). Limpact de ces miraculeuses dcouvertes est comment dans les lignes suivantes : La Pte des Sultanes et Leau carminative se produisirent dans lunivers galant et commercial par des affiches colories, en tte desquelles taient ces mots : Approuves par lInstitut ! Cette formule, employe pour la premire fois, eut un effet magique. Non seulement la France, mais le continent fut pavois daffiches jaunes, rouges, bleues, par le souverain de La Reine des Roses [...]25

On y retrouve une stratgie publicitaire assez ruse et fortune lavenir : le cot du port de la lettre de commande sera pay par Csar Birotteau. 22 Balzac, Csar Birotteau, p. 47. 23 J.-M. Adam, Elments de linguistique textuelle, p. 105. 24 Ibidem, p. 88 : Il est vident que des structures squentielles de type descriptif sont produites dans le cadre de multiples activits discursives ordinaires (presse, publicit etc.) 25 Balzac, Csar Birotteau, p. 47.

21

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Aujourdhui, cette pte a chang de nom, elle sappelle correcteur [des] zones fragiles qui se vante de qualits exceptionnelles : elle a besoin de deux semaines seulement pour combattre les rides. Un parent de Csar Birotteau contemporain, Charles of the Ritz, propose une publicit pour un produit du mme genre dans les termes suivants : Si lon pouvait arrter le temps, si le rire, le sourire, le froid et le vent nexistaient pas, votre visage pourrait alors garder la fracheur de lenfance. Sachant que ceci relve du domaine du rve, Charles of the Ritz a cr le Correcteur Zones Fragiles. Laction du Correcteur Zones Fragiles permet en deux semaines dattnuer remarquablement les rides et les ridules autour de la bouche, des yeux, du front. En effet, le Correcteur Zones Fragiles agit sur les causes profondes de la formation des rides : la perte de llasticit, par manque de collagne et la dshydratation de lpiderme. Le Correcteur Zones Fragiles, nouveau produit de la gamme Prescrisoins convient tous les types de peaux, et mme aux peaux trs grasses. De plus, comme tous les produits Prescrisoins, sa fluidit permet une absorption trs rapide, il peut donc tre utilis sous le maquillage. Ds aujourdhui, grce au Correcteur Zones Fragiles, vous prserverez la jeunesse de votre peau. La diffrence de discours est vidente et notable. La dcouverte de Charles of the Ritz est elle aussi tonnante et approuve par lInstitut Squibb pour la recherche mdicale et par des laboratoires privs. Du point de vue argumentatif, cette seconde publicit marie le ct explicatif avec le ct descriptif en sappuyant sur des articulations logiques du texte, prsentes sous la forme des connecteurs argumentatifs, tels quen effet, de plus (connecteur de limplicite), lenchanement causal menant la relation de consquence logique : Utilisez le Correcteur Zones Fragiles ! . En revenant au texte balzacien, on remarque le fait que les produits concurrents sont gratifis de termes dvalorisants : ils sont tous des drogues employes inconsidrment (dans le sens de produits de mauvaise qualit), invents par dignorantes cupidits . Les pithtes touchent au vif : par exemple, leau de Cologne est purement et simplement un parfum banal, sans efficacit spciale . Ce qui tonnerait un acheteur contemporain, cest la distribution empirique de la Double Pte en rose et blanche selon le type de temprament, lymphatique ou sanguin comme si seule la couleur devait apporter le ncessaire26. Ce critre de distribution est peu relevant, voire naf et ridicule de nos jours o le type de peau (sche, normale ou mixte) et sa texture prvalent. Le deuxime paragraphe apporte un prtendu argument de causalit qui est en fait fictif, virtuel. Un certain mdecin arabe (dont on ne prcise pas le nom) lavait dj exprimente dans un srail27. Le commentaire de Balzac saisit dune manire raliste le recours lexotisme : A une poque o on ne parlait que de lOrient, nommer un cosmtique quelconque Pte des Sultanes, en devinant la magie exerce par ce mot dans un pays o tout homme tient autant tre sultan que la femme devenir sultane, tait une inspiration qui pouvait venir un homme ordinaire comme un homme desprit ; mais le public jugeant toujours les rsultats, Birotteau passa dautant plus pour un homme suprieur, commercialement parlant, quil rdigea lui-mme un prospectus dont la ridicule phrasologie fut un lment de succs [...] (loc. cit.) Lcrivain remarque le fait que le style alambiqu usant de mots techniques et prtentieux destins blouir les clients est une stratgie publicitaire qui porte ses fruits. De surcrot, lillustre chimiste Vauquelin sert de garant scientifique et renforce largument dautorit (voir aussi sa descendance commerciale qui remonte jusqu la reine Marie-Antoinette). Cette Pte ennemie de tous les accidents qui mettent les femmes dans des situations factices et embarrasses possde une qualit qui lemporte de loin sur dautres : ouvre ou ferme les pores selon les exigences de temprament , argument peu crdible. Mais cette Amie de la Beaut ,
26 Voir aussi le fait que la couleur ne correspond pas un genre dassociation rose / sanguin, blanc /lymphatique. Or, de nos jours, on sait que cest bien inversement. 27 La connotation exotique du mot srail est dcelable mme ds la dnomination ans : Pte des Sultanes.

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appellation qui marque le degr de confiance et denvotement de la clientle possde une arme imbattable : les deux produits introduits par le connecteur argumentatif dopposition tandis que ( les compositions oprantes ), dune puissance motrice inoue agissent sur les qualits internes (il sagit peut-tre des prdispositions sentimentales). Le comble est atteint par une proprit sensationnelle : les odeurs essentiellement balsamiques et dun esprit divertissant , ne rjouissent pas seulement le cur et le cerveau admirablement 28, mais charment les ides et les rveillent . Le lecteur reste interdit : ce serait vraiment le comble. A la fin, cette dcouverte savre dune simplicit tonnante (lemploi du terme montre une feinte modestie). Enfin, marqueur temporel et dintgration linaire introduit un dernier argument : lattrait pour les femmes, le moyen de sduction pour les hommes. La conclusion est vidente : cette Pte pour les deux sexes, agissant sur le teint et sur les mains, est un remde-panace universel. En faisant le point, il convient de souligner que lanalyse en parallle des deux publicits a mis en vidence que le paradigme de construction des publicits a sensiblement volu dun discours superlatif, naf et ridicule, parfaitement adapt la sensibilit de la moiti du XIXe sicle (pour la double pte des sultanes) vers un discours sducteur persuasif (correcteur zones fragiles) qui met au premier plan dautres astuces persuasives. A la place dune argumentation en cercle qui cherche produire en envotement facile, nous retrouvons un discours minemment argumentatif, structur selon les attentes et les besoins dun consommateur du XXIe sicle. Les propos de Paul Valry peuvent se constituer en corollaire qui clt notre analyse : La publicit, les lumires qui steignent et se rallument, tout cela est fond sur le plaisir du discontinu, de la surprise. La publicit est impressionniste. Or, quy a-t-il de plus contraire aux lois de lesprit ?
Bibliographie: Adam, Jean-Michel, Elments de linguistique textuelle (thorie et pratique de lanalyse textuelle), Mardaga, Bruxelles, 1990. Balzac, Honor de, Csar Birotteau, Laffont, Paris, coll. Livre de poche , 1995. Brune, Franois, Fericirea ca obligaie. Eseu despre standardizarea prin publicitate, Trei, Bucarest, 1996. Charaudeau, Patrick, Langage et discours (lments de smio-linguistique), Hachette, Paris, 1983, chap. A propos du genre publicitaire , p. 118-131. Esprit, n 271/ mars 1954. Grard Lagneau, La sociologie de la publicit, Presses Universitaires de France, Paris, 1993, coll. Que saisje ? . Hass, C. R., Pratique de la publicit, Dunod-Bordas, Paris, 1990, 9e d. Marcel Bleustein-Blanchet, La rage de convaincre, Laffont, Paris, 1990. Marcenac, L., Les stratgies publicitaires, Bral, Paris, 1994. Olron, P., Largumentation, Presses Universitaires de France, Paris, 1987. Sgula, Jacques, La Publicit, Aubin, Paris, 1995. Souchre, C., La publicit aux Etats-Unis, Vuibert, Paris, 1992. Wellhoff, T., 15 ans de signatures publicitaires, Dunod, Paris, 19.

A remarquer aussi le fait que les louanges sont pchs dans leur majorit dans la classe des adverbes et des adjectifs de qualification.

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Langage, communication et persuasion. Quelques considrations

Prof. Marian Antofi coala general Dimitrie Cantemir, Galai Abstract : The pragmatic component of the text grammar turns into the basic mean to relate the vivid dynamic linguistic mechanism to reality. It is well-known that one who will transmit information is expressing himself too, creating some special links to the communication situation itself, as well as to the cultural, social, economic and political contexts. Thus, the different perspectives on world and linguistic functions seen as main communication instrument are subjected to a particular ideology focusing the aspects of living in a certain community. Key words: communication, pragmatique, persuasion, langage functions, actes de langage

Un troisime aspect du texte, de date plus rcente que les parties smantique et syntaxique, est ralis du point de vue pragmatique, vise les fonctions du texte dans une situation concrte (la situation de communication) et envisage le texte comme un sens en action. De ce point de vue, le texte a t dfini comme une unit de langage en usage, en mettant laccent sur sa fonction dactualisation de lnonc : le texte est donc un nonc lintrieur dun contexte communicatif, oral ou crit et constitu dun mot ou une squence plus ample dunits. Le point de dpart de cette thorie est la situation pragmatique de lutilisation des textes ; les textes sont des constructions linguistiques vous remplacer la nature transitoire de la communication directe. Leur caractristique la plus importante de ce point de vue est la possibilit dtre transmis en temps et espace ; le texte peut tre spar de la situation de communication originale et employ de nouveau dans une situation diffrente et/ou ultrieure, aprs le moment de sa production ; cest la modalit principale par laquelle linformation est transmise non seulement dun individu lautre, mais dune gnration lautre. Cest le linguiste Emile Benveniste qui a jet les bases de llargissement des proccupations de la linguistique de ltude de la langue comme systme ferm, ltude de la parole. Le concept central de la pragmatique linguistique est lnonciation1. Dans ce sens, toute une section de la Gramatica limbii romne [Grammaire de la langue roumaine], deuxime tome, sintresse la perspective discursive-pragmatique. Les phnomnes discursifs, le centre dintrt de la troisime section, apportent une perspective nouvelle, annonce par le reste de louvrage. De nombreux chapitres antrieurs appartenant au premier et deuxime volumes, introduisent aussi le point de vue pragmatico-discursive, soit comme point de vue dfinitoire pour quelques phnomnes (), soit comme point de vue complmentaire pour les autres 2. Gramatica limbii romne [La Grammaire de la langue roumaine] est non seulement une grammaire de la comptence (du systme), mais aussi une grammaire de lusage (lusage littraire de la langue contemporaine, diversifi lui-mme, aprs la variante crite / parle dutilisation de la langue littraire, en fonction du type de discours, du style fonctionnel et de la situation concrte demploi, des intentions de communication des utilisateurs de langue littraire). Par consquent, on ne pouvait pas laisser de ct les nombreuses acquisitions thoriques du domaine voues claircir la comprhension du fonctionnement gnral de la langue , sa variante littraire y comprise. En ralit, dans le deuxime tome de la Gramatica limbii romne [La Grammaire de la langue roumaine], le point de vue pragmatique dfinitoire est envisag dans les chapitres portant sur le prdicat de lnonciation, les classes dictiques / anaphoriques comme le pronom, les catgories grammaticales ayant une importante dimension pragmatique : le temps, le mode, la personne.

1 2

Crc, Ioan S., Teoria i practica semnului [La thorie et la pratique du signe], LInstitut Europen, Iai, 2003, p. 389. Gramatica limbii romne [La Grammaire de la langue roumaine], II tome, (LEnonc), Ed. De lAcadmie, Bucarest, 2005, p. 10.

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Dans Introducere n teoria textului [Introduction dans la thorie du texte]3, E. Vasiliu distingue plusieurs rgles qui relvent du domaine de la pragmatique linguistique. Avant de prsenter et interprter ce point de vue, on doit mentionner une situation gnrale de la textualit, dans linterprtation du mme linguiste. Le texte passe pour une unit syntaxique, smantique et pragmatique. Du point de vue syntaxique, il est caractris par la cohsion. Du point de vue smantique, il est caractris par la cohrence. E. Vasiliu montre quune caractristique syntaxique par dfinition, la cohsion, est, en fait, de nature smantique, et une caractristique smantique par dfinition, la cohrence, est de nature pragmatique. Ainsi, avant danalyser la troisime composante du texte (la composante pragmatique), on se demande quel est le domaine dtude avec lequel la textualit pourrait se croiser. Les caractristiques de la textualit pourraient tre reprsentes de la manire suivante : syntactique + smantique + pragmatique ----------------------------------------------= TEXTE cohsion+ cohrence Mme si, du point de vue formel, le texte reprsente la somme des critres mentionns cidessus, la cohsion a une importante relevance smantique, et la cohrence, une relevance pragmatique. Il en rsulte quavant dtre un produit syntactico-smantique qui suit certaines rgles, pour quune chane de propositions soit considre comme un texte doit avoir une solide composante pragmatique. Dans louvrage qui traite le sujet en question, Vasiliu distingue deux aspects pragmatiques (ibidem): a) lactivit de construction , qui se rapporte au mode dont un sujet parlant emploie effectivement le lexique de la langue L, les rgles syntactiques et smantiques, pour raliser une construction dans L. Il sagit dun procs pendant lequel le sujet parlant choisit (successivement) des lments du lexique par rapport ce quil veut communiquer et les vte selon la liste des rgles (syntaxiques et smantiques), en slectant seulement le ncessaire en fonction : 1. de la nature des units lexicales ; 2. de la situation concrte de communication. Tandis que les rgles syntaxiques et smantiques ont pour objet les signes et les constructions du langage L, lactivit de construction nest que la manipulation des rgles (syntaxiques et smantiques) par les sujets parlants (ibidem). Les rseaux de relations interprtes comme une expression formelle de certaines rgles de manipulation des rgles (syntaxiques et smantiques) envisagent la relation sujet parlant - signe tant interprtes comme expression formelle de la relation au niveau pragmatique. Un autre facteur qui doit tre mentionn est lintention de communication. Ce concept reflte la finalit avec laquelle le sujet parlant emploie le signe linguistique. Du point de vue du rcepteur, lintention de communication, dans la mesure o elle est saisie, dtermine un certain mode dinterprter lmission de certains signes (phontiques ou graphiques) connus (ibidem). Dans son ouvrage, Sprachthorie, 1934, K. Bhler fait la distinction entre lacte linguistique (inhrent laction de parler, indpendant des buts de la parole et mis en liaison avec lacte de signifier) et laction linguistique (qui signifie lutilisation de la langue, la parole par lintermdiaire de laquelle on agit sur son interlocutoire) en observant que lacte de signification sidentifie lacte de communication. Il dcrit par la suite la communication comme un drame trois personnages : le monde des choses, le locuteur et lallocuteur. Dans les rapports du signe avec chaque personnage part, il identifie trois fonctions primordiales du signe linguistique. Par rapport la chose nomme, le signe est symbole et a une fonction de reprsentation, cest la chose. Par rapport au sujet parlant, le signe est un symptme du sujet parlant qui a une fonction dexpression, qui exprime le locuteur. Par rapport au destinataire, le signe est signal, a une fonction
3

Vasiliu, E., Introducere n teoria textului [ Introduction dans la thorie du texte ], Ed tiinific i Enciclopedic, Bucureti, 1990, pp. 110 111.

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dappel et demande au destinataire une certaine attitude. De ce point de vue, en considrant le mot comme signe par lintermdiaire duquel quelquun veut dire quelque chose sur un certain fait (en respectant la dfinition donne par Platon dans Cratylos), il y manque justement la signification qui fait la liaison entre le sens matriel et les choses. La reprsentation est ralise par le bais de la signification. 4. La thorie ou le schma de Bhler est complte en 1958 par Roman Jakobson (Style in Language), par laddition de trois personnages : les facteurs constitutifs dans tout acte de parole sont maintenant : lmetteur, le rcepteur, le contexte (lunivers de rfrence), auxquels on ajoute le code (les rgles dorganisation et dutilisation des signes, des rgles communes, au moins partiellement, lmetteur et au rcepteur), le contact (le rapport entre lmetteur et le rcepteur, soit de nature psychologique, soit matrielle le fil du tlphone par exemple) et le message (dfini et construit conformment au code) . En remplaant le signe linguistique par le message (lacte de communication), il identifie encore trois fonctions du celui-ci : mtalinguistique, phatique et potique. Ces fonctions exigent une courte prsentation des facteurs constitutifs dans nimporte quel acte de parole ou communication verbale. Celui qui sadresse (lmetteur) transmet un message au destinataire (le rcepteur). Pour que le message accomplisse sa fonction, il a besoin dun contexte auquel il se rfre (un rfrent), que le destinataire puisse percevoir et qui soit verbal ou capable dtre verbalis ; dun code commun ou partiellement commun au celui qui code et au celui qui dcode) ; il a besoin dun contact, le conducteur matriel ou la liaison psychologique entre les deux, qui leur offre la possibilit dtablir et maintenir la communication. Ces trois nouvelles fonctions du langage proposes par Jakobson sont rejetes par Eugen Coeriu. Ainsi, la fonction phatique ne peut-elle pas se diffrencier de lappel, puisque en ralit cette mise en contact pour savoir que le destinataire est disponible pour traiter le message est seulement la partie initiale de la fonction dappel (...), une fonction qui envisage le canal uniquement. Par consquent, la fonction phatique peut exister seulement lintrieur dune communication mcanique5. La fonction mtalinguistique ne peut pas tre spare de la fonction de reprsentation, parce que, si la fonction de reprsentation est de reprsenter les choses, alors entre les choses que le langage peut reprsenter on trouve le langage aussi; parce que le langage est une partie de la ralit, alors le langage peut tre dfini par le langage La fonction potique nexiste pas, parce que la concentration de la structure du message peut tre prsente en posie, mais ce nest pas ce qui fait que la posie soit posie (), on peut trouver cette concentration dans le message, dans toute sorte de messages, comme par exemple dans cette formule, qui ne devient pas potique en raison du fait quelle est construite, I like Ike, formule qui a, sans doute, ses effets comme formule de propagande, donc formule du domaine pragmatique, mais non pas du domaine potique. 6. Une porte philosophique ou non, plutt, anthropologique, qui soutient lide quen fait, le texte, tout comme le langage en gnral, a une composante prdominante pragmatique, est mentionne par Ioan Crc (ibidem): Le caractre actionnel du langage avait t identifi par les anthropologues dix ans avant Bhler. Dans 1923, en tudiant la langue parle par les habitants des Iles Trobriand du sud du Pacifique, lanthropologue amricain dorigine polonaise Bronislaw Malinowski (1884 1942) a t contrari de ne pas russir traduire dans la langue anglaise les mots et les propositions appartenant aux textes ethnographiques tudis. Il a tir la conclusion que les langues nont pas t de simples reflets de la ralit, mais des modes dactions, quune langue ne se limite pas la transmission de linformation, mais elle emploie les mots pour forces actives qui confrent au sujet parlant le pouvoir de manipuler le monde qui lentoure. Il en rsulte que, pour dchiffrer la signification dune proposition quelconque dans une langue trangre on doit savoir non seulement le vocabulaire de la langue en question (et ses rgles grammaticales), mais aussi le contexte de situations o cette langue est employe.
4 5

Bhler, K., Sprachthorie, apud. Crc, Ioan S., op. cit., p. 391. Coeriu, Eugen, Prelegeri i conferine (1992 1993) [Cours et confrences (1992 1993)], supplment de la publication Anuar de lingvistic i istorie literar [ Annuaire de linguistique et histoire littraire] t.XXXIII, 1992 1993, A. Linguistique, LInstitut de Philologie Roumaine Al. Philippide, Iai, 1994, p. 148Seria 1994, p. 148. 6 Crc, Ioan S., op. cit., p. 394.

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La thorie des actes de langage laquelle E. Vasiliu se rfre est inaugure par le philosophe anglais de lcole dOxford, John Austin. Il identifie deux types dnoncs : a). constatatifs (noncs dclaratifs qui dcrivent le monde et peuvent tre valus en termes vrai ou faux) ; b). performatifs (qui ne disent rien sur le monde, mais qui essaient de changer le monde, qui effectuent un acte et se caractrisent par la prsence de la premire personne du pronom, des verbes la voix active et du mode indicatif, et souvent, des verbes nomms performatifs : ordonner, baptiser, promettre). Cependant, en observant que les noncs constatatifs ont une valeur daction, donc performative, il revient et propose une autre classification des actes de langage : - actes locutionnaires ; actes illocutionnaires ; actes perlocutionnaires. Par consquent, ces actes produisent des sons qui forment les mots quon combine laide des rgles grammaticales, dans des phrases ayant du sens (actes locutionnaires) ; en nonant un nonc on informe, on pose des questions, on ordonne, on menace, on promet (actes illocutionnaires) et on peut convaincre, tromper, alarmer, surprendre linterlocuteur (actes perlocutionnaires). Un essai de dfinir la caractristique pragmatique du texte est fait par E. Vasiliu, qui fait une observation avec laquelle nous ne sommes pas daccord, dans linterprtation de la thorie du texte. Aprs avoir analys les aspects syntaxique et smantique exclusivement par des dfinitions formelles, il considre que le moyen le plus efficace de distinguer une rgle pragmatique est celui de llimination : une rgle pragmatique est une rgle de fonctionnement du langage qui nest ni syntaxique ni smantique en totalit. 7 De notre point de vue, il est difficile daccepter la dfinition hypothtique que le linguiste propose pour les rgles pragmatiques, parce quelle sappuie sur une ngation. Mais, dans la plus part des cas, E. Vasiliu a tent dinterprter la thorie du texte de tous les points de vue et a mis des conclusions pertinentes, notre avis. Il est bien connu, et nous allons essayer de le dmontrer par la suite, que les trois aspects daborder la grammaire du texte la syntaxe, la smantique et la pragmatique sentrecroisent selon nous, la pragmatique ayant la plus grande valeur. Selon Jean Lohisse, il y a deux types de contextes que nous pourrions nommer contexte linguistique et contexte social. Le contexte linguistique (smiotique), o le co-texte est, dune part, le contexte parlant o le signe apparat ( lintrieur dune phrase, un paragraphe, une squence cinmatographique ou de publicit) et, dautre part, ce que nous appelons intertexte, au sens de lunivers de significations, discours et reprsentations auxquelles un message se rfre, la relation linguistique que le texte entretient avec dautres textes quil englobe et transforment. Pour le contexte social nous plaidons pour le terme de situation (o se droule une interaction). A lintrieur de la situation nous distinguons plusieurs niveaux : - le cadre (le niveau physique : le lieu et le temps) o a lieu la rencontre entre les protagonistes ; - la scne o jouent les protagonistes de la communication, motivs ; - le contexte institutionnel qui confre le statut et le rle des protagonistes de la communication ; les rituels propres la culture dont les actants appartiennent et qui forment un systme rgl de conventions8. Dans la linguistique, le concept le plus labor de contexte appartient E. Coeriu9 et figure depuis 1955, le moment de la parution de ltude Determinacin y entorno. Dos problemas de una lingistica del hablar, o il sintresse deux problmes qui touchent, en fait, la
7 8

Vasiliu, E., op. cit., p. 109. Lohisse, Jean, Comunicarea. De la transmiterea mecanic la interaciune [La Communication. De la transmission mcanique linteraction], traduction par Gabriela Scurtu Ilovan, Polirom, Iai, 2002, p. 150. 9 Coeriu, Eugen, Determinare i cadru. Dou probleme ale unei lingvistici a vorbirii [Dtermination et cadre. Deux problmes dune linguistique de la parole], traduction par C. Dominte, en Lucia Wald, Elena Slave (ed.), Lingvistica saussurian i postsaussurian. Texte adnotate, [La linguistique saussurienne et postsaussurienne. Textes annots], Presses de lUniversit de Bucarest, 1985, p. 209.

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pragmatique linguistique : la dtermination (par quatre types dactions : actualisation, discrimination, dlimitation et identification) comme ensemble doprations qui, dans le langage comme activit, saccomplit pour dire quelque chose par lintermdiaire des signes de la langue, ou pour actualiser et orienter vers la ralit concrte un signe virtuel (appartenant la langue ), ou pour dlimiter, prciser ou orienter la rfrence dun signe (virtuel ou actuel) (ibidem) et les cadres (entornos) comme instruments circonstanciels de lactivit linguistique. Pour la prsentation de la conception dE. Coeriu sur le contexte, nous citons quelques squences plus amples du rsum que lauteur fait lui-mme pour la seconde partie de son tude de 1955 : J identifie quatre types de cadres. Premirement, un cadre que je nomme situation. Situation nest pas ce que nous comprenons habituellement par ce terme, mais situation cre par le fait mme que nous parlons. Ce sont les coordonnes spatiales et temporelles cres par la parole : au moment o nous parlons, tout coup quelque chose devient ici et maintenant et autre chose devient alors et l , avant ou aprs , celui-ci ou celui-l . Tout est dtermin dans les coordonnes de la parole. Et jai identifi, dj, dans la situation, deux types : la situation immdiate et la situation lointaine, une situation imaginaire, dont nous pouvons crer les coordonnes que nous pouvons projeter dans le futur ou dans le pass. Par exemple, dans un roman de science fiction nous pouvons parler de lan 3000. Deuximement, le contexte, le cadre o le langage est employ effectivement. Ce contexte est, lui aussi, trs vari. Il y a le contexte physique immdiat ; le contexte empirique que nous savons, mais qui nest pas obligatoirement immdiat ; le contexte culturel, historique (tout ce que nous appelons situation devient contexte empirique) ; le contexte naturel, notre contexte du monde o nous vivons et o nous avons des expriences, qui sont gnral humaines. Ensuite, jidentifie la rgion ou lespace. Ce nest pas le contexte de la parole, mais la zone de premption dun signe, par rapport ce que nous pouvons appeler signe. Je fais la diffrence entre ambito (zone) et ambiants. La zone est lespace o un signe se construit, et qui nest pas ncessairement une langue. Par exemple, le signe maison, avec cette forme, est rencontr dans plusieurs rgions (par exemple, dans la majorit des langues romaines). Donc, par ambito jentends la zone ou lespace o nous connaissons lobjet nomm comme objet dexprience quotidienne. Dans cet exemple, nous parlons de lespace o nous connaissons lobjet maison et non pas le terme maison qui diffre lobjet izba . Connatre directement lobjet dont nous parlons est une situation, et une chose totalement oppose est de le connatre indirectement, parce quil appartient un autre espace culturel, de civilisation matrielle. Ambiants est lespace non pas dans le sens gographique, mais dans le sens socioculturel, dans la communaut ou le groupe o certains signes sont connus comme signes ou nomment les objets dune certaine manire. 10. Dans un ouvrage bien connu11 Liliana Ionescu-Ruxndoiu essaie de dfinir la pragmatique en faisant appel deux concepts : laction et le contexte. Cependant, les deux concepts ne peuvent pas tre isols lun par rapport lautre, parce que toute action se droule obligatoirement dans un contexte et cre un contexte et tout contexte peut tre considr comme contexte dans la mesure o il est fonctionnel, au sens dactionnel : il agit sur une entit qui doit sadapter au contexte en gardant en mme temps un autre impratif dontologique du langage, la cohrence avec les principes gnraux de la pense et avec la connaissance des choses. Par le fait quelle existe et fonctionne dans le contexte, lentit en question dtermine et (r)cre le contexte. Bien quelle ne soit pas encore considre comme une discipline ayant un objet proprement dit, sans un systme qui contienne tous les dtails, une pragmatique gnrale semble exister tant un domaine de laction et de linteraction communicative par la parole et elle contient : - des aspects de base de lorganisation pragmatique du discours : actes verbaux, deixis, formes de limplicite conversationnel (suppositions, implicateurs) ;

10

Coeriu, Eugen, Lingvistica integral [La linguistique intgrale], interview ralise avec Eugen Coeriu par Nicolae Saramandu, Ed. de la Fondation Culturelle Roumaine, Bucarest, 1996, pp. 135 137. 11 Ionescu-Ruxndoiu, Liliana, Conversaia. Structuri i strategii. Sugestii pentru o pragmatic a romnei vorbite [La conversation. Structures et stratgies. Suggestions pour une pragmatique de la langue roumaine parle], Ed. ALL, Bucarest, 1995, p.25.

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des principes et stratgies conversationnelles : le principe coopratif et les maximes conversationnelles, le principe et les stratgies de la politesse, dautres principes (le principe de lironie et du persiflage) ; lanalyse de la conversation : des structures interactionnelles, des niveaux de lorganisation de la conversation. Par consquent, ce que nous appelons succession cohrente de propositions nest quune succession de propositions dont lenchanement satisfait notre attente visant les possibilits de combinaison des propositions, en prenant en considration leur sens (les sens des deux propositions font que leur enchanement soit un certain degr conforme cette attente). Une succession correcte de propositions serait donc une succession qui ne soit pas frustrante (ou elle ne frustre pas dune manire violente) lattente des sujets parlants. Il est vident que ce sens attribu au terme est de nature purement pragmatique, parce quil a la base la relation entre les interlocuteurs et le systme linguistique quils manipulent (la relation stablit directement avec le sens des signes)12. Tout cela met en vidence le rle dcisif de la dimension pragmatique du texte dans le processus dutilisation des signes linguistiques et la ncessit daccorder un plus dimportance cet aspect de la communication orient vers le rapport entre le signe et ses utilisateurs.
Bibliographie : Crc, Ioan S., Teoria i practica semnului [La thorie et la pratique du signe], LInstitut Europen, Iai, 2003 Coeriu, Eugen, Determinare i cadru. Dou probleme ale unei lingvistici a vorbirii, [Dtermination et cadre. Deux problmes dune linguistique de la parole], traduction par C. Dominte, en Lucia Wald, Elena Slave (ed.), Lingvistica saussurian i postsaussurian. Texte adnotate [La linguistique saussurienne et postsaussurienne. Textes annots], Presses de lUniversit de Bucarest, 1985 Coeriu, Eugen, Lingvistica integral [La linguistique intgrale], interview ralise avec Eugen Coeriu par Nicolae Saramandu, Ed. de la Fondation Culturelle Roumaine, Bucarest, 1996 Coeriu, Eugen, Prelegeri i conferine (1992 1993) [Cours et confrences (1992 1993)], supplment de la publication Anuar de lingvistic i istorie literar [Annuaire de linguistique et histoire littraire], t. XXXIII, 1992 1993, Srie A. Linguistique, LInstitut de Philologie Roumaine Al. Philippide, Iai, 1994 xxx Gramatica limbii romne [La Grammaire de la langue roumaine], 2e tome, (LEnonc), Ed. De lAcadmie, Bucarest, 2005 Ionescu-Ruxndoiu, Liliana, Conversaia. Structuri i strategii. Sugestii pentru o pragmatic a romnei vorbite [La conversation. Structures et stratgies. Suggestions pour une pragmatique de la langue roumaine parle], Ed. ALL, Bucarest, 1995 Lohisse, Jean, Comunicarea. De la transmiterea mecanic la interaciune [La Communication. De la transmission mcanique linteraction], traduction par Gabriela Scurtu Ilovan, Polirom, Iai, 2002. Vasiliu, E., Introducere n teoria textului [Introduction dans la thorie du texte], Ed tiinific i Enciclopedic, Bucureti, 1990.

12

Vasiliu, E., op. cit., pp. 141-142.

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ngustarea limbii romne i atitudinea fa de mprumutul lingvistic neologic n cadrul preocuprilor pentru modernizarea limbii romne literare la crturarii colii Ardelene
Lect. drd. Ionel Apostolatu Universitatea Dunrea de Jos din Galai Abstract: One of the most important aspects of the standard Romanian language modernization that started at the end of the 18th century was the vocabulary enrichment with the help of loanwords, in attempt to extend the means of expression of our cultural language (especially in its written aspect). Because of the Romanian enthrallment to the Old Church Slavonic in such domains as religious service, culture and administration, during de 16th and 17th centuries many scholars experienced, especially when translating monumental religious texts, the feeling of language penury. Beginning with the Transylvanian Schools activity, there comes into being a favorable trend fo the modernization of the standard Romanian vocabulary by a programmatic association with Latin, on the one hand, and the related Romance languages (especially French and Italian), on the other hand. The entire process gradually got the proportion of a true reromanization / re-latinization of the Romanian standard language, in which the linguisitic loan had a major role. Although there were scholars who had a rather temperate attitude to the loan solution, suggesting that the inner resources (i.e. derivation) to enrich the vocabulary are preferable, most of the 18th century Transylvanian intellectuals involved in philological disputes took favourable position towards the need of language development by loanwords of Latin-Romance origin. Key words: standard Romanian, loanwords, neologisms, language penury, language development, reromanization

1. Premise 1.1. Limba romn varietate i diasistem Limba romn actual, n forma pe care o cunoatem astzi, este rezultatul unui ndelungat i complex proces de dezvoltare, caracterizat, pe de o parte, prin continuitate, iar pe de alt parte, prin ritmuri diferite de evoluie, dependente att de factori interni (care izvorsc din nsui sistemul de funcionare a limbii), ct i de factori externi (ntruct limba, ca fenomen social, evolueaz n strns legtur cu istoria societii, a comunitii care o vorbete i o scrie). Desigur, cei doi factori au acionat conjugat, n virtutea caracterului istoric al limbii i a statutului ei de instituie social. Ca orice limb istoric, limba romn reprezint o unitate n diversitate, un ansamblu destul de complex de tradiii lingvistice istoric conexe, dar diferite i numai n parte concordante. Varietatea lingvistic este generat de o serie ntreag de factori extralingvistici: poziia geografic, diversitatea social, momentul vorbirii etc. Practic, vorbirea, ca act individual de comunicare, se realizeaz diferit de la vorbitor la vorbitor: un individ vorbete cu particulariti caracteristice zonei sale geografice, gradului su de instruire, mediului social i profesional cruia i aparine, propriei generaii din care face parte, relaiilor cu ali vorbitori, n fine, potrivit situaiei concrete de comunicare, strii sale ntr-un anumit moment al vorbirii. Toi aceti parametri difer, deci, de la individ la individ, i de la o situaie de comunicare la alta. O limb istoric, chiar i n sincronie, nu reprezint un sistem unitar i omogen, ci o colecie de dialecte, stiluri i niveluri de limb. n toate limbile exist cel puin trei tipuri de varietate: n spaiu, ntre straturile socioculturale ale comunitii i ntre scopurile expresive, determinate de elementele fundamentale ale actului lingvistic concret. Definind limba ca tehnic istoric a vorbirii, ca sistem dinamic, Eugen Coeriu afirm c ntro limb istoric exist diferene interne, mai mult sau mai puin profunde, corespunztoare la trei tipuri fundamentale: a) diferene diatopice, adic diferene n spaiul geografic (din gr.dya, prin" i topos loc"); b) diferene diastratice, adic diferene ntre straturile socio-culturale ale comunitii lingvistice (din gr. dya i lat. stratum) i c) diferene diafazice, adic diferene ntre diferite tipuri de modaliti expresive (din gr. dya i phasis, expresie"). Diferenele lingvistice care la acelai strat socio-cultural caracterizeaz grupuri biologice (brbai, femei, copii, tineri) i profesionale pot fi de asemenea considerate ca diafazice (ibid., p. 263).

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n acest sens se poate spune c o limb istoric nu este niciodat un singur sistem lingvistic, ci un diasistem, adic un sistem de sisteme, un ansamblu mai mult sau mai puin complex de dialecte", niveluri" i stiluri de limb" (vezi ibid., p. 266). Dei a vorbi nseamn ntotdeauna a vorbi ntr-o limb (ex. n romnete), practic nu exist vorbitor care s realizeze n vorbire ntreaga varietate a unei limbi. Altfel spus, nimeni nu poate controla i vorbi simultan toat limba romn, deci i muntenete, i moldovenete, i n graiul bnean, la nivelul cel mai elevat i la nivel popular, n stilul familiar i n cel administrativ. De fiecare dat realizm o anumit varietate a limbii romne (cum ar fi, de pild, romna comun, de tip muntean, de nivel mediu i n stilul familiar). Important ns este s nu confundm acest tip propriu de varietate cu limba comun, cu limba exemplar, cu limba literar sau standard. O tehnic lingvistic n ntregime determinat (adic unitar i omogen) n cele trei sensuri un singur dialect la un singur nivel i ntr-un stil unic de limb, cu alte cuvinte, o limb sintopic, sinstratic i sinfazic poate fi numit limb funcional. Adjectivul funcional" i afl n acest caz justificarea n faptul c numai o limb de acest tip funcioneaz efectiv i n mod imediat n discursuri (sau texte") (vezi ibid., p. 267-270). 1.2. Limba romn limb de cultur Limba romn ca limb naional a reuit s-i cristalizeze n timp o variant literar. Aceast variant sau, mai pe scurt, limba literar, este aspectul sau varianta cea mai ngrijit a limbii ntregului popor, care servete ca instrument de exprimare a celor mai diverse manifestri ale culturii i se caracterizeaz prin respectarea unei norme impuse cu necesitate membrilor 1 comunitii creia se adreseaz (Gheie, Introducere, p. 21) . n legtur cu caracterul normat al limbii literare, inem s precizm c norma literar nu este totuna cu norma lingvistic n general. Norma lingvistic are caracter intrinsec, natural i abstract, stabilind cum se spune, n baza posibilitilor oferite de sistem i n acord cu un anumit uz, care reine aspectele comune, constante ale vorbirii. n schimb, norma literar are caracter convenional i concret, explicit, stabilind cum trebuie s se spun (n baza opoziiei corect / greit). Ea este obligatorie pentru toi membrii unei comuniti lingvistice, avnd caracter unic i supradialectal, ceea ce nseamn c se situeaz deasupra variantelor regionale (n sensul c nu se identific cu niciuna dintre acestea). Norma literar funcioneaz n baza unor reguli, stabilite la nivelul ntregii comuniti, reguli care sunt descrise n mod explicit n diferite lucrri cu caracter 2 normativ: gramatici, dicionare, ndreptare etc . Caracterul normat al limbii literare se manifest la toate nivelurile: fonetic, morfologic, sintactic, lexical, precum i n plan (orto)grafic. Ion Gheie definete norma literar astfel: expresia convenional, n genere coerent, a unui anumit uz lingvistic (dominant), impus, cu o for coercitiv mai mare sau mai mic, persoanelor aparinnd unei anumite comuniti culturale (ibid., p. 36). Relaia limb literar cultur are n vedere faptul c adncirea i diversificarea culturii, determinat de nsi dezvoltarea social a unei naiuni, cunoate un reflex nemijlocit n fizionomia limbii literare. Ea se mbogete cu termeni noi, tinznd totodat s-i desvreasc mijloacele de expresie lingvistic i stilistic. Procesul duce la perfecionarea limbii literare sau, altfel spus, la 3 modernizarea ei continu 3. Cel mai important semn al desvririi unei limbi literare este apariia i dezvoltarea stilurilor sale funcionale, ca sisteme lingvistice specializate, menite a servi necesitilor de exprimare ale unui anumit domeniu (social, cultural, profesional etc.). Legtura strns dintre unificare (normare) i modernizare (cultivare) rezum, practic, ntreaga istorie a limbii romne literare.

La rigoare, limb literar (puternic unificat i rigid codificat) se apropie de conceptul de limb funcional, ns nu-i corespunde ntocmai, deoarece i ntr-o limb de acest tip se prezint, cel puin, diferene stilistice" (vezi Coeriu, Limba funcional, p. 268). 2 Necesitatea normrii limbii romne a dus la apariia primelor dicionare (n sec. al XVII-lea) i a primelor gramatici (n sec. al XVIII-lea). 3 Vd n modernizarea i n perfecionarea limbii de cultur dou noiuni sinonime (Gheie, Introducere, p. 117).

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1.3. Modernizarea limbii literare i problema mbogirii lexicului Unul dintre cele mai importante aspecte ale procesului de modernizare a limbii romne literare ce s-a declanat la sfritul sec. al XVIII-lea a fost mbogirea lexicului prin mprumuturi, scopul fiind acela de extindere a posibilitilor de exprimare (mai ales n scris) a limbii noastre de cultur. Dac n sec. XVI-XVII, crturarii au ncercat (nu o dat!), n activitatea de traducere a unor scrieri (mai ales) religioase fundamentale, sentimentul de srcie a limbii, cauzat, n principal, de statutul romnei de limb subsidiar slavonei n biseric, cultur i stat, ncepnd cu activitatea colii Ardelene se creeaz un curent de opinie favorabil modernizrii vocabularului romnesc literar printr-o apropiere programatic de limba latin, pe de o parte, i de limbile romanice surori (franceza i italiana), de cealalt parte, proces care a cptat, n timp, dimensiunile unei adevrate relatinizri / reromanizri a limbii romne literare, i n care mprumutul lingvistic a jucat un rol major. Chiar i n prima jumtate a sec. al XIX-lea, cnd vor aprea mai multe direcii i curente ce-i disput justeea ideilor legate de modernizarea limbii literare, majoritatea celor angajai n astfel de controverse filologice se vor arta deosebit de receptivi la necesitatea cultivrii limbii prin mprumuturi. Desigur, au fost i voci care n-au aderat cu acelai entuziasm la soluia mprumutului, recomandnd n acest sens o atitudine temperat i prefernd mai degrab o orientare ctre resursele interne de mbogire a lexicului, printr-o (re)valorificare mai intens a fondului latin motenit (Paul Iorgovici, tefan Crian, C. Diaconovici-Loga sau, mai trziu, Aron Pumnul). Un lucru este ns cert, anume c prin noile achiziii lexicale romna dobndete o diversificare a vocabularulului specific mai multor arii stilistice, precum i un rafinament expresiv ce-i va permite s dea form celor mai variate coninuturi artistice i non-artistice. Mai trebuie spus, de asemenea, c prin mprumut se obine nu doar o mbogire a vocabularului, ci i o modernizare a lui, att n sensul unei adaptri la realitile contemporane, ct i n sensul unei sincronizri de tip intercultural, n urma contactului (lingvistic i extralingvistic) cu alte spaii de cultur i civilizaie. Pentru limba romn, acest lucru a nsemnat, la sfritul sec. al XVIII-lea i nceputul sec. al XIX-lea, rencadrarea n spiritualitatea romanic european i ndeprtarea de zona de influen balcanic sub care s-a situat vreme de cteva secole, mai ales prin cultura ce ne venea din Bizan (vezi Hristea, mprumutul, p. 65). 2. ngustarea limbii i cultivarea ei prin mprumuturi De-a lungul istoriei limbii romne literare, poziionarea favorabil a crturarilor fa de actul (cultural) al mprumutului lingvistic nu s-a justificat doar printr-un anume partizanat ideologic n problema cultivrii limbii noastre (problem care, de altfel, nu s-a pus la modul contient / teoretic dect la finele sec. al XVIII-lea), ci a fost ndreptit, iniial, de constatarea, de ordin practic, a acelei srcii sau ngustri a limbii, nvederat de eforturile primilor traductori n romnete a unor texte literare, pui n situaia de a nu afla n limba proprie cuvintele necesare transpunerii ideilor cuprinse n textul original (de regul slavon, maghiar sau grecesc). 2.1. Tlmcitorii Tlmcirea textelor liturgice n limba romn a ridicat traductorilor numeroase probleme ale limbii literare, printre care i problema neologismelor. Mai mult dect att, contactul cu limbile crilor traduse i determin s-i dea seama de starea n care se afl limba romn i de posibilitatea ca ea s se dezvolte. Astfel n sec. al XVII-lea, Simion tefan (n Predoslovia ctr cetitori a Noului Testament de la Blgrad, 1648), iar mai apoi Mitropolitul Teodosie (n prefaa Liturghiei tiprite la Bucureti n 1680), stolnicul Constantin Cantacuzino (ca ngrijitor al traducerii Bibliei de la 1688) i Radu Greceanu (ntr-o ntiinare din Mineiul pe septembrie, tiprit la Buzu, n 1698) vorbesc cei dinti despre efortul de a gsi cuvintele cele mai potrivite, cu care s mbogeasc limba noastr:
[] vedem c unele cuvinte unii le-au izvodit ntr-un chip, alii ntr-alt. Iar noi le-am lsat cum a fost n izvodul grecescu, vznd c alte limbi nc le in aea, cumu-i synagoga, i poblican i gangrena, i pietri scumpe, carele nu s tiu rumneate ce snt; nume de oameni, i de leamne, i de vemente, i altele multe carele nu s tiu rumneate ce snt, noi nc le-am lsat greceate, pentru c alte limbi nc le-au

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lsat aea (Simion tefan, Prefaa ctre cititori a Noului Testament, Blgrad, 1648, apud Cazacu, Pagini, p. 74; s.n. I.A.).

Problema lipsei n limba romn a termenilor necesari redrii unor noiuni este rezolvat prin pstrarea cuvntului strin sub forma mprumutului lexical i, odat cu acesta, introducerea noii noiuni din limba surs. Este, deci, pentru prima oar la noi cnd se pune problema mbogirii vocabularului cu neologisme, toate neologismele considerate mai puin cunoscute fiind glosate pe marginea crii. Un cuvnt nou apare, de obicei, numai acolo unde e strict necesar: iot = sau cert, sau o slov care-i mai mic; maghi = gcitori; synagoga = unde s strngea jidovii s auz cuvntul lui Dumnezeu; noi zicem beserec etc.
Iar Liturghia toat a o prepune pre limba noastr i a o muta nice am vrut, nice am cutezat,; drept mrturisesc, pentru multe alte pricini ce m-au mpins svai c i pentru scurt limba noastr ce iaste (Mitropolitul Teodosie, n prefaa Liturghiei, Bucureti, 1680, apud Rosetti, Cazacu, Onu, ILRL, p. 93; s.n. I.A.). i mcar c la unele cuvinte s fi fost cu nevoe tlmcitorilor pentru strimtarea limbii romneti, iar nc avnd pild pre tlmcitorii latinilor i slovenilor, precum aceia, aa i ai notri le-au lsat precum s citesc la cea elineasc (Prefaa la Biblia de la 1688, semnat de domnitorul erban Cantacuzino, dar atribuit crturarului umanist Constantin Cantacuzino stolnicul, Rosetti, Cazacu, Onu, ILRL, p. 93; s.n. I.A.). Rugnd pre tot pravoslavnicul cititoriu, care pedepsit va fi n tiina elineasc, de ar i cunoate niscare greale s nu defaime, c cu greu iaste a tlmci netine singur, ales despre limba elineasc spre cea rumneasc; c sunt cuvinte elineti i vorbe despre locuri, care unele nici la lexicoane nu s afl i s neleg, iar pentru ngustarea limbii rumneti nu pot veni la tlmcit (Radu Greceanu, ntiinare la Mineiul pe septembrie, 1698, Rosetti, Cazacu, Onu, ILRL, p. 98; s.n. I.A.).

2.2. coala Ardelean i problema mbogirii vocabularului Spre sfritul sec. al al XVIII-lea, prin activitatea crturarilor colii Ardelene se realizeaz trecerea la o nou etap privind preocuprile pentru cunoaterea i cultivarea limbii romne. Fiind posesori ai unor temeinice cunotine filologice, reprezentanii acestei micri articulate pe ideologia iluminist i-au pus pentru prima dat n mod deliberat problema furirii limbii romne literare, cu toate implicaiile teoretice i practice care au decurs de aici, intuindu-se ideea c prin 4 cultivarea limbii se ajunge la formarea culturii . Lexicul limbii romne st n atenia tuturor crturarilor colii Ardelene, att din punct de vedere teoretic (principalele aspecte vizate fiind selectarea i mbogirea vocabularului limbii literare), ct i practic (prin ntocmirea de dicionare care cuprind un material lexical bogat, opera capital fiind, n acest sens, Lexiconul de la Buda, 1825). S-a militat pentru introducerea unor termeni noi, considerai indispensabili pentru nsuirea elementelor unei culturi moderne. Indiferent dac se cerea afixarea unor vechi rdcini latine sau se prefera mprumutul lexical, necesitatea lrgirii lexicului cu noi elemente a reprezentat un imperativ pentru nvaii colii Ardelene. 2.2.1. Reincriminarea srciei limbii ... Problema ngustrii limbii rumneti, ce a constituit, cum am vzut, subiect de reflecie la unii crturari din sec. al XVII-lea, revine, ca un fel de ecou n timp, i n atenia intelectualilor ardeleni. Atta doar c acum frustrarea vechilor tlmcitori devine un adevrat complex al scriitorilor de a nu avea la ndemn un instrument de comunicare suficient de elaborat i de flexibil care s le permit a da o form ct mai nalt ideilor i sentimentelor n operele lor. Preri interesante despre srcia vocabularului limbii romne i, prin ricoeu, despre necesitatea cultivrii vocabularului gsim la mai muli scriitori transilvneni.
4

Problema limbii literare a preocupat pe fiecare reprezentant al colii Ardelene ntr-o msur aa de mare, nct indicarea ei drept not esenial a ntregii activiti lingvistice desfurate n acea epoc trebuie fcut cu toat hotrrea (Gheie, BudaiDeleanu, p. 10).

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Ioan Molnar Piuariu, n cuvntul Ctr cetitori din Economia stupilor (1785) atrage atenia asupra lipsei i scderii, n limba romn, a unor termeni necesari pentru a desemna anumite noiuni, fapt ce ar crea cititorilor dificulti de nelegere a unui text specializat: precum nu e totdeauna cu putin a cltori pretutindenea fr povuire, aa i nvtura aceasta nu o am putut scrie n limba noastr ct s o nleag toi n toate laturile. C pre unele locuri s usbete vorba, pentru lipsa i scderea cuvintelor n limba romneasc, i mi-am cutat s m ajutoresc cu cuvinte mprumutate din alte limbi (apud Nicolescu, coala ardelean, p. 34). n Observaii de limb rumneasc (1799), Paul Iorgovici se plnge c limba noastr e sireac la cuvinte, srcie pe care o explic printr-o decdere a noastr ca naie, decdere ce a dus la uitarea cuvintelor care ne apar acum ca strine, dei ele vor fi existat cndva n limba noastr (dovad fiind prezena lor n latin). La rndul su, Samuil Micu (n Logica, Buda, 1799), atrage atenia asupra faptului c, pentru a-i atinge scopul (Pentru aceea vorbim ca alii s neleag), comunicarea trebuie s se desfoare innd cont de diferenele diastratice de la nivelul limbii vorbite, fapt pentru care nu se cade s mestecm cuvinte strine n limba romneasc, adic nemeti sau ungureti cu turceti sau slavoneti sau dintr-alte limbi, mai ales cnd vorbim cu cei proti (apud Bulgr, Scriitori, p. 17). Actul vorbirii urmrete ns nu doar finaliti comunicative, ci i expresive. Or, aa cum exist diferene lingvistice ntre straturile sau pturile socio-culturale ale comunitii, exist i diferene de ordin stilistic, ntre scopurile expresive, determinate de elementele fundamentale ale actului lingvistic concret. Diferenele diafazice pot s fie notabile, de exemplu, ntre limba vorbit i limba scris, ntre modul de vorbire familiar i cel public" (sau, eventual, solemn), ntre limbajul curent i limbajul tiinific etc. Aceste diferene sunt marcate (i marcante) n primul rnd la nivelul lexicului. E vorba n primul rnd de existena terminologiilor ce caracterizeaz limbajul unui anumit domeniu al tiinei sau culturii. Nu ntotdeauna ns realitile ce se cer exprimate i gsesc expresia potrivit n limba proprie, iar atunci suntem ndreptii s recurgem la mprumutul lexical, ns nu de oriunde, ci n primul rnd din marile limbi de cultur, precum greaca sau latina: Iar unde lipsete limba noastr romneasc i nu avem cuvinte cu care s putem spune unele lucruri, mai ales pentru nvturi i n tiine, atunci cu socoteal i numai ct iaste de lips putem s ne ntindem s lum ori din cea greceasc, ca din cea mai nvat, ori din cea latineasc, ca de la a noastr maic ... (Samuil Micu, Logica, p. 58, apud Bulgr, op. cit., p. 17). Adresndu-se ntr-o scrisoare, n 1815, episcopului Samuil Vulcan, Ioan Corneli (unul dintre cei care au contribuit la realizarea Lexiconului budan) se refer la un aspect mai puin sesizat de contemporanii si n legtur cu dinamica lexicului, i anume srcirea relativ a vocabularului ca rezultat al necunoaterii i nentrebuinrii unor cuvinte. El consider c lipsesc din lexicul comun al limbii romne literare numeroi termeni tehnici utili pentru nelegerea diverselor noiuni noi introduse prin cri i coal. Opera lingvistic a lui Ion Budai-Deleanu este puternic marcat de permanenta preocupare pentru crearea unei limbi literare moderne, intelectualul ardelean fiind din acest punct de vedere unul dintre primii teoreticieni ai ideii de limb literar. n Kurzgefasste Bemerkungen ber Bukovina (Scurte observaii asupra Bucovinei, ~ 1785), Budai-Deleanu face urmtoarea remarc: Limba moldoveneasc i, n genere, romn, are toate calitile pentru a deveni cu timpul o limb egal n cultur cu cea italian, dac oameni iscusii se vor ocupa de ea; pn acum ea este ns srac, rustic, necultivat (Budai-Deleanu, Kurzgefasste Bemerkungen, p. 39; s.n. I.A.). ntr-o prim versiune a iganiadei (aprox. 1800), autorul primei epopei n limba romn i vede compromis efortul de a accede n sntariul muzelor, cci lipsa tradiiei unei literaturi artistice i a unei limbi corespunztoare l oblig s compun nu o oper de nalt factur (aa cum exista n ltinete, italienete i franozete), ci o jucreau. Problema furirii unei limbi romne literare cultivate i normate, care s dea expresie tiinelor i culturii, l preocup pe Budai-Deleanu mai ales n primul dialog al Dasclului romnesc (1815-1820), unde vorbete, ntr-un limbaj mai mult sau mai puin figurat, despre limba muselor, singura n msur s nlesneasc accesul n templul tiinelor. Practic, gsim aici, aa cum s-a mai spus, o prim ncercare de definire a limbii literare, care, n viziunea lui BudaiDeleanu, nu e altceva dect limba de obte a poporului, ns purificat de toate smintelile, adus la reguli gramaticale i, n fine, mbogit (nmulit) printr-o serie de cuvinte

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obicinuite la nvturi . Realizarea unei astfel de limbi (de care dispuneau deja toate neamurile politicite, la care floresc nvturile) era singura modalitate de a se dezvolta i n limba romn o cultur superioar. Dar pentru aceasta era necesar s se fac distincia ntre scopurile expresive ale comunicrii. Astfel, Dasclul afirm c dei cei care au scris pn atunci romnete au fcut-o cu adevrat n limba romn, cu toate acestea puini foarte sunt cei care s se fi nlat oarecumva preste gloat cu voroava lor sau, vrnd a se deprta de vorba cea de toate dzilele, s nu fie ntrebuinat cuvinte streine fr treab i fr alegere (Budai-Deleanu, Dasclul romnesc, p. 133). Vzndu-i nvcelul pus n ncurctur de astfel de afirmaii, Dasclul revine cu precizarea c limba trebuie s aib i alt menire n afar de cea a mijlocirii schimbului de informaii n forma conversaiei uzuale, cotidiene (= vorba obicinuit), i anume rolul de a servi ca instrument de exprimare a noiunilor proprii meteriilor (= profesiunilor) i tiinelor, care nu constituie, deci, materia vorbei de toate zilele. Or tocmai acest rol era compromis ca urmare a insuficienei mijloacelor de expresie care s fac diferena dintre vorba de obte i limba muselor (vezi Gheie, Budai-Deleanu, p. 57). nelegem mai bine acum de ce afirmaia care a fcut carier vreme de cteva secole i care a funcionat pe post de explicaie a neajunsurilor unor truditori ai scrisului romnesc c limba romn este srac, ngust, strmt etc. trebuie interpretat prin prisma variaiilor diastratice i diafazice ale limbii. La drept vorbind, de ce ar fi fost limba romn (mai) srac n comparaie cu alte limbi de cultur scris (i n primul rnd n comparaie cu limbile romanice surori)? Nu fiindc nu ar fi putut servi la fel de eficient ca mijloc de comunicare interpersonal, ci mai degrab ntruct nu-i cristalizase nc o variant adecvat tiinelor nalte i meteriilor. Prin urmare, nu limba romn n ansamblul ei, ca sistem (= ca limb istoric i chiar ca limb naional), era srac, ci ca diversitate stilistic n sens larg. Budai-Deleanu pledeaz deci n Dasclul romnesc pentru necesitatea diversificrii stilistice. Autorul constat c n funcie de partenerul de dialog, de situaia concret de comunicare (= contextul socio-lingvisic), ca i de subiectul discuiei, limba se poate ndeprta de la vorba cea de toate zilele, astfel nct s fie aa dreas i rnduit, ca din period n period i din cuvnt n cuvnt s aib nu numa legtura fireasc, ci i msura dup care s-au aezat graiul romnesc, fiindc nu ntotdeauna putem vorbi cum vorbete Oprea cu Bucur n pdure (Budai-Deleanu, 6 Dasclul romnesc, p. 133) . n Istoria bisericei romnilor (1813) Petru Maior incrimineaz, la rndul lui, caracterul domestic, cvasipopular al uzului limbii romne de pn atunci, ceea ce a nfrnat mult procesul de cultivare a limbii romne n sensul transformrii ei ntr-un vehicul al tiinelor i culturii: Adevrat, linba romneasc n stat cu acela iaste ct mcar ce tiin se poate da n limba aceasta; cei ce smesc greotate ntru aceasta, de acolo le vine aceea c nu s-au dat nc a ceti cri romneti i mai vrtos c pn acum n linba romneasc numai de lucruri de cas, de lucruri de jos, de care griesc toate moaele au fost deprini a vorbi i cu alii i cu sine (apud Bulgr, Scriitori romni, p. 20). Se nate astfel un deziderat: dac Oprea i Bucur aveau limba lor obtit, bun numai pentru lucruri de cas, de jos, de care griesc toate moaele, trebuia s se constituie i acea limb a muselor, al crei scopos era a exprima, prin voroave bine tocmite, osbite meterii sau tiine. 2.2.2. ... i combaterea ei Constatrile privitoare la srcia limbii, i mai exact a vocabularului, i vor determina pe nvaii ardeleni s gseasc i soluiile de mbogire a lexicului. Acestea sunt, n principiu, dou: mprumutul (de factur latino-romanic) i creaia intern (n primul rnd pe baza procedeului derivrii).

Vorba sau limba muselor nu este alt fr limba ntru care se nva tiinele. Aceast limb se af la toate neamurile politicite, la care floresc nvturile, i este n sine tot aceiei limb a norodului de obte, numai ct este mai curat i curit de toate smintelile ce se afl la limba de obte a gloatei, cu un cuvnt, este limba lmurit i adus la regule gramaticeti, apoi i nmulit cu cuvinte obicinuite la nvturi, care nu s afl la vorba de obte (Budai-Deleanu, Dasclul romnesc, p. 132). 6 Un poem pastoral al lui Gh. incai, cuprins ntr-un volum omagial din 1804, e construit sub forma unui dialog ntre pstorii Oprea i Bucur, personaje devenite la Budai-Deleanu un fel de simboluri (cu conotaii nu neaprat pozitive) ale caracterului popular, rustic, simplu, necultivat (vezi Zafiu, Oprea, Bucur, Onea).

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Crturarii ardeleni au neles n mod diferit (aproape de la un autor la altul) necesitatea mbogirii vocabularului prin mprumutarea de cuvinte noi. Dac cei mai muli dintre ei s-au artat deschii la mprumuturile neologice i au acceptat s le fac loc n scrisul lor, au fost exprimate i atitudini mai rezervate, care au mers de la cerina explicrii acestora pn la respingerea lor (vezi Nicolescu, coala ardelean, p. 39). Trebuie ns spus din capul locului c, n ciuda eforturilor unor scriitori de a pune n eviden importana mijloacelor interne de formare a cuvintelor, totui mprumutul va avea ctig de cauz, i asta ntruct servea (poate mai bine i mai rapid) unui dublu scop: pe de o parte, nevoii practice de a mbogi vocabularul cu termeni noi, necesari exprimrii unor noiuni actuale, iar pe de alt parte, programului ideologic care urmrea apropierea ct mai mult cu putin a limbii romne de rdcinile ei latineti (i n concordan cu celelalte limbi romanice), ntr-un efort concertat de a reda limbii romne nfiarea sa romanic, ascuns, vreme de secole, sub haina grea a slavonismului. Cert este c prezena masiv a neologismelor n toate lucrrile crturarilor colii Ardelene pune n eviden una dintre trsturile cele mai caracteristice ale activitii lor: tendina spre nou. Preocupai constant de emanciparea limbii i culturii naionale, de ridicarea limbii romne la nivelul celorlalte limbi de cultur, intelectualii ardeleni au militat (att n plan teoretic, ct i practic) pentru mbogiea limbii cu numeroi termeni noi, de circulaie european, necesari acoperirii unor zone de semnificaie nou aprute n urma dezvoltrii tiinei i tehnicii. Se fac astfel pai importani spre modernizarea limbii romne literare (vezi Nicolescu, coala ardelean, p. 39). n aciunea de mbogire a lexicului prin mprumuturi, instana suprem (care configureaz pn la urm adaptarea neologismelor) este latina. Cultura latin a reprezentanilor colii Ardelene, ca i crezul lor c limba latin era forma desvrit a limbii romne, i-a fcut s o considere drept principala surs de mprumut, urmat apoi de limbile romanice mai apropiate prin cultur de limba romn: franceza i italiana (mai rar, i spaniola). n acest sens, Petru Maior face urmtoarea recomandare: Unde ntru tiinele cele nalte nu ne-ar ajunge unele cuvinte, precum grecilor le iaste slobod n lipsele sale a se mprumuta de la limba elineasc i srbilor i ruilor de la limba sloveneasc cea din cri, aea i noi toat cdina avem a ne ajuta cu limba ltineasc cea corect, ba i cu surorile limbei noastre, cu cea italieneasc, cu cea frnceasc i cu cea spanioleasc (Maior, Istoria bisericei, p. 183, apud Bulgr, Scrieri lingvistice, p. 20). Pe o poziie oarecum diferit se plaseaz, aa cum am vzut mai sus, Samuil Micu, care consider c limba greac, ntruct este cea mai nvat, se poate situa pe acelai plan cu latina pentru a sluji drept surs a mprumuturilor. Limbile din care trebuiau mprumutate cuvintele noi sunt indicate de ctre Ion BudaiDeleanu n primul dialog al Dasclului romnesc. Ca recomandare general, i aici latina ocup primul loc: Socotesc cum c ... s nu mai mprumutm fr de la limba latineasc care este mama limbii noastre. Cnd vine ns vorba de terminologiile speciale, atunci sursele se multiplic prin apelul la limba greac, iar, n absena termenilor necesari n aceste dou limbi, trebuiau luate n calcul i limbile romanice, n spe italiana i franceza: iar ntru lipsa cuvintelor la meterii i tiine vom mprumuta numai de la elini i latini; iar neaflndu-se unele la aceste doao limbi vom 7 lua de la italian i de la franoz (Budai-Deleanu, Dasclul romnesc, p. 134) . Din afirmaiile i recomandrile celor trei corifei ai colii Ardelene se desprinde ideea c principala surs pentru nnoirea vocabularului prin mprumuturi o constituie limbile cu cea mai avansat cultur, principiu considerat valabil i astzi, chiar dac ordinea acestor surse propuse de ei (latin, greac i limbile romanice sau greac, latin i limbile romanice) nu a fost confirmat de evoluia limbii, care s-a adresat n primul rnd limbii franceze (vezi Gheie, Budai-Deleanu, p. 64). n ceea ce privete asimilarea noilor termeni, proces prin care s li se asigure o ct mai rapid punere a lor circulaie pentru iubitorii de nvtur, se cuvine s subliniem efortul unor scriitori de a glosa termenii mprumutai prin cuvinte aparinnd lexicului comun, general. Astfel, Ioan Molnar, partizan al cuvintelor mprumutate din alte limbi (vezi, de pild, mrturisirea pe care o face n prefaa la Economia stupilor: mi-au cutat s m ajutoresc cu cuvinte mprumutate dintr7

Opinia exprimat aici de Budai-Deleanu este aceeai cu cea din prefaa sa la Lexiconul romnesc-nemesc: Pus-am la lexicon i mai multe cuvinte, demult de ctr cei mai alei nvai dintru naie ntrebuinate, care mai toate cuvinte s-au mprumutat de la greci sau de la latini i nsmneaz numiri obicinuite numa la nvturi sau meterii (apud Bulgr, Scriitori romni, p. 24).

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alte limbi), tlmcind prima lucrare de Istorie universal (1800), n care a introdus i pasaje cu contribuii proprii, simte nevoia de tlcui cuvintele mai puin cunoscute pe care le-a preluat din limba latin: La aezarea acestei istorii am mprumutat i cuvinte de la maica noastr limba latineasc, c n unele pri i inuturi sunt lcuitorii deprini cu ele, iar pe alte locuri nu sunt obicinuite; pentru aceea le-am tlcuit cu cuvinte de obte nelegtoare, ca s respunz folosului i binelui preste tot mai cu sporiu (apud Nicolescu, coala ardelean, p. 36). i Paul Iorgovici i d seama de importana pe care o are explicarea sensului cuvintelor n aciunea de cultivare a lexicului, mai ales n cadrul procesului didactic: Profesorii i nveetorii aa feliu de cri cetind pruncilor n col, nellegerea, uniia fiete criia vorbe, cu care Auktoru au ligat cugetul seu, o ecsplic dop toat cuprinderea ei, care vorbe tinerii din rnduiala Profesorului le ntrebuinaze n Ocupaiele care sunt ndeletniciile scrise a cas, cnd e recreaie. n felul acesta, tinerii i lrgesc vocabularul activ, mbuntindu-i totodat abilitile de comunicare, pn la agiungerea nelegerii a oamenilor celor alei la minte, prin care i mintea lor se frumuseaze (Iorgovici, Observaii, apud Nicolescu, coala ardelean, p. 203-204). Acceptnd, la rndul su, ideea c Scriitorul trebuie s ntrebuineze aa cuvinte, cu care vorbind s-l neleag aceia pentru care scrie (mprtirea aceluiai cod de ctre emitor i receptor fiind, cum se tie, o condiie indispensabil comunicrii eficiente), Paul Iorgovici simte totodat c a sosit timpul ca prin scris s se nfptuiasc i un act de culturalizare. De aceea, un prim pas care ar trebui fcut ar fi s se nceap odat a scriia pentru omenii cei nvai, ca printrnii s se nasche dorul sciinelor celor nalte, urmnd ca ulterior scriitorii i oamenii de cultur s popularizeze cuvintele noi: Dache o dat se vor introduce n limba noastr ntre cei nveai cuvinte nveate, de la acetia vor lua i cei proti, i aa se chitesce fiecare limb, ca cei proti de la cei nveai, iar nu acetia de la cei proti se ia nveetur (Iorgovici, Observaii, apud Nicolescu, coala ardelean, p. 214-215). Ct privete mijloacele de mbogire a vocabularului cu termeni noi, Iorgovici se declar hotrt n favoarea mijloacelor interne, mai exact a derivrii: Iar tu cetitorule binevoitor, dache vei deschide ochii mini tale i vei strebate la redecina cuvintelor a limbii nostre, adeche de vei judeca de limba nostre nu dope prere, ci dope fiina limbii, te vei ncredina, c cuvintele cele de lipse n limba nostre pentru Sciine, se cuprind nveluite n redecina cuvintelor a limbii nostre [...]. Eu am perceput, precum la toi este cunoscut c limba nostr este forte scurt de cuvinte; deci eu doresc a nmuli limba nostr cu cuvinte luate din vorbele de redecin a limbii nostre, i aezate dop regulele i proprieteile din nsa limba nostr trase. Mecanismul care st la baza metodei sale de mbogire a vocabularului este sintetizat, mai mult sau mai puin metaforic, astfel: scuture a tot cuvntul redecina, i de acolo trage attea cuvinte, pre ct se pote ntinge poterea vorbei de redecin; (...) i din cuvintele limbii Romanesci ceij de redecin suge cu acu minii tale ca albina din flori Cuvinte spre nfrumusearea limbii nostre (ibid, p. 200-201, 215) Intuind caracterul sistematic, prin execelen analogic, al creaiilor derivative, Iorgovici preconizeaz, n esen, o reromanizare a vocabularului prin sufixarea i prefixarea rdcinilor motenite din latin, dup modelul unor cuvinte existente deja n limb: La aceasta eu dop regulele Istoricesci nu caut, ci me uit numai la redecina Naii, care ne ndoit vine de la cea Latineasc, i din vorbele de redecin a limbii de acuma (...) am aflat c se poate deriva mai multe cuvinte dop regulele din nsa limba cea de acuma trase, dop modul cu carele acuma numai unele cteva aa derivate se ved mie a fi tocma ale nostre, pentru c n limba nostr sunt fundate din vorbele nostre dop regulele i proprieteile a nsei limbii deduse; Vorbele de redecine, care n limba Latineasc cu toate paticulele a, ab, ad, des, con .c.l. sunt mpreunate, iar la noi acelia vorbe numai cu ct una sau doo din aceliai particule sunt mpreunate; aijderea cu toate particulele le-am mpreunat din limba nostr. i de ce nu? fiindc i particulele sunt din vorbele nostre trase, i nsele vorbele de redecine ale nostre sunt, precum: ducere, aducere, deducere, educere .a. (ibid, p. 207, 212). Modalitatea de cultivare a lexicului prin formula propus (preferabil mprumutului de cuvinte strine) este ilustrat de Iorgovici n fragmentul de glosar cuprins n partea a doua a Observaiilor.

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Procedeul mbogirii vocabularului prin derivare, teoretizat i practicat de Paul Iorgovici, 8 mai poate fi semnalat n epoc (ntr-o pondere variabil) i la tefan Crian (Krsi) , Constantin Diaconovici-Loga i chiar la Ion Budai-Deleanu. Chiar dac Gramatica lui Constantin Diaconovici-Loga (Grammatica romneasc pentru ndreptarea tinerilor, Buda, 1822) nu are un capitol referitor la lexic, n partea a treia (De prile gririi declintoare Etimologhia sau Deducerea cuvintelor) a lucrrii autorul descrie substantivele i verbele i din punctul de vedere al formrii lor, iar n privina sporirii inventarului de forme, nvatul bnean urmeaz ndeaproape principiile formulate de Paul Iorgovici. recomandnd, ca i acesta, mbogirea vocabularului prin derivarea rdcinii cu afixe: ,,Din aceste vedem c limba romaneasc, deci multor ntmplri nenorocite i ale barbariei fu pus, totu a pstrat unde i unde prticealele aceale ce pot mbogi limba, ca s o facem harnic de a pute cu ia orice nveturi i tiinte nnalte, dup nelesul care se cere la fietecare loc a le cuprinde (apud Marcu-Iorgulescu, mprumuturi, p. 254). Pentru susinerea acestor idei, d exemple de derivare a unor rdcini verbale, cu intenia de a crea ample familii de cuvinte: stau-staul, stabil, stavil, stavilitate etc. Asupra cuvintelor derivate s-a oprit Ion Budai-Deleanu n Prefaa romneasc a Lexiconului romnesc-nemesc i nemesc-romnesc (Liov, 1818). Aici, autorul ncadreaz ntr-un grup aparte cuvintele pe care vorbitorii le-au creat pe teritoriul romnesc din termeni de origine latin: trebuie a ti c romnii nsu [sic!] au izvodit foarte multe cuvinte, care nu s pot dzice streine, ci mai vrtos proprii ale noastre, mcar [c] nu le putem arta purcedere de la limba lteneasc, precum sunt: privighetoare, msri, mresc, cuceresc, capet i mai multe de aceste toate (apud Gheie, Budai-Deleanu, p. 46). Spre deosebire ns de Paul Iorgovici, care a ridicat mecanismul derivrii la rang de principiu suprem n aciunea de mbogire a vocabularului, modelul derivativ propus (i practicat) de Budai-Deleanu poate fi considerat mai degrab un eec, pe deplin compensat ns prin deschiderea pe care a manifestat-o fa de nelogismul latinoromanic, ca i prin modul n care a reuit, cu o sigurana neegalat de niciun alt contemporan al su, s stabileasc formele romneti ale neologismelor (ibid., p. 68). Dintre diversele atitudini de rezerv fa de neologisme se poate aminti i poziia lui Gh. incai, care n selectarea celor 427 de termeni referitori la tiinele naturii cuprini n Vocabularium pertinens ad tria regna naturae (1808-1810) manifest o deosebit grij n evitarea terminologiei livreti, neologice, termenii romneti folosii de autor fiind, n cea mai mare parte, populari (vezi Seche, Schi, I, p. 24). Aceeai atitudine a avut-o anterior incai i n Cuvntul nainte la Catehismul cel mare (1783), unde mrturisete: n carea munc a me m-am srguit, ct am putut, ca de la cuvintele i vorbele cele tocma Romneti nici cum se nu m abat, i deprtez, ci se le aleg, dup cum pre unele locuri mai bine vorbesc Romnete de ct pre altele (apud Nicolescu, coala ardelean, p. 194). Gsim aici exprimate, practic, criteriile dup care se putea gndi configuraia lexical a romnei literare. Trierea cuvintelor trebuia s se fac n dauna divergenelor dialectale i n favoarea originii lor tocma romneti. Apelul la cuvintele limbii din toate provinciile unde se vorbea bine romnete, dar numai la cele 9 romneti va deveni un deziderat n programul majoritii filologilor vremii . l ntlnim, de pild, la Ion Budai-Deleanu, care n Prefaa la Lexicon mrturisete c prin lucrarea sa nu are intenia de a-i face pe romni s-i schimbe dialectele, ci scrie pentru a fi util momentului cnd romnii i vor face, n sfrit, o limb de obte, adic o limb naional comun. Budai-Deleanu nu respinge ns definitiv aportul diferitelor graiuri, preciznd c se arat deschis la o eventual mbogire a lexiconului cu o serie de cuvinte adevrate strmoeti din graiurile diferitelor provincii, pe care cititorii le-ar putea semnala,

Autorul unui Lexicon romn-latin-maghiar, ncheiat n jurul anului 1812, dar rmas, din pcate, n manuscris. Ideea unei limbi literare unitare, deasupra divergenelor dialectale, apare pentru prima oar la Simion tefan, care n prefaa ctre cititori la traducerea Noului Testament (Blgrad, 1648) are nu numai contiina deosebirilor dialectale din exprimarea romnilor din diverse regiuni, ci observ i c aceste deosebiri se datoreaz unor cauze externe: iar s nu vor neleage toi nu-i de vina noastr, ce-i de vina celuia ce-au rsfirat rumnii printr-alte ri, de -au mestecat cuvintele cu alte limbi de nu grescu toi ntr-un chip. n vederea realizrii unei limbi comune, mitropolitul propune drept criteriu de selectare a materialului lexical valoarea circulatorie a cuvintelor, fcnd celebra comparaie a cuvintelor cu banii: Bine tim c cuvintele trebue s fie ca banii, c banii aceia snt buni carii mbl n toate rle, aea i cuvintele aceale snt bune, carele le neleg toi (Simion tefan, Prefaa ctre cititori a Noului Testament, Blgrad, 1648, apud Cazacu, Pagini, p. 74).
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acestea trebuind totui s fie obicinuite la tot neamul sau mai larg obicinuite, ori de la care limb s purceag, adic fr restricii etimologice (vezi Seche, Schi, I, p. 26). Cu timpul ns formularea, destul de vag, vorbe tocma romneti i va preciza mai bine nelesul, ajungnd s desemneze termenii de origine latin. Aceast echivalen apare, de pild, la Petru Maior, pentru care limba romn nu este altceva dect limba latin vorbit n Dacia: Aadar limba romneasc e acea limb ltineasc comun, crea pre la nceputul sutei a doao era n gura romanilor i a tuturor italianilor (Disertaie pentru nceputul limbei romneti, apud Bulgr, Scriitori romni, p. 19); Limba poporului romanilor celor de demult vecuiete pn astzi n gura romnilor notri (Dialog pentru nceputul linbei romn; ntr nepot i unchi, ibid., p. 20). Aceeai ecuaie se regsete, chiar cu civa ani mai devreme, i la Ion Budai-Deleanu, n Scurte observaii asupra Bucovinei: Limba lor [a romnilor, n.e.] este vechea limb roman popular, amestecat cu felurite cuvinte slave, greceti i albanez; dar cuvintele luate din celelalte limbi abia fac 1/3 (Budai-Deleanu, Kurzgefasste Bemerkungen, p. 39). n felul acesta ne putem explica orientarea, fireasc, a crturarilor ardeleni ctre limba latin (urmat de motenitoarele ei de drept: limbile romanice) ca principala surs de mbogire a lexicului, dar i ca reper n trierea cuvintelor i n stabilirea structurii etimologice a vocabularului romnei literare. Pe de alt parte, trebuie spus c aceast programatic orientare latinist, ce reprezint, pn la urm, esena ideologiei colii Ardelene, va crea premisele unei atitudini puriste fa de cuvintele strine, care dei foarte ndeprtat de exagerrile ulterioare ale latinitilor, avea s constituie un punct de plecare pentru acetia (Gheie, Budai-Deleanu, p. 11). n general, purismul colii Ardelene este unul moderat, n sensul c nu s-a recomandat n mod expres ndeprtarea din limb a cuvintelor nelatineti sau neromanice (mai ales dac acestea erau 10 vechi i populare ), ci doar o anumit rezerv fa de utilizarea unor astfel de cuvinte n detrimentul celor latineti.
[...] nu se cade s mestecm cuvinte strine n limba romneasc, adic nemeti sau ungureti cu turceti sau slavoneti sau dintr-alte limbi, mai ales cnd vorbim cu cei proti (Samuil Micu, Logica, apud Bulgr, Scriitori romni, p. 17). S nu gndeasc cineva c eu umblu s laped din limba nostr cuvintele cele streine; cci mie bine este cunoscut c nicio limb nu e s nu fie mestecat cu cuvinte streine (...). Apoi dache se poate ntr-aa mod trage aa cuvinte, n locul crora noi ntrebuinem cuvinte streine, eu judec a fi mai bine de a ntrebuina de ici n colo cele a nostre, precum eu le socot dop redecina lor; fiind c cele streine nici o redecin n-au n limba nostr (Paul Iorgovici, Observaii, apud Nicolescu, coala ardelean, p. 215). [...] afar de cuvintele care pn acum s-au primit de la srbi i sloveni i care sunt la tot neamul obicinuite, s nu mai mprumutm, fr de la limba lteneasc care este mama limbii noastre (I. Budai-Deleanu, Dasclul romnesc, apud Bulgr, Scriitori romni, p. 23).

n orice caz, crturarii ardeleni i-au dat seama de pericolul pe care l-ar fi reprezentat o 11 epurare forat a limbii romne de termenii strini . De aceea, cu toat hotrrea lor de a consolida caracterul latinesc al limbii romne, manifest o deosebit pruden fa de repudierea total a interferenelor alogene, i asta deoarece s-ar fi putut ajunge n situaia ca vorbitorii obinuii s nu i mai recunoasc limba cea obteasc, vorbit de prinii lor n biseric. Aceast temere o gsim exprimat mai nti la Radu Tempea, care, dup ce constat c limba noastr a fost stricat i
Budai-Deleanu spune, de altfel, foarte clar n prefaa Lexiconului su c, pe lng termenii culi, a nregistrat i o serie de termeni populari, indiferent de originea lor, singurul criteriu de selecie fiind puterea lor de circulaie, cci, de vreme ce s-au priimit odat de ctre tot neamul (...), nu s pot dzice mai mult strine, ci proprii neamului romnesc (apud Bulgr, Scriitori romni, p. 24). 11 Din scrierile filologilor ardeleni se pot desprinde mai multe accepii ale calificativului strin folosit cu referire la cuvinte: Pentru unii, strin era denumit orice cuvnt de origine nelatin i deci, n principiu, nepotrivit cu majoritatea celorlalte cuvinte de origine latin. Pentru alii, strin era cuvntul, de regul, maghiar sau german, a crui prezen n limb nu afecta prea mult originea latin a vocabularului romnesc, deoarece avea, mai totdeauna, o circulaie regional restrns. n sfrit, pentru alii, strin era cuvntul nelatin intrat mai de mult n limb, cu drepturi aproape egale cu ale cuvintelor de origine latin (Nicolescu, coala ardelean, p. 45).
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nelenit pn la pierderea miestriei gririi, ca urmare a contactelor lingvistice cu popoarele nvecinate (cu ungurii i nemii n Ardeal, cu turcii i grecii n ara Romneasc sau cu srbii n Banat), se arat rezervat n privina oportunitii i eficienei unui eventual efort de curire a limbii noastre la care s-ar angaja cineva dornic de a restitui romnei nfiarea ei primar, cea mai apropiat de limba latin: Cu greu este i va fi dirept aceea a aduce limba aceasta n curenia i orighinalul ei, adec n limba veche romaneasc sau rmleneasc, cci de ar aduce-o cineva n curenie ar fi tocma latineasca i italieneasca; i cel ce ar nva romnete aa limpede, care nu este romn, crile bisericeti nu le-ar putea nelege, nici vorba obteasc de acum obicinuit. Romnul nenvat nc socotesc c ar zice c-i schimoseti limba printeasc (Radu Tempea, Gramatic romneasc, apud Nicolescu, coala ardelean, p. 197). 3. Concluzii Problema mbogirii vocabularului este parte a problemei cultivrii limbii literare n general (alturi de cea a normrii) poate partea cea mai vizibil, prin caracterul ei profund dinamic i deschis la stimulii exteriori limbii, printre care se numr dezvoltarea tiinei i tehnicii, diversificarea vieii culturale, prefacerile social-politice i economice ale comunitii, evoluia mentalitii i a concepiei despre via a oamenilor, contactele cu alte culturi etc. Procesul de modernizare i de mbogire masiv a lexicului romnesc s-a declanat n a doua jumtate a sec. al XVIII-lea i n primele decenii ale veacului urmtor, perioad dominat, n cea mai mare parte, de activitatea colii Ardelene, ai crei reprezentani i adepi au avut n centrul preocuprilor crearea unei limbi romne literare unitare, normate i cultivate, a crei utilzare s le ofere satisfacia mnuirii unui instrument de comunicare suficient de elaborat i de diversificat pentru a exprima cele mai variate i complexe noiuni din toate domeniile de manifestare a spiritului uman. Motenind complexul ngustrii limbii romneti (nelese ca o srcie a mijloacelor de expresie) de la cei care n sec. XVI-XVII au trudit la tlmcirea n limba romn a crilor bisericeti, crturarii ardeleni au militat constant pentru cultivarea vocabularului limbii romne literare. Acest proces a cunoscut mai multe aspecte, strns legate ntre ele. Pe de o parte, s-a urmrit modernizarea lexicului, n sensul introducerii n limb a numeroi termeni noi necesari exprimrii unor realiti actuale, rezultate ale dezvoltrii tiinei i tehnicii. Prin aceasta se dorea, totodat, ridicarea limbii romne la nivelul celorlalte limbi de cultur, mai emancipate din acest punct de vedere. Un alt aspect, strns legat de primul, are n vedere delimitarea mai clar a unei zone literare a lexicului romnesc, a crei slab consisten i reprezentativitate n scrisul romnesc de pn atunci fusese luat, de fapt, drept srcie a limbii. Preocuparea pentru varietatea diastratic i diafazic a limbii romne (desigur, la un nivel empiric, de tipul observaiei c nu putem vorbi ntotdeauna cum vorbete Oprea cu Bucur n pdure sau c nu s-ar cuveni s utilizm prea multe cuvinte strine atunci cnd vorbim cu cei proti) va fi benefic pentru contientizarea opoziiei dintre literar i nelitarar, tradus cel mai bine de Budai-Deleanu prin opoziia limba muselor limba de obte a gloatei. De aceea, mbogirea lexicului va avea n vedere mai ales lrgirea vocabularului (sau vocabularelor) literar(e), prin introducerea de cuvinte alese, cuvinte nvate, cuvinte obicinuite la nvturi. n fine, un al treilea aspect se leag de un alt punct sensibil din programul nvailor ardeleni: demonstrarea i consolidarea caracterului latin al limbii romne n general, i al lexicului romnesc, n special. Or acest lucru nu se putea face mai bine dect printr-o atent selecie a materialului lexical. Astfel, fie c se recomanda mprumutul lexical, fie c eram ndemnai a deriva mai multe cuvinte ... din vorbele de redecin, reperul i sursa fundamental era ntotdeauna limba latin. Prin deschiderea aproape total ctre mprumuturile latino-romanice, cu convingerea c limba romn are nevoie de asemenea cuvinte, ca i prin faptul c n aproape toate lucrrile lor cu caracter lexicografic au acordat un spaiu generos acestora, reprezentanii colii Ardelene au contribuit n mod decisiv la declanarea procesului de modernizare a lexicului limbii romne literare. Cele cteva rezerve exprimate (i care, n general, cu excepia modelului propus de Paul Iorgovici, nu au reuit s ofere o 12 alternativ viabil la soluia mprumutului ) n-au inhibat entuziasmul cu care cei mai muli intelectuali
12

De fapt, sistemul de derivare propus de Paul Iorgovici, din rdcini latineti i dup acelea regule ale gramaticii , nseamn practic a lua din latin, deoarece cuvintele neologice incluse n glosarul din gramatica sa sunt mprumuturi (Lupu, Lexicografia, p. 40).

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ardeleni s-au adresat neologismului de origine latino-romanic, pregtind, n felul acesta, limba romn pentru introducerea masiv a mprumuturilor din francez i italian de la mijlocul sec. al XIX-lea, perioad n legtur cu care s-a vorbit despre o adevrat reromanizare (S. Pucariu), relatinizare (Al. Graur) sau occidentalizare a limbii romne (Al. Niculescu).
Bibliografie: Budai-Deleanu, Dasclul romnesc = Ion Budai-Deleanu, Dasclul romnesc pentru temeiurile gramaticii romneti, n Budai-Deleanu, Scrieri lingvistice. Budai-Deleanu, Kurzgefasste Bemerkungen = Ion Budai-Deleanu, Kurzgefasste Bemerkungen ber Bukovina, n Budai-Deleanu, Scrieri lingvistice. Budai-Deleanu, Scrieri lingvistice = Ion Budai-Deleanu, Scrieri lingvistice, text stabilit i glosar de Mirela Teodorescu, introducere i note de Ion Gheie, Editura tiinific, Bucureti, 1970. Bulgr, Scriitori romni = Gh. Bulgr, Scriitori romni despre limb i stil, Editura Albatros, Bucureti, 1984. Cazacu, Pagini = Pagini de limb i literatur romn veche, texte alese, prefa i note de Boris Cazacu, Editura Tineretului, Bucureti, 1964. Coeriu, Limba funcional = Eugeniu Coeriu, Limba funcional, n Coeriu, Lecii. Coeriu, Lecii = Eugeniu Coeriu, Lecii de lingvistic general, Editura Arc, Chiinu, 2000. Gheie, Budai-Deleanu = Ion Gheie, Opera lingvistic a lui Ion Budai-Deleanu, Editura Academiei, Bucureti, 1966. Gheie, Introducere = Ion Gheie, Introducere n studiul limbii romne literare, Editura tiinific i Enciclopedic, Bucureti, 1982. Hristea, mprumutul = Theodor Hristea, mprumutul ca mijloc extern de mbogire a vocabularului, n Hristea (coord.), Sinteze. Hristea (coord.), Sinteze = Theodor Hristea (coordonator), Sinteze de limba romn, ediia a treia revzut i din nou mbogit, Editura Albatros, Bucureti, 1984. Lupu, Lexicografia = Coman Lupu, Lexicografia romneasc n procesul de occidentalizare latino-romanic a limbii romne moderne (1780-1860), Editura Logos, Bucureti, 1999. Nicolescu, coala ardelean = Aurel Nicolescu, coala ardelean i limba romn, Editura tiinific, Bucureti, 1971. Rosetti, Cazacu, Onu, ILRL = Al. Rosetti, B. Cazacu, Liviu Onu, Istoria limbii romne literare, ediia a doua, rvzut i adugit, Editura Minerva, Bucureti, 1971. Marcu-Iorgulescu, mprumuturi = Mihaela Marcu, Alexandra Iorgulescu, mprumuturi i calcuri n terminologia gramaticii lui Constantin Diaconovici-Loga, n Annales Universitatis Apulensis. Series Philologica, 2006, tom I, p. 253-259. Seche, Schi = Mircea Seche, Schi de istorie a lexicografiei romne, vol. I De la origini pn la 1880, Editura tiinific, Bucureti, 1966. Zafiu, Oprea, Bucur, Zafiu, Oprea, Bucur, Onea, n Romnia literar, nr. 9, 2003.

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An Aspect of Globalization Ideology: The Impact of English Words on Other European Languages
Asist. Rodica-Cristina Apostolatu Universitatea Dunrea de Jos din Galai Rezumat: Limba englez ocup o poziie special la nivel mondial, fiind socotit o limb internaional sau global. Aceast englez global este uneori descris drept o lingua franca. E folosit de un mare numr de vorbitori, att n Europa, ct i n restul lumii. Este limba internetului, a filmului, a tiinei ori a sportului. Este limba banilor, vorbit n lumea afacerilor, dar i limba diplomaiei, vorbit n anticamera puterii. Lucrarea ia n dscuie o problem de actualitate n contextul globalzrii: expansiunea dominaiei limbii engleze la nivel internaional, precum i efectele acesteia asupra altor limbi. Cuvinte-cheie: limba englez, anglicisme, globalizare

I. Introduction English has been one of the most hospitable languages of the world in its acceptance of foreign loans. Lately, it has developed into the most generous donor of words to other languages not only of Europe but also of other continents. Books and articles have been written to prove its hospitality in accepting words from various languages. This process of borrowing has gone on for centuries and evidence can be found not only in etymological dictionaries of English but also in every general dictionary of English that denotes the origin of source of words recorded in it. The generosity of English as a donor language began much later and some authors state that prior to 1900 the influence of English on other languages was modest. In the 19th century, English has brought its contributions to the vocabulary of all main European languages: (a) Romance: French, Italian, Spanish and Portuguese; (b) Germanic: German, Dutch, Danish, Swedish and Norwegian; (c) Slavonic: Russian, Polish and Croatian. These contributions were numerous and widely spread. Later on, in the 20th century, new means of communication made the contact of English with other European languages become closer. The result was a very free and versatile linguistic borrowing of English words by European languages. During the three previous centuries (from the seventeenth to the nineteenth) there was a continuous linguistic intertraffic which was almost entirely governed by cultural relations and by the direct or indirect influence of England on other European countries. II. Direct and Indirect Borrowing The direct and indirect borrowing of English words by other European languages leads to the enrichment of vocabulary. Direct borrowing presupposes a donor language, English, in our case and a receiving language, a European language, that are geographically, culturally, politically, sociologically etc. connected and the borrowed notions, concepts, objects need to be transferred into the receiving language. There are cases where there is no direct contact between the two countries and languages; therefore there is no direct transfer of words needed to name the borrowed objects, ideas, notions etc. Indirect borrowing is the indirect transfer which can be performed through different means. English words are borrowed in ever-increasing numbers, not merely terms from trade and commerce, but words of a much more important kind. English contributions to the European lexicons have become more numerous and widespread. The interface between English and other European languages became even closer due to new means of communication. The result of English influence is that European languages borrow English loanwords, adapt them as Anglicisms and subsequently integrate them into their daily professional and personal vocabularies. Everyday, we hear words like OK, good, shopping, pub, blockbuster, pop singer, weekend, computer etc. European languages are greatly influenced by English mass culture and it is definitely the youth of today who are being exploited by it. We drink Coca Cola, wear blue jeans, watch Hollywood movies, listen to American music, use Microsoft software and eat fast food. We do all these things daily.

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III. Anglicisms Anglicisms are present in nearly all fields of human knowledge: (a) food and drink bacon, beefsteak, jam, pudding, sandwich, brandy, juice, whisk(e)y; (b) animals dog, alligator, bulldog; (c) sports football, tennis, handball; (d) clothing pullover, bikini, blazer, trench coat; (e) economy, banking and money broker, budget, dumping, export, import, inflation, strike, banknote, cent, check, dollar, safe; (f) trade and measures acre, foot, galloon, pint, watt, yard; (g) language and literature slang, alliteration, essay, reprint, blank verse; (h) journalism, politics and law interview, column, leader, magazine, imperialism, parliament, kidnap, jury, petition; (i) philosophy and religion behaviourism, Anglican, pantheism; (j) medicine aids, bypass, pacemaker, vitamin, antibiotic, anaesthesia; (k) science and natural science gravitation, isotope; (l) sea terms and navigation barge, steamer; (m) technical terms amplifier, cable, lift, radar, bloom; (n) music and dance band, beat, blues, dance, twist; (o) transport airbus, container, tramway, trolley bus, waggon, channel, bus freight; (p) computer terms assembler, bit, byte, chip, clone, computer, disc; (r) social life bar, bridge, hobby, poker; (s) film, radio, TV cameraman, film, live, Oscar, radio, television, western; (t) weather blizzard, cyclone, hurricane, monsoon, typhoon; (u) miscellaneous accident, all right, camp, comfort, flirt, dandy, park, picnic, plastic etc. These represent only a limited part of the Anglicisms that invaded other European languages. IV. English and the Omnipresent Computer One aspect of the strong impact of English on other European languages is the omnipresent computer. The personal computer has already become one of the most ubiquitous appliances in todays modern world. The Internet has led directly to the creation of many European companies. Computer software design is deeply influenced by American and Western culture and therefore it reflects its values and priorities. These values, embodied in the Microsoft Office suite, are downloaded into cultures all around the world. In Europe, as in all countries, English guides the way we create documents, surf the Web, send e-mails and exchange information in a multitude of different ways. This means that thousands of Europeans, like millions of people all over the world, whether at home, at the office, at Internet cafes, or other venues, are constantly working, communicating or entertaining themselves through software, while at the same time they slowly internalize the thought processes, priorities and values embedded in the applications they use. As computer and software usage grow among cultures worldwide, it will become increasingly important to understand how software can act as a carrier of culture, and what effect, if any, this can have on other cultures. Since huge amounts of software language, applications and associated hardware were initially created in the United States, American cultural values are reflected in the design and functionalities of such applications. Nowadays, young people have high expectations about technology; text messaging, cell phones and doing research on the Internet are our everyday activities and connectivity is continually increasing. We get news "alerts" as text messages on the same mobile phones that we use to pay for our car parking fees. We shop online, pay online and greet our friends online; all the while remembering that time is a currency for us. V. English the Language of Globalization Over the past two or three decades, English has come to occupy a singular position among languages. Only one among several dominant European languages, on a par with French or Spanish, is today a world language, the language people use whenever they wish to communicate with others outside their own linguistic community. English has become the lingua franca or common language in the world. English is used for both oral and written communication across national frontiers. As English has moved toward paramountcy, the status of the other principal languages has changed. Even though they are spoken by more people today than ever before, they have been demoted, degraded in relation to English. Today, French, Spanish, Arabic, German, Russian etc., more or less have the status of regional languages, national languages that can be used beyond their national frontiers. But, they are losing their currency as the language of international communication, formal and informal: both in political and commercial contexts and in intercultural exchanges.

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Two different theories have been constructed concerning the role English can play as a world language. It can either act in an imperialistic manner or it can take on a neutral role enabling cross-border communication. Languages are merely instrumental, functioning only according to the social, political, cultural and historical factors of their current society. Consequently, other than the historical circumstances which promoted the English speaking culture to a world power, there is no justifiable reason why any other language could not have acted in the same way as English. The World Wide Web, www, is another realm in which English predominates. We find, for example, English in the titles of many films and computer games and in advertising for popular magazines. Inasmuch as the title of a film or computer game is believed to be an important factor in consumers decision to buy, the growing use of English must be assumed to reflect higher status ascribed to the language by itself. The language of globalization deserves some explicit attention. To begin with, the concept of globalization refers to everything that has been different since, say, 1970: advances in information technology, widespread use of air freight, speculation in currencies, increased capital flows across borders, Disneyfication of culture, mass marketing, global warming, genetic engineering, multinational corporate power, new international division of labour, international mobility of labour, reduced power of nation-states, postmodernism, or post-Fordism. A dominant language has serious consequences for indigenous languages and their speakers. Whether English acts as a killer language or not depends largely on the political systems and the power distribution. For example if we analyze the English-German relation we notice that, although English can have a great impact even on an established language system, no language death occurs in this context. In Germany the native language is predominant in all major areas. In education for example, English is merely taught as a foreign language to serve as an international lingua franca. The influence of English on the German language is not stronger than the influence of French or Latin; it is simply another part of its constant linguistic changes. English can be considered to be neutral, enabling different societies to communicate with each other without assimilating the second language. This situation chiefly occurs between English and other dominant languages, as established in the example of German versus English. Finally it must be taken into account that English itself is actually threatened, continually evolving and changing. The English language does not only impose its vocabulary on other languages, but is also constantly adopting expressions from other languages and cultures as well. English acts according to the situation at hand, this can be in a neutral or in a dominant way. VI. Conclusion In many ways English is becoming the universal language of this global era. Tourists travelling to different countries, business men and women conferencing across the Atlantic and advertisers trying to reach the maximum consumer base all use the English language to communicate with others on common terms. The effect of having a universal language is twofold: the loss of meaning and deeper understanding in literature versus the accessibility of communicating it to a wider audience. With English as the universal language, we have been growing a tourist culture that allows us to visit foreign lands without knowing the language and appreciating the native culture. However, this is outweighed by the ability to communicate with a more diverse community, fellow tourists from another culture, business partners over the Internet etc.
Bibliography: Crystal, D., English as a Global Language, 2nd edition, CUP, Cambridge, 1997. Edward, J., Language, Society and Identity, Basil Blackwell, Oxford, 1985. Robertson, R., Globalization: Social Theory and Global Culture, Sage, London, 1992. Waters, M., Globalization, Routledge, London, 1995.

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Lingvistic i ideologie n presa filologic romneasc

Lect. dr. Valeriu Blteanu Universitatea Dunrea de Jos din Galai Abstract: Our paper talkes about the beginnings of the Romanian philological press, in the communist period; it debates the total negative effects of the impact of the communist ideology over the different types of articles which were published in philological reviews of those times. Key words: Romanian philological press, communist ideology

n perioada interbelic, cercetarea filologic a fost gzduit de o serie de publicaii importante pentru acele vremuri: Dacoromania (1920), Comoara satelor (1923), Grai i suflet (1923), Ft Frumos (1926), Graiul romnesc (1927), Revista filologic (1927), Buletinul Institutului de Filologie Romn (1934); s adugm i o mai veche publicaie, eztoarea, cu mari merite n studierea limbii populare, aprut nc din 1892. n paginile acestor reviste i ale altora nemenionate de noi s-au fcut remarcate articole semnate de lingviti de prestigiu ai acelei perioade: O. Densusianu, I.A. Candrea, Al. Rosetti, Sever Pop, V. Bogrea, Th. Capidan,N. Drganu, G. Giuglea, I. Iordan, D. Macrea, T. Papahagi, S. Pucarin, E. Petrovici etc. Dup 1945, publicaiile filologice au ieit din circuitul tiinific mai ales din motive politice. Locul rmas gol trebuia umplut i noul regim politic a lansat o prim publicaie filologic structurat pe baza principiilor marxiste: revista Cum vorbim. Ea a aprut n 1949 i a rezistat pn n 1952, cnd s-a pus problema diversificrii presei filologice romneti i cnd o publicatie oarecum eterogen, mai degrab de tip almanah, nu mai corespundea cerinelor unei cercetri moderne. Cum vorbim era organ al Societii de studii istorice, filologice i folclorice (viitoarea Societate Filologic) i era definit ca revist pentru studiul i explicarea limbii i acoperea majoritatea direciilor de cercetare lingvistic; la un moment dat se constat absena articolelor cu caracter metodico-didactic i ca urmare n 1951, i face apariia i rubrica de profil. Revista n discuie a aprut lunar pn la sfritul lui 1952. Colectivul redacional reunea pe unii dintre cei mai prestigioi lingviti ai acelei perioade: N. I. Barbu, I. Coteanu, Al. Graur, I. Iordan, G. Istrati, E. Petrovici, Al. Rosetti etc; era o concentrare de fore cu adevrat remarcabil. S menionm i numele unora dintre colaboratorii publicaiei: G. Tohneanu, t. Munteanu, Al. Bistrieanu, A. Avram, t. Giosu, I. Fischer, E. Slave, Fl. Dimitrescu, Gr. Brncu, Vl. Drmba, L. Wald, M. Seche, M. Sala, V. Adscliei, Gh. Bulgr, B. Cazacu, Al. Andriescu, N.A. Ursu. Muli dintre acetia au fcut cariere remarcabile n domeniul filologic. Pentru studierea impactului ideologiei comuniste asupra coninutului revistei amintite vom avea n vedere principalele tipuri de articole pe care acestea le gzduia: articole de fond, articole de specialitate, cronica, vocabular regional, curierul. Articole de fond prezint n mod normal, punctul de vedere al redaciei, de obicei ntr-o problem de maxim importan; este necesar o prezentare ordonat, argumentat a faptelor; poziia redaciei trebuie s fie ferm, convingtoare, bazat pe adevrul tiinific. De multe ori, articolele de fond sunt semnate de personaliti de prestigiu din domeniul specialitii; alteori, aceste articole, nu sunt semnate, ceea ce poate s sublinieze, o dat n plus, c ele sunt emanaia gndirii colective (Redacia). S vedem ce ne ofer articolele de fond (editorialele) din revista Cum vorbim: apelul la documentele de partid; uneori articolele revistei i bazeaz ntreaga argumentaie pe articole aprute n publicaii politice ca Lupta de clas, Scnteia, Munca de partid; apelul la lucrrile lui I.V. Stalin, devenit, peste noapte, autoritate suprem n domeniu; Mai mult se practica un intens cult al personalitii lui Stalin; s adugm la toate acestea, masive citate din aa zisa oper lingvistic a marelui ttuc al proletariatului mondial; impunerea luptei de clas ca principiu fundamental de apreciere a diverselor poziii, opere etc. Numai ceea ce corespundea intereselor clasei muncitoare era apreciat pozitiv;

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tonul imperativ al unor articole de fond, care pentru a fi i mai mobilizatoare apelau la lozincile la mod n acelevremuri; uneori finalul articolelor reproducea pur i simplu o lozinc, ce inea loc de concluzii; etichetarea jignitoare a lingvitilor cu alte opinii: reacionari, murdari, oportuniti, mizerabili, putregaiuri; de altfel sintagme ca lingvistic burghez, lingvistic apusean prezentau n contextul acelor vremuri conotaii negative de neneles astzi. Erau un fel de denumiri generice pentru tot ceea ce putea fi mai ru n lingvistic; ponegrirea unor personaliti romneti care nu aderaser la noua ordine politic dac opera sau activitatea lor tiinific se situau la un nalt nivel valoric; denaturarea adevrului tiinific pentru a evidenia, nc o dat, justeea politicii P.R.M. sau a ideologiei comuniste; pn i istoria naional este rescris. S nu uitm c mai trziu o astfel de operaiune a atins cote groteti pe vremea lui Ceauescu; prezentarea unor banalitai ca mari adevruri, a unor probleme obinuite de ordin lingvistic sau literar ca adevrate chestiuni de via i moarte; pentru ideologii acelor vremuri crearea de tensiuni artificiale i evidenierea lor permanent permiteau executarea unui control mai eficient asupra cercettorilor; trasarea de sarcini pentru specialitii din domeniul filologic. O serie de concluzii se impun: articolele de fond erau prea politizate, aproape inutile din punct de vedere tiinific; ele reprezentau expresia unei adevrate deturnri ideologice a problemelor de ordin filologic, n ultim instan expresia mentalitii totalitare. Probleme lingvistice de relativ importan (ortografia limbii romne, neologismele, etnogeneza romneasc, relaia societate limb etc.) sunt tratate ntr-o manier vulgarizatoare. Se inventeaz false probleme (clasele sociale i limba), iar alte chestiuni de ordin lingvistic capt o importan exagerat (Comunitatea lingvistic slav). Articolele de specialitate sunt semnate de obicei de autori consacrai, dar, nu de puine ori, semnatarii se nscriu n categoria debutanilor; aa s-au fcut cunoscui muli dintre remarcabilii notri lingviti de mai trziu. Trebuie menionat c articolele de specialitate se refereau la probleme din cele mai diverse domenii ale cercetrii lingvistice, dominante fiind chestiunile de ordin lexical. De deosebit interes au fost dezbaterile, discuiile referitore la ntocmirea DLR, privit ca o adevrat oper naional. Interesul pentru problemele cultivrii limbii romne a stimulat discuii pe teme oarecum neateptate: limbajul emisiunilor radio, limbajul telegramelor Agerpres. Chestiunile de metodic a prelurii limbii romne i vor face apariia mai trziu, la sugestia unor cititori! Dintr-un anumit punct de vedere, revista Cum vorbim a jucat un rol pozitiv, permind schimbul de idei n domeniul filologic; articolele de specialitate, cu toate deficienele lor, au constituit baza pentru realizarea unor discuii fertile pe teme de lingvistic. Dincolo de aceste aspecte pozitive trebuie s remarcm existena a numeroase deraieri datorate, n principal, presiunilor de ordin ideologic; nu de puine ori, astfel de presiuni au condus la obinerea unor efecte total neateptate, unele chiar de ordin comic! Probabil c aici ar trebui incluse i problemele referitoare la acea fantom lingvistic numit limba moldoveneasc. Faptul c unii romni i scriu numele ca n romanele apusene declaneaz un atac delirant n paginile revistei: O form sub care se manifest ostil i reacionar cosmopolitismul, este i folosirea literelor de prisos motenire a putreziciunii ortografice burghezo - moiereti litere care nu-i gsesc nici o justificare tiinific (8/1949, p. 12). Cei nfierai cu mnie proletar ndrzniser s-i scrie numele cu Y sau cu consoane geminate: Mimy, Mary, Nelly, Vally etc. Sugestive sunt i comentariile pe marginea evoluiilor semantice ale cuvintelor romneti; i n astfel de cazuri subtextul ideologic sfrete prin a dinamita ntregul studiu i a-l arunca n penibil: autoarea articolului referitor la cuvntul sarcin (Magda Teodorescu; nr.8/1949, p. 14) i sfrete demersul lingvistic cu un microtext demn de edinele de partid: Sarcina de azi nu mai apas ca cea din trecut pe spatele omului cernd o rezolvare incontient, neputincioas, ci st n faa omului care o poate domina i o poate rezolva contient,

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deoarece e liber, e narmat i puternic, e omul nou, care crete odat cu transformrile de structur i cu aciunile sale revoluionare; analiza originii i evoluiei semantice a cuvntului miel, provenit din latinul misellus foarte srac, nenorocit prilejuiete lui Jacques Byck, astfel un stimat lingvistic al epocii, un final de articol destul de jenant: miel este cel ce-i exploateaz semenii, miel este cel care saboteaz aciunea de ridicare a nivelului de trai la noi n ar, miel este cel care-i trdeaz patria i se pune n slujba imperialitilor, miel este cel care st departe de lupta pentru pace (nr. 11-12/1950, p. 26); ridicndu-se mpotriva unei formule de salut (Noroc!) care ar avea, chipurile, o ncrctur metafizic, unii colaboratori ai revistei propun soluii dintre cele mai nstrunice: Eu a propune ca, n locul lui Noroc! s introducem cuvntul pentru nelesul cruia lupt astzi clasa muncitoare din lumea ntreag cuvntul Pace; Propun urmtorul salut: Tot nainte dialectic prin faptul c se refer la o micare perpetu cu toate caracteristicile unei micri dialectice (8/1949, p. 38) de tot rsul sunt observaiile referitoare la titlurile unor opere literare: Titlurile operelor scriitorilor notri impregnai de ideologia burghez dovedesc din plin caracterul decadent, antiprogresist i reacionar al literaturii burgheze. Dintre exemple: F. Aderca, Omul descompus, A. Holban, Conversaii cu o moart, T. Arghezi, Flori de mucegai, L. Blaga, Laud somnului etc. Exemplele cu titluri de opere aprute n anii socialismului biruitor sun, dup prerea autorului articolului (Teodor Vrgolici) cu totul altfel: M. Banu, Bucurie, D. Deliu, Goarnele inimii, M. Gavril, Diminei pe schele, George Dan, Bun dimineaa etc. Concluzia: Titlurile singure ale operelor scriitorilor notri sunt de ajuns pentru a dovedi viaa nou a poporului nostru, avntul revoluionar, constructiv al oamenilor muncii, traiul plin de bucurie, eforturile comune pentru furirea socialismului (2/1950, p. 15); analiza unor articole din revistaFemeia ofer cititorilor i o serie de perle din domeniul jurnalistic al acelor vremuri: Gloria lui I. Creang a fost ngustat i schimonosit de burghezi; A fost dascl (Creang) dar fiindc a scris adevrul a fost destituit ca i Eminescu din postul de revizor pentru aceleai motive (4/1952, p. 16). Articolele grupate sub genericul Cronic aveau menirea de a prezenta activitile curente ale lingvitilor sovietici i romni, diverse lucrri din domeniul filologic considerate de importan pentru specialiti. Presiunea factorului ideologic se observ mai ales n importana exagerat care se acord activitilor lingvitilor sovietici, lucrrilor acestora, privite ca adevrate ndrumare pentru specialitii romni. Uneori se ntmpl ca anumite opinii ale lingvitilor romni s fie apreciate pozitiv sau negativ n funcie de prerea exprimat de un oarecare lingvist sovietic ntr-un articola de mna a doua; numai c acel articola era nesat de citate din documentele de partid! n timp s-a produs o mutaie aproape insesizabil n ceea ce privete ordinea articolelor n cadrul rubricii n discuie: articolele, recenziile cercettorilor romni au nceput s fie publicate naintea articolelor din presa sovietic. n acest fel revista a nceput timid s se sustrag de sub tutela strin prezentnd articole, recenzii, activiti care, oricum, interesau mult mai mult pe specialitii notri, fiind legate de activitile curente de la noi. Aa ncep s apar informaii despre activitile din filialele Societii Filologice, o serie de articole din presa cultural romneasc. Desigur, din cnd n cnd, se mai plasau n prim plan titluri de tipul: Buletinul Academiei de tiine a U.R.S.S. sau Hotrrea Prezidiului Academiei de tiine a U.R.S.S.. n general, textele prezentate sub genericul Cronic sunt semnate de specialiti recunoscui n domeniu, sunt de dimensiuni mici sau medii i caut s prezinte clar, la obiect problemele de baz; armtura ideologic este lipit forat, prnd a fi o condiie impus pentru ca articolul s vad lumina tiparului. Efectele colaterale, cum ar fi cele de tip comic, sunt mult mai rare. Rubrica intitulat Vocabular regional constituie, dup prerea noastr, partea cea mai rezistent, tiinific vorbind, din ntreaga publicaie. Cuvintele lexicului popular sunt prezentate pe baza unei grile simple (cuvntul titlu, sensurile, contexte, explicaii, precizri, etimologie).

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Termenii nregistrai acoper cele mai diverse domenii: agricultur, pstorit, gospodria rural, alimentaia tradiional, vestimentaie etc. Pe lng astfel de termeni sunt nregistrai, mult mai rar ns, termeni mitofolclorici referitori la fiine imaginare, practici magice, rituri de trecere, medicin popular etc. Credem c raritatea apariiei n revist a termenilor de acest tip se datoreaz, n principal, presiunilor de ordin politico-ideologic, tiut fiind faptul c n presa comunist erau supuse unei serioase interdicii termenii religioi sau cei din domeniul magiei populare. Prin rubrica Vocabular regional, revista prezentat continu o tradiie iniiat de Hasdeu, Densusianu, Candrea; de altfel, nregistrarea lexicului popular era, n acea perioad, o preocupare important a lingvitilor notri. Se urmrea nregistrarea de material lingvistic viu care s serveasc pentru realizarea unor lucrri importante n domeniu (Dicionarul Academiei, Atlasele lingvistice pe regiuni, Culegeri de lexic regional). Informaiile obinute erau deosebit de utile i pentru studiul istoriei limbii, dialectologiei romneti pentru cunoaterea mentalitii populare. Pentru cei care au colaborat la realizarea acelei rubrici a fost i un util exerciiu. Curierul este acea secven a publicaiei care asigur comunicarea cu cititorii. De-a lungul timpului n revista Cum vorbim au existat mai multe rubrici cu acest specific: ntrebri i rspunsuri, Fr mult vorb, De vorb cu cititorii, Din vorb n vorb. Pe baza lor se poate constata existena unei intense corespondene cu cititorii, interesul pe care problemele de ordin filologic l strneau n rndurile marelui public. Se ofereau cititorilor diverse explicaii, precizri, indicaii, evident, n conformitate nu numai cu normele lingvistice, ci i cu ideologia vremii. n unele situaii rspunsurile reprezentau punctul de vedere al redaciei, care se strduia s mpace, pe ct era posibil, planul lingvistic cu cel politic. Printre corespondenii anilor 1949 1952 vom gsi numele unora dintre bunii notri specialiti de mai trziu: Th. Trpcea, H. Zalis, t. Munteanu, Al. Andriescu, t. Giosu, A. Avram etc. Principalele componente ale rubricilor curierului vizau probleme curente de limb romn: pronunarea corect, forma corect a unor cuvinte, evoluiile semantice sau originea diverselor cuvinte, expresii. Intervenia ideologicului se putea observa cu uurin: apelul insistent la lucrrile lui Stalin, punerea la punct a celor care se abteau de la linia partidului, discuii amuzante (pentru noi) referitoare la unele lozinci proletare; n unele situaii redacia accepta cu mare bucurie criticele tovreti ale cititorilor. Dat fiind prezena masiv n rubricile amintite a elementelor de ordin politico ideologic nu este de mirare c efectele de ordin comic sunt din plin prezente: un cititor a trebuit lmurit asupra faptului c sintagma lucruri de furat nu aparine exploatatorilor (cum credea el), iar o alt sintagm, lucruri furate, nu e specific exploatailor dei nu e nici o ndoial c exploataii erau furai de exploatatori (11 12/1950, p. 55); explicnd unele aspecte legate de evoluia semantic a cuvntului codo redacia nu uit s specifice faptul c acesta e un cuvnt turcesc, unul din multele cuvinte murdare luate de la turci (Idem); un text din Beniuc S-a prbuit peste trecut un zid Ce ntuneca i arina i cerul (9 10/1951, p. 62) este explicat pe ndelete unui cititor mai greu de cap: Sensul este urmtorul: trecutul, care simbolizeaz aici clasele exploatatoare, era nconjurat de un zid. Dup acest zid trndvea boierul, aprat de jandarmi. Pentru argai zidul ntuneca i arina i cerul iar prbuirea lui n-a adus numai lumin, ci a ngropat i pe boier i jandarmii lui cu tot. n concluzie, Mihai Beniuc a scris foarte bine; unele nume de strzi strnesc indignarea unor cititori: astfel nume ca Paris, Londra ilustreaz atitudinea de ploconire a burgheziei i moierimii de la noi fa de Occident. Redacia revistei observ c problema nu este ctui de puin lingvistic i c Sfatul Popular al Capitalei a nceput aciunea de schimbare a unor nume de strzi nepotrivite (9 10/1951, p. 64); discuiile referitoare la pronunarea greit a unor neologisme se ncheie cu o punere la punct specific vremii: Poporul nu stlcete niciodat morfologia, sintaxa sau vocabularul! Dac nu pronun corect unele neologisme nu-i vina lui, ci a exploatatorilor care l-au inut n netiin (2/1952, p. 47);

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n ncercarea de a face cunoscut publicului un studiu cu adevrat remarcabil al eruditului Th. Simensky, universitarii ieeni au tiprit un studiu care era n evident contradicie cu spiritul epocii. Redacia revistei Cum vorbim rspunznd cititorilor reproeaz autorului c lucrarea nu conine n bibliografie nici o surs sovietic, ba mai e tiprit i n francez; finalul rspunsului este de un comic remarcabil: Singurul avantaj pe care l are publicarea n franuzete este faptul c pturile largi ale publicului cititor nu vor putea s o citeasc i vor fi astfel ferite de influena duntoare pe care astfel ar putea-o avea asupra lui teoriile reacionare ale autorului. Dar sperm c, de aici nainte, n era planificrii, se va evita risipirea plumbului i hrtiei pentru tiprituri care nu folosesc la nimic (2/1950, p. 47). Timpul a dovedit c inutila carte criticat vehement mai sus se nscrie ntre cele mai importante studii de indoeuropenistic de la noi! nivelul comunicrii cu cititorii este uneori compromis de adevrate perle: Victor Nestea, elev, Slcina, Cluj, se ntreab dac e potrivit numele lui Mihail Eminescu pe firma unui mic atelier de cizmrie de la Baia de Arie. Nu vedem nici un motiv pentru care ar fi nepotrivit (chiar dac M. Eminescu n-a fost niciodat cizmar), ca muncitorii cizmari s-i numeasc atelierul cu numele marelui nostru poet (1/1952, p. 46); o adevrat maladie a vremii o constituia discuia referitoare la diverse aspecte ale lozincilor comuniste; un cititor propune nlocuirea lozincii Triasc 1 Mai prin La muli ani cu sntate 1 Mai fiindc nu se poate ca o zi s triasc. Redacia i rspunde contiincios c verbul a tri este ntrebuinat n acest caz cu neles figurat, iar formula pe care ne-o propune cititorul nostru este cu totul nepotrivit (11 12/1950, p. 52). Impactul diverselor aspecte ale ideologiei comuniste asupra cercetrii lingvistice a avut efecte dintre cele mai neplcute; e vorba de o adevrat deturnare de la menirea normal a unei activiti de cercetare, de transformarea unei publicaii filologice ntr-o tribun a luptei de clas. O analiz mai amnunit a putut arta c influena ideologic a fost diferit de la un tip de articole la altul. Cele mai politizate au fost articolele de fond, care ar fi fost mai bine s lipseasc; articolele de specialitate i cele reunite sub genericul Cronic, dei minate serios de ncrctura ideologic, sunt totui mult mai onorabile dect articolele de fond i de oarecare utilitate. Vocabularul regional, dup cum am menionat, este secvena cea mai onorabil a revistei, influena ideologic trecnd aproape neobservat. Curierul, n schimb, dincolo de multe informaii utile este serios otrvit cu cliee, lozinci specifice timpului; uneori este un fel de ideologie aplicat pe diverse probleme de limb i literatur romn. Lucrarea noastr a cutat s evidenieze i o serie de aspecte de comic involuntar, care subliniaz o dat n plus, ct de nociv a fost presiunea factorilor politico ideologici asupra presei filologice romneti; poate c astfel de aspecte sunt utile i pentru a ne permite s privim n urm fr mnie.
Bibliografie: *** Cum vorbim, revist pentru studiul i explicarea limbii, Bucureti, 1949 1952. Dimitrescu, Florica, Dicionar de cuvinte recente, Ed. Albatros, Bucureti, 1982. Georgescu, Vlad, Politic i istorie, Humanitas, Bucureti, 1991. Stoichioiu Ichim, Adriana, Vocabularul limbii romne actuale, AL.L., Bucureti, 2000. tefnescu, Clin Bogdan, 10 ani de umor negru romnesc, Ed. Paideia, Bucureti, 1991.

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Ist die Ersetzung der Oikonyme begrndet oder nicht?

Cercet. t. Daniela Butnaru, Asistent de cerecetare Ana-Maria Prisacaru Institutul de Filologie Romn A. Philippide Academia Romn Filiala Iai Rsum: Les noms des localits se sont forms, naturellement, partir du nom de son matre ou dune personne importante de cette rgion, partir du nom du ruisseau qui traverse leur territoire ou dun autre objet gographique de la zone o elles sont places, etc. Les auteures prsentent dans leur intervention quelques raisons de modification ou de changement des oconymes, en donnant des exemples. Dans la deuxime partie, sont prsent les consquences: le changement des noms, fait par ladministration, a comme rsultat un loignement de lhistoire de la communaut et de lidentification de la localit par son nom, surtout que, aprs linstauration des noms commmoratifs ou des noms abstraits, il y a beaucoup des sries homonymiques ou parce que quelques villages ont eu 2-3 noms diffrents pendant le dernier sicle. Mots cls : les noms des localits, objet gographique, sries homonymiques

Die Bildungsart zahlreicher Oikonyme1 ergibt sich oft aus verschiedenen historischen Dokumenten. Die Basis vieler Ortschaftsnamen ist ein anthroponimisches Thema (das den Namen des Grundbesitzers, des Grnders, eines Bojaren oder einer einflssigeren Person in dieser Region darstellt), dem manchmal ein Suffix plurale tantum (-eti, -eni) hinzugefgt wird; andere Namen von Ortschaften bestehen aus einem Gattungsnamen in absoluter toponymischen Funktion oder aus einem Gattungsnamen und einem Bestimmungswort, die ursprnglich einen sozio-geographischen Gegenstand in der betreffenden Region bezeichneten. Die spontane, volkstmliche Namensgebung ist immer begrndet, d. h. es immer eine strenge Verbindung zwischen dem Ortsnamen und dem bezeichneten Gegenstand gibt. Die Form der traditionellen Ortsnamen kann von den Verwaltungsvertretern, mit oder ohne Absicht, verndert oder sogar ersetzt werden und diese neuen offiziellen Ortsnamen behaupten sich manchmal auch im Gebrauch der Einheimischen dank des Ansehens der Namensgeber und ebenfalls dank ihrer Erscheinung in verschiedenen Dokumenten. Die Vernderungen der Oikonyme haben verschiedene Grnde, von denen wir hier nur einige durch Beispiele erlutern werden2. Manche von ihnen sind das Ergebnis der unwillkrlichen Assoziierung der Ortschaftsnamen mit Wrter aus dem alltglichen Wortschatz (paronymische Anziehung)3. Zum Beispiel: den Fluss Plotun4 entlang wurde das Dorf Plotunul (Gemeinde Pipirig, Kreis Neamt) gegrndet, das heute Plutonul der Zug genannt wird, eine Form, die durch die hnlichkeit mit dem Neologismus pluton (ploton), bekannt durch den Militrdienst5 erklrt werden kann. Obwohl man nur mit Schwierigkeit feststellen kann, ob diese Assoziierung von den Ortsbewohnern oder von den Verwaltungsvertretern gemacht wurde, glauben wir dennoch, dass die Form des Oikonyms Pluton auf verwaltliche Weise durchgesetzt ist, denn man bewhrt die Form des Gewssernamens Plotunul, auch wenn man fr die Bezeichnung des Dorfes nur die Variante Plutonul benutzt. Die Formen Plotunul, Plotonul und Plutonul wechseln sich an den Ortschaftsschilden6 bis zur Hlfte des XX. Jahrhunderts. Danach erscheint nur die Variante Plutonul. In einer Urkunde aus 1841 finden wir cotunurile Boboetii i Plotunul7 die Weiler Boboetii und Plotunul und im Jahr 1848, satul Plotun8 das Dorf Plotun. Auch in den
Die Oikonyme (< griech. okos Haus) sind Namen von Siedlungsstellen. Eine Analyse dieser Erscheinung macht der Forscher Drago Moldovanu in der Einfhrung von Tezaurul toponimic al Romniei. Moldova, Band I, 1. Teil. Wir nehmen uns vor, einige Informationen vom oben genannten Werk sowohl mit in schriftlichen oder noch nicht herausgegebenen Urkunden gefundenen Daten, als auch mit den Ergebnissen der in einigen Ortschaften durchgefhrten Untersuchungen zu verstrken. 3 Tezaurul toponimic al Romniei. Moldova, I1, S. XXV. 4 Attestiert zum ersten Mal im Jahr 1632: die Mndung von Plotun, wo er in Pipirig fliesst (Documenta Romaniae Historica. A Moldova, XXI, S. 222). 5 Iorgu Iordan, Toponimia romneasc, S. 372. 6 Cf. Tezaurul toponimic al Romniei. Moldova I2. 7 Gheorghe Ungureanu, Ion Creang. Documente, S. 33. 8 Ibid., S. 55, 58.
2 1

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Urkunden betreffs der Agrarreform aus 1864 erscheint vorherrschend die etymologische Form: Plotonu oder Cotuna Plotunu9, aber auch Cotuna Plutonu10, Prul Plotonul11, Rul Plotonului12; im Meisterwerk von Ion Creang, Amintiri din copilrie (Kindheitserinnerungen), geschrieben im Jahr 1880, finden wir nur die Form Plotonul13 wieder; an D. Grigore Coblcescu14 trgt der Fluss den Namen Plotunul; in Marele Dictionar Geografic aus 1898 (ein Wrterbuch, das in hohem Mass auf Grund der Untersuchungen vor Ort realisiert ist) ist der Name des Dorfes Pluton, aber der Fluss, der in der Nhe fliesst, heisst Plotunul; in den im Archiv der Gemeinde Pipirig gefundenen Agrarregistern (1959 - 1963) wechseln sich die beiden Varianten, sowohl im Falle des Oikonymes, als auch im Falle des Gewssernamens : Apa Plotunului, aber auch Gura Plutonului, Plotun, aber auch Plutonul, arina Plutonului. Heute benutzen die Ortsbewohner die irrtmliche, aber offizielle Form. Das ist ein relevantes Beispiel fr die Situation, wenn die Behrden die Ortsnamen korrigieren wollten, aber sie whlten leider die unrichtige Form. Wenn die Teams, die der Vernderung der Oikonyme zustimmen, auch aus Historiker und Linguisten, die die richtigen, etymologischen Formen der Ortsnamen suggerieren, bestehen wrden, wrde es vielleicht nicht mehr solche Fehler geben. Manchmal ist die Etymologie der Ortsnamen nicht sicher bekannt, aber die Behrden fordern dennoch, die Bennenungen eine Bedeutung zu haben. Das ist der Fall eines Tales, Sohodol, aus Horgeti, Kreis Bacu und des benachbarten Dorfes, deren ursprngliche Form durch die heutige Form Sohodor, eine korrupte Form durch Anziehung mit dem Wort dor15 Sehnsucht, ersetzt wurde. Wir wissen nicht, ob diese Form zum ersten Mal im Gebrauch der Ortsbewohner erschien oder von Behrden durchgesetzt wurde. Es ist aber sicher, dass diese Variante zur gleichen Zeit mit der Aufnahme des Ortsnamens in dieser Form an den Ortschaftsschilden in der zweiten Hlfte des XX. Jahrhunderts offiziell geworden ist (cf. Tezaurul Toponimic al Romniei. Moldova, Band I, 2. Teil). Ein hnlicher Fall ist jener des Oikonyms Liuzii-Clugra, Kreis Bacu. Weil die Bedeutung des Gattungsnamens liude der Steuerpflichtige (mit der Pluralform liuzi16), der dem oben genannten Ortsnamen zugrunde liegt, nicht mehr bekannt ist, kommt es heute zur Form mit Methatese Luizii-Clugra (vielleicht durch hnlichkeit mit dem Personennamen Luiza17), die bei der Mehrheit von offiziellen Ortschaftsschilden aus dem XX. Jahrhundert erscheint. Die Einheimischen haben diese unrichtige Form bernommen. Ein anderes Beispiel von unbegrndeter Vernderung, die von den Verwaltungsvertretern nicht korrigiert wurde, ist der Ortsname Pochidia. Wenn wir seine Attestierungen in Tezaurul Toponimic al Romniei. Moldova, Band I, 2. Seite analysieren, stellen wir fest, dass das Dorf im Jahr 1772 unter Syntagma Popii, ai Postelnicului Iordache Dia erwhnt ist. Spter, im Zeitraum 1780 1876, erscheint es mit den Namen Popii Diei und Popii. Einige von den im oben genannten Werk erwhnten Urkunden spiegeln einen von den Zgen der lokalen Mundart, nmlich die Palatalisierung des Lippenkonsonantes p : Pochii wieder. Ab 1887 fhlt sich den Einfluss des offiziellen Stils, nmlich die Verkrzung des synthetischen Syntagmas Pochii Diei (d. h. Popii Diei) zum Kompositum Pochii-Dia. Danach, von 1904 ab, wird der offizielle Name der Ortschaft in der Diskution in der Form Pochidia bekannt. Es gibt auch Flle, wenn die Behrden die Entscheidung treffen, den Namen eines Dorfes zu ersetzen, denn sie meinen, dass das betreffende Oikonym nicht schn klingt oder an unangenehme geschichtlichen Zeiten erinnert. Zum Beispiel: 1948 wurde der Name des Dorfes
Die Nationalarchive Bucureti, Quelle Agrarreform aus 1864, Dossier Nr. 1034, Blatt 1r. Ibid., Blatt 3r. 11 Ibid., Blatt 1r. 12 Ibid., Blatt 7r. 13 Ion Creang, Opere, Band I, S. 164. 14 D. Grigore Coblcescu, Geografia fisic a Daciei moderne, Iai, 1888, S. 113. 15 Populaires ou pseudo-savantes, ces tymologies nous font sourire ; leur navet nous amuse, et parfois leur ineptie nous irrite. On considre quelles ne sont rien dautre que lexpression de lignorance ; ce qui rvle le couple traditionnel tymologie savante / tymologie populaire ; renvoyant aux autres couples vrai / faux ; ou science / nonscience (Gendron 1996: 50). 16 Mann aus dem Volk (oft fremder Kolonist) im Verhltnis mit Fiskus, ob Steuerpflichtige, ob Steuerfreie, ob Steuerzahler (DA, s.v.). 17 brigens ist die Form Luiza-Clugra in einem Dokument aus 1902 attestiert (Die Nationalarchive Bacu, Quelle Forstdirektion Bacu, Dossier Nr. 39/1902, Blatt 6r.).
10 9

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Brtenii, Kreis Botoani, durch Pdurenii ersetzt, denn er ist einigermassen mit dem Namen der berhmten Familie von brgerlichen Politikern Brtianu hnlich (cf. Tezaurul Toponimic al Romniei. Moldova, Band I1, S. LIV), obwohl es keine Verbindung dazwischen gibt, so wie auch die Urkunde vom 15. Oktober 1427, wo das Dorf Brtenii zum ersten Mal attestiert ist : ein Dorf in Carpeni, wo das Haus von Dobrcin und Bratul Pleescu war(Documenta Romaniae Historica, A, Moldova, I, S. 69), beweist. Ab 1964 ist Pdurenii auch der Name eines Dorfes im Kreis Bacu, Sectura. Diese Namenersetzung beruht vielleicht auf einigen sthetischen Erwgungen, obwohl das betreffende Dorf diesen Namen schon von alters her trgt, so wie es auch die historischen Attestierungen beweisen. Darber hinaus ist seine alte Benennung durch die Lage des Dorfes in der Diskussion auf dem Ufer des Flusses Saca18 begrndet. Der alte Name blieb heute in einem Flurnamen auf dem Gebiet eines benachbarten Dorfes, Mrgineni, bestehen, wo es ein Ort, genannt La Sectureni, gibt; einige Bewohner dieses Dorfes, das damals als Sectura bekannt war, waren hier Grundbesitzer und die Bewohner aus Mrgineni nennen die Nachbarn aus dem Dorf in der Diskussion sowohl pdureni (Bewohner aus Pdureni), als auch sectureni (Bewohner aus Sectura). Im letzten Jahrhundert wurden zahlreiche Oikonyme ersetzt. Der Grund dafr war, dass sie nicht gut klingten oder Pech bringen knnten. Nur auf diese Art knnen die Verzicht auf die ursprnglichen, von Jahrhunderte alten Benennungen und ihre Ersetzung durch Namen wie Dumbrava, Pdurenii, Vlcelele, Vntorii u.s.w. erklrt werden. Obwohl es viele Drfer mit dem Namen Dumbrava (begrndet durch deren Grndung in Waldwiesen) im XX. Jahrhundert in Moldau gab, vermehrte sich diese homonymische Serie mit der Zeit durch den Eingriff der Behrden. Zur Erluterung geben wir das Beispiel des Dorfes Lingurarii, Kreis Bacu, das ab 1964 den Namen Poiana bekam. 1929 wird der Name des Dorfes Baliga, Kreis Vaslui, durch Viioara ersetzt. Dieser Name, Viioara, wird einige Jahre spter auch von Drfern wie Bivolul, Bsetii, Jvrenii, Boul, Sectura Prosul (oder Prosul) getrgt werden. Das Dorf Uscaii, attestiert im Jahr 1439 als Eigentum von Ion Uscatul19, wird Rzboienii de Jos ab 1964 genannt werden. Manche Ortschaften sind nach dem Namen einer dort geborenen Persnlichkeit genannt. Zum Beispiel : das Geburtsdorf von Alexandru Vlahu ist unter dem Namen Pleni schon aus der ersten Hlfte des XV. Jahrhunderts20 attestiert; zwischen den 15. und 19. Jahrhunderten heisst das Dorf bald Pleeni, bald Pleeti und ab 1887 ist in der Ortschaft Ptrcani eingeschlossen, die von 1956 ab den Namen des Schriftstellers trgen wird : Alexandru Vlahu. Das Dorf Ghindoanii wird Vasile Conta im Jahr 1925 genannt (der Name eines Philosophes, Schriftstellers, rumnischen Ministers, geboren in der Gemeinde Ghindoani, Kreis Neam). Diese Namenersetzung dauert nur zwei Jahre. Danach erscheint das Dorf mit seinem alten Namen in den Ortschaftsverzeichnissen wieder. Oft gibt es aber keine Beziehung zwischen den Ortsnamen und der betreffenden Persnlichkeit. Das besttigt eigentlich die Tat, dass die offiziellen Benennungen von Ortschaften grsstenteils willkrlich sind. Zum Beispiel : im Kreis Botoani gibt es das Dorf George Cobuc, das bis zum Jahr 1950 mit dem Namen Tometii, Tometii Sptarului Fotea, Tometii Fotei, Tometii lui Ciolac, Tometii-Ciolac in den Verwaltungsurkunden aufgenommen ist. Ab 1950 wird eine andere Ortschaft in demselben Kreis, Tometi, den Namen des berhmten Dichters Mihai Eminescu tragen, whrend das Dorf, wo der Dichter seine Kindheit verbrachte, auch heute den Namen Ipotetii trgt. Das Dorf, wo Ion Creang geboren ist, heisst Humuletii auch in der Gegenwart, aber der Name des Erzhlers fehlt nicht zwichen den Gedenkoikonymen und bezeichnet gegenwrtig ein Dorf aus Neam; auch der Name von Vasile Alecsandri ist Oikonym geworden. Interessant ist die Tat, dass er nicht das Geburtsdorf des Schriftstellers nennt, das heute weiter Mirceti heisst, sondern ein ganz anderes Dorf. Es gibt keine Beziehung zwischen Gheorghe Doja, Avram Iancu, Aurel Vlaicu, Mihai Viteazu und die moldauischen Drfer, die die Namen dieser Persnlichkeiten getragen haben. Alle diesen Oikonyme sind, so wie wir schon gesagt haben, willkrlich und wurden von den Behrden zwecks der Lobpreisung dieser Helden ausgewhlt. Manchmal gibt es ein strenges Verhltnis zwischen der offiziellen Ortsbenennung und der politischen Ideologie in einem bestimmten Zeitpunkt. Zum Beispiel : das Dorf Satul Nou aus
18

Das Dorf Saca oder Sctura ist schon aus dem XVI. Jahrhundert attestiert (cf. Documente privind istoria Romniei, A, Moldova, XVI-II, S. 141). 19 Documenta Romaniae Historica. A Moldova, I, S. 285. 20 Documenta Romaniae Historica. A Moldova, I, S. 202.

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Bacu (Gemeinde Rcciuni) bekommt den Namen Gheorghe Buzdugan (rumnischer Politiker und Jurist, Mitglied der Regenz in den 20. Jahren des XX. Jahrhunderts) im Jahr 1929, aber 1948, in der bereinstimmung mit den neuen politischen Realitten wird er Gheorghe Doja heissen. Auch die Ortschaft Gherietii Noi, genannt Principele Ferdinand zwischen 1907 und 1948, bekommt den Namen Gheorghe Doja ab 1948, obwohl sie auf die Form Gherietii Noi im Jahr 1964 zurckkommt. Unter Kommunismus war das Andenken des Frstes Ferdinand nicht mehr toleriert, so dass zwei Drfer, die seinen Namen bis dann getragen haben, Nicolae Blcescu bzw. Mihail Koglniceanu heissen werden. Das Dorf Bahna aus der Gemeinde mit demselben Namen, Kreis Neam, attestiert auch als Urzicii, Bhnarii, bekommt ab 1925 die Benennung Vasile G. Morun (nmlich der Name eines Ministers, ttig in den liberalen Regierungen von Dimitrie A. Sturdza und Ion I.C. Brtianu). Selbstverstndlich war dieser Ortsname in der kommunistischen Periode nicht akzeptiert, so dass das Dorf auf den Namen Bahna im Jahr 1948 zurckkommt. Vasile Roait, der rumnische Eisenbahner-Held, der whrend des grossen Streikes der CFR-Werksttte vom Februar 1933 durch Erschiessung gestorben ist, gab seinen Namen einem ehemaligen Dorf am Rande der Stadt Bacu, heute Stadtviertel geworden, aber auch einer Ortschaft im Kreis Galai, die ursprnglich Generalul Eremia Grigorescu (rumnischer Politiker und General whrend des ersten Weltkrieges) hiess. Manche Ortschaften haben patriotische Benennungen : Avntul der Aufstieg, Independena die Unabhngigkeit, Progresul der Fortschritt, Victoria der Sieg, Gorunul die Steineiche u.s.w. Also, eine von den Wirkungen dieser Namenersetzung/-vernderungen ist die Tat, dass der Ortsname unbegrndet wird, d. h. es keine Verbindung zwischen ihm und der Geschichte der Gemeinschaft oder der Geographie der betreffenden Region mehr gibt. Eine andere Folge des Namenersetzungsprozesses ist die unangenehmende Homonymie. Homonymische Reihen gab es auch vor dem XX. Jahrhundert, aber es war gar nicht notwendig, dass deren Zahl sich vermehrt. 1864 und 1868 nderten neun Drfer ihren alten Namen in Pdurenii, obwohl es schon vier Drfer mit diesem Namen (in diesem Fall ist es die Rede ber eine spontane, volkstmliche Benennung) auf dem moldauischen Gebiet gab; im Kreis Botoani war einmal ein Dorf, Buhaiul, so genannt wegen seiner Lage auf dem Ufer des Flusses mit demselben Namen, der schon aus dem XVI. Jahrhundert attestiert ist21. Weil der Name Buhaiul der Zuchtstier als unangenehm betrachtet wurde, wird er 1964 durch auch heute gebliebene Benennung Pdurenii ersetzt. Im demselben Kreis und in derselben Periode bekommt den Namen Pdurenii auch die Ortschaft Lingurarii die Lffelzigeuner, vielleicht zur Verbergung der Ethnie ihrer Bewohner (siehe oben auch das Dorf Brtenii, ber das wir nicht mehr hier sprechen). Es gab dennoch keine Regel betreffs der Ersetzung von Oikonymen; das Dorf Pgubeni die Verlusttrger, z. B., trgt auch heute seinen ursprnglichen Namen. Nach der Revolution haben nur sehr wenige Ortschaften ihren alten Namen wiedergewonnen: Brtenii (frher Pdurenii), Hurdugii (genannt fr kurze Zeit auch Dimitrie Cantemir). Die Namenersetzung drckt ihren Stempel auch den Bewohnern aus den von diesen Vernderungen beeintrchtigten Drfern auf. Wir haben schon gesagt, dass die Bewohner des Dorfes Pdurenii (frher Sectura) sowohl pdureni, als auch sectureni von ihren Nachbarn aus Mrgineni genannt werden. Betreffs der Ortschaft Brteniii aus Botosani haben wir zufolge einer dort durchgefhrten Untersuchung bemerkt, dass, obwohl der offizielle Dorfsname Pdurenii ist, die hier wohnende Menschen, besonders die im Alter von 40-50 Jahren, die neue Benennung nicht akzeptieren und den alten Namen, Brteniii, weiter benutzen. Eine hnliche Situation wird vom Forscher Stelian Dumistrcel im Band Sate disprutesate ameninate dargestellt. Whrend einiger Untersuchungen vor Ort entdeckte der Autor, dass die Bewohner des ehemaligen Dorfes Scopenii der Einschliessung ihrer Siedlung im Dorf Gura Bohotinului nicht zustimmen und versagen heftig, diesen Namen zur Bezeichnung ihrer alten Ortschaft anzunehmen. Es gibt ein starker Wille der Bewohner, ihre Identitt durch Erhaltung der Namen der alten Landansiedlungen zu bewahren (angefhrtes Werk, S. 120).

21

Cf. Documenta Romaniae Historica. A Moldova, I, VI, S. 585 (das Wasser von Buhaiul).

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Am Ende erlauben wir uns, eine Schlussfolgerung zu ziehen. Wir sind also der Meinung, dass, wenn die Ausschsse, die diese Vernderungen/Ersetzungen von Oikonymen entscheiden, auch Historiker und Linguisten eingeschlossen wrden, wrden einige von den Ortsnamen mit ihrer richtigen Form bewahren und die unrichtigen Formen anderer korrigieren, so dass die Ortsnamen die Identitt der Bewohner und die geographischen, historischen und sozialen Wirklichkeiten widerspiegeln wrden. Obwohl der Prozess der begrndeten Ersetzung von Oikonymen kompliziert ist und auch finanzielle Ausgaben nach sich zieht, sollten dennoch die Behrden, auf Verlangen der Ortsbewohner, auch an dieses notwendige Vorgehen denken und eine richtige Entscheidung in diesem Sinn treffen.
Bibliographie: Die Nationalarchive Bacu, Quelle Forstdirektion Bacu (und Nr. des Dossiers). Die Nationalarchive Bucureti, Quelle Agrarreform aus 1864. Kreis Neam (und Nr. des Dossiers). Das Archiv der Gemeinde Pipirig, Die Agrarregister im Zeitraum 19591963. Atlasul Moldovei, Mastab 1:50 000, Bucureti, 18921898. Coblcescu, Grigore, Geografia fisic a Daciei moderne, Iai, 1888. Creang, Ion, Opere, Band I, bearbeitete Auflage, Anmerkungen und Varianten, Glossar und Bibliographie von Iorgu Iordan und Elisabeta Brncu. Einfhrung von Iorgu Iordan, Bucureti, 1970. Documenta Romaniae Historica. A Moldova, Bucureti. Documente privind istoria Romniei, A, Moldova, Bucureti, 19511957. Dumistrcel, Stelian, Sate disprute sate ameninate, Iasi, 1995. Gendron, Stephane, Letymologie populaire en onomastique, in Nouvelle Revue dOnomastique, no. 2728, 1996. Iordan, Iorgu, Toponimia romneasc, Bucureti, 1963. Marele Dicionar Geografic al Romniei, Bnde IV, (Koord. G.I. Lahovari), Bucureti, 18981902. Tezaurul toponimic al Romniei. Moldova, Band I. Repertoriul istoric al unitilor administrativ-teritoriale. 17721988, 1. und 2. Teile, Bucureti, 1991 und 1992. Gheorghe Ungureanu, Ion Creang. Documente, Bucureti, 1964.

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Gender in Basic Turkish Dictionary How Sexism Operates in Basic Turkish Dictionary Hatice ubuku1, Mehtap Eme2, Ferda Ilerten3 University of Cukurova, Adana, Turkey It is not to say that as women gain positive linguistic visibility, they magically gain recognition and respect. But something magical does happen whenever people begin to sense their potential as fully integrated members of society and, it is this magic that using non sexist language helps to bring about. ( Miller & Swift 1995)
Abstract: Although there exists a substantial amount of research investigating gender ideologies underlying a wide variety of texts, towards minimizing sexism in languages, scant attention has been directed to the investigation of dictionaries which are major resources about specific languages and that inherently bear the cultural repertoire of given speech communities. Therefore, this study aims to investigate whether and/or to what extent the lexical items related to female and male genders in the Basic Turkish Dictionary reflect sexist ideologies in favor of one or the other category. It is expected that the study will help uncover how F/M genders are categorized and conceptualized in Turkish culture as well as raising awareness regarding sexist practices in the language, and lastly by contributing to the dictionary to re structure its discourse on its republication . To this end, the definitions of 1300 words were categorized utilizing Conceptual Analysis (Carley 1992). Also analyzed in this study were 256 illustrative sentences in the light of CDA by considering aspects such as agency, co-occurancy (Fairclough 1995; Huckin 2003) to see how F /M words are contextualized in the dictionary regarding gender ideology. Key words: Gender Bias, Sexism, Language and Ideology

1. Introduction The attention triggered by the feminist movement back in the 70s (Lakoff 1972; Cameron et al. 1974), to the close-knit relationship between gender identity and language also have found support in the social theories (eg. Fairclough 1982; Wodak 1997) which suggest that language is a site in which beliefs, values and points of view are produced, encoded and contested, and that ideologies are conveyed , reinforced and reproduced through the discoursal practices of the individuals in a given culture (Wodak 1997). Research conducted in different geographies in diversity of cultures4 interestingly yielded similar results regarding the use of sexist language which is characterized as expressing bias in favour of one sex in a discriminating manner, and in most cases the bias being in favor of men against women (Lei 2006 ). Eventually, the efforts to replace sexist terminology with gender-neutral ones have effected significant changes especially in the USA through the reforms in the linguistic expression and increased use of non sexist language in official documents, educational texts, media discourse etc. The editor of the American Heritage Dictionary (1992) described the concern for words that are gender-tagged as the most important shift in English usage in the last four hundred year (quoted in, Miller & Swift 1995,p.2). Even though the changes are encouraging, recent studies show that we still have a long way to go before languages are freed of sexist bonds. To exemplify, as the results of a large scale research project conducted across 30 different languages, (Helinger & Bussmann 2001, 2002,

1 2

Assoc. Prof. PhD University of Cukurova, Adana, Turkey English instructor 3 English instructor, MA 4 Hellinger 1980(Germany); Kalia 1982 (India); Porecca 1984 (U.S.A); Zeenatunnisa 1989 (Pakistan); Storm 1992(Japan); Daoodie 1999 (Iran); Arslan 2000 (Turkey); Poulou 2000 (Greece).

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2003)5 concluded the fundamental principle shared by all the languages was that male expressions were the default choice in almost all contexts. (Kramarae 2004:805). It was also conclusively stated that Representation of gender in language cannot be adequately described unless cultural and sociopolitical specifics of individual languages are considered (p. 806). In this study, we seek to investigate how sexism operates in Turkish through the Basic Turkish Dictionary for three reasons: First of all, dictionaries are the most authoritive and neutral documents (Nielsen 1977) about specific languages. Secondly, they are considered invaluable resources for investigating cultural repertoires of speech communities (Kocaman 1998). Lastly, no studies are available examining Turkish dictionaries from the gender perspective. Additionally, dictionaries have also been scarcely investigated in other languages (e.g., Nilsen 1977; Rose 1979). More specifically, this study aims to investigate whether and/ if yes, to what extent the lexical items related to female and male genders in the Turkish Dictionary reflect sexist ideologies in favor of one or the other category. We assume that this study will help us uncover how F/M genders are culturally categorized and conceptualized in the given speech community, as well as raising awareness regarding sexist practices in the language, and also contributing to the dictionary to restructure its discourse towards minimizing gender discrimination on its republication in 2010. 1.1 Language, Ideology and Sexism Fairclough (2004:12) defines ideology as, representations of aspects of the world which can be shown to contribute to establishing, maintaining and changing social relations of power, domination and exploitation. This critical view of ideology which goes beyond the commonplace definition of the term denoting the attitudes, beliefs, positions, perspectives etc. of social groups (Mardin 1995), is the one that we follow in this study. According to Fairclough (1989), using language is the commonest form of social behavior where we rely most on common-sense assumptions. These assumptions are ideologies in the sense that they are closely linked to the conventions and to power relations embedded in particular conventions. They are a means of legitimizing existing social relations and differences of power, in terms of hierarchical relations of domination and subordination. As Fairclough further asserts, such assumptions and expectations are implicit, backgrounded, taken for granted, not things that people are consciously aware of, rarely explicitly formulated or examined or questioned. (2-4). A vital and perhaps the earliest categorization and demarcation of the social structure in human history into the dominant and subordinate is the universal division between the male and female categories through which the sexist ideology has ever been at work. Sexist ideology (or sexism) which is characterized by distribution of social functions and roles on the basis of biological sex rather than on human capabilities, results in producing stereotypical images for both genders. These stereotypes, for Lei (2006), become rationalizations for sociopolitical hierarchies in which one sex is expected to direct and dominate the other because his traits are perceived as superior whereas her natural traits are regarded as less desirable (p.144). Accordingly, sexist language is defined as the use of language which devalues members of one sex, almost invariably women, and thus fosters gender inequality (Wallechinnsky & Wallace 1981). As evidenced in a large bulk of research sexist language discriminates against women by rendering them invisible or trivializing them, suggesting passivity, emotionality, domesticity and dependencyetc. At the same time, it perpetuates notions of male supremacy by relating men to power, prestige, emotional restraint and all that is desirable. (Gershuny 1977; Freeman & Mc Elthinny 1996; Pauwels 1998, Arslan 2000; Wharton 2005; ubuku& Sivaslgil 2006a,b; Lei 2006).
5

Published in three volumes

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As Fairclough states in Ideology is most effective when its workings are least visible and that in modern society, the exercise of power is increasingly achieved particularly through the ideological workings of language (1989: 85). Thus, Discourse studies seems to have an important place in linguistic research for they reveal what lies unseen or unnoticed beneath the surface of spoken and written texts. News a man went berserk and murdered his neighbors wife The effect it to make women irrelevant The woman denied even the identity of neighbor is relegated instead to that of neighbors wife. 2. Data The data in this study comprising of 1300 lexical items (words, phrases, idioms) that are overtly related to female or male genders by definition in the basic Turkish monolingual dictionary (hereon TD) were selected among a total of 104,486 lexical items. Further, different grammatical variations of the lexical entries (i.e. noun or adjective forms) were excluded provided that they show no semantic distinction, whereas items with different semantic loads under a specific entry were included in the data and treated as individual entries. Thus, we have ended up with 780 lexical items to be inspected in this study. The second set of data includes 264 illustrative sentences through which the lexical items are presented in the dictionary6. 3. Method Two different methods of analyses have been employed in coping with two sets of data: Lexical items were analyzed via Conceptual Analysis which involves coding the text into manageable content categories, i.e., reducing the text to categories consisting of a word, set of words that are indicative of the research questions (Carley 1992). Two questions addressing the characteristic features of sexist ideology, have guided us while setting up the categories for checking the data: 1) To what extent are F and M genders made linguistically visible or salient in the TD? 2) To what extent do the linguistic representations of M and F bear stereotypical attributes? The second set of data, the illustrative sentences in which the lexical items were contextualized in the dictionary were examined through the Critical approach7 using a small scale analysis limited to considering, foregrounding/backgrounding, agent-patient relationship and cooccurrence in the sentences (Fairclough 1995; Huckin 2003) . The critical analysis helped us observe how power was distributed across the two genders, and also, whether M and F were presented in favorable or unfavorable terms. Equally significant were the clues elicited from these results regarding the attitude of the TD towards F and M genders. 5. Findings In response to the research questions, the findings obtained from the first group of data (vocabulary) are presented in this section, under three broad headings, Visibility, Indexicality, Stereotyping and their sub-headings: 5.1 Linguistic visibility Linguistic visibility simply corresponds to the frequency of occurrences for F and M. Distinctive linguistic visibility between two genders has been regarded as one of the descriptors of gender discrimination (Coles 1977, Gershuny 1977; Arnold and Gerity 1978). For example, Gershuny (1977), commenting on the low visibility of women (1Fto 3M) in an American English dictionary,

6 7

The TD does not provide illustrative sentences for every item. CDA typically takes on an ethical stance that draws attention to power unbalances, social inequities, non- democratic practices and other injustices in hopes to create awareness in readers (Huckin 2003,p.79)

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stated that t is more than symbolic, as it reflects the real tendency to render women politically, economically, historically and socially insignificant (p. 149). The rate of visibility was identified in quantitative terms by detecting the total number of male (M) and female (F) oriented linguistic items in the dictionary. As illustrated in Graph 1 below, the M words exceeded the F terms by 4 %. The difference might seem relatively low when considering the findings of a large bulk of studies in Turkish language on a variety of texts (Gmolu 2000; Kepez; ubuku & Sivaslgil 2006), and the findings of some dictionary research related to American English language (e.g. Nilsen 1977; Gershuny 1977; Rose1979); however, given the F/M ratio in population in Turkey which is 52% and 48% respectively, we observe some discrepancy in the results regarding visibility of F/M in the dictionary.

400 300 200 100 0 Female (48%) Male (%52) 383 407 Graph 1. Overall Visibility of Genders in the Dictionary

5.2 Indexicality 5.2.1 (Un)marked Forms: Although Turkish is a non-gender language, we have come across 41 F words which are created by adding gender suffixes to male forms or by compounding, as opposed to only one M word, efemine (female like) derived from the F form (see Graph 2). However, all of those words were identified to be borrowings from other languages, for instance, from Arabic (21), French (12), Slavic (5), and two hybrid forms (see Table 1). Examples: Source Language Bound Morpheme Examples Arabic -a, -e muallim-muallime (teacher) French -r, -z dansr-dansz (dancer) Russian -e ar-arie(tzchar) Fr.+Russ. -ie patron+ie (boss) Although most of these words are related to professions or social positions assigning the secondary place to women, they also seem to appear words that are related to even most basic human activities, such as loving. As an example, the F in mauk-mauka (lover-beloved) pair, not only positioned as the marked case, but also in a more passive state as the receiver of the action .It might be claimed that, in these words the F category stands as the the deviant or the other. Referring to the representation of the F gender as marked, Hellinger (2001, p. 34) writes: such linguistic forms prevent the portrayal of F and M as different but equal human beings. 5.1.2 Generic representation Related research has shown that men are widely considered as the norm to human species in many languages (e.g., German, Spanish, Latin etc.) through the grammatically gendered forms, thus, their characteristics are viewed as fully representing all humans, male and female. We have observed only one base form, in TD, the word adam (man) with the semantic load of human, person, woman as explicitly mentioned in the dictionary, which has 48 variations in compound forms and NPs (eg. Devletadam (statesman), or kanunadam (man of law) etc. These expressions stand in inclusive manner, i.e., though they stand for the F gender, have no F forms. In a few cases where the F versions exist such as i kadn (business woman) or bilim kadn (woman of science), the definitions are directly indexed to M (e.g. business woman is defined as business man in the TD). Also, in some cases F versions are used in the derogatory sense; for example, sokaktaki adam

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(Man in the street: average citizen) as opposed to sokaktaki kadn (Woman in the street) or as in hayat adam-hayat kadn pair (wise man) where the F forms directly correspond to prostitution. 5.1.3 Relational words The third group of vocabulary in this section has been labeled under relational words. In this category the M and F words are defined in terms of their relationship to one another. To specify, kar (wife) is identified through her being a spouse to a M, just as the case is in teyzeolu (son of the aunt) where the M is recognized only by way of his relationship to a F. This is the only group in which F gender has shown visibility with 24 occurrences while the M almost doubles (43) it. As illustrated in Graph 2 below, within the whole case of indexicality, M words show 131 occurrences, which constitute more than one thirds of total M words (407). In other words, F representation is programmed to be dependent on the M words, in one out of every three words of the M vocabulary, by way of being the deviant form of it (eg. Mdr-mdre), by being totally represented by the generic forms (adam) or by being defined through her relation to it (wife). Whereas, the M words are indexical to the F category in only 25 cases in total. As Gershuny (1977, p.148) once observed, This communicates the relative unimportance of the F gender in defining and being defined.

100% 50% 0% Male Female Male Female Unmarked Forms 41 1 Inclusive Representation 47 0 Relational 43 24

Graph 2. Indexicality to Other Gender 5.3 Stereotyping Stereotyping involves identifying genders with a limited set of behaviors and attributes. The problem with stereotyping, according to Wharton (2005), is that, it restricts behavior and understanding by constructing a static image. Nilsen (1977) also highlighted the negative consequences of stereotyping by linguistic means: rigid verbal stereotypes of masculinity and femininity are used not only to describe people and language but to judge and polarize the phenomenal world into superior/inferior and positive/negative (p.43). To determine whether the F and M words relate to stereotypical images of the two genders, five categories were more closely examined both quantitatively and in qualitative terms under the headings of Conceptual Sets, Jobs and Occupations, Attitudes/manners Physcal Appearance, Sexuality in the following sections. 5.3.1. Conceptual Sets As an initial step to determining whether F and M words related to stereotypical images of the two genders, we focused on the categories that were formed by way of placing every linguistic item under a conceptual category exhaustively, to see the overall picture regarding what conceptual / thematic areas F and M genders were related. The 21 categories were identified and labeled for both F and M, as shown in Tables 1 and 2. However, for reasons of space, we only touch upon the first 10 categories8 which mount up to about 95% of the related lexical items, therefore considered to be representative of the data.
8

Male vocabulary continued after rank 10 to 21, as folows:

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TABLE-1 Conceptual Sets for the Female Gender

Rank 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

Categories Physcal Appearance Job /Occupation Reproduction Social Relaton/Famly Clothing Sexuality Social Label Accessory Behavior/manner Beauty Other Total

Tokens 63 58 50 48 41 24 24 20 19 9 27 383

% 16 15 13 13 11 6 6 5 5 2.3 7.7 100

TABLE-2 Conceptual Sets for the Male Gender

Rank 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

Categories Job/Occupation Social Label Social Relationship / Family Physcal Appearance Attitudes/manners Reproduction Clothing Ability Exclamation Sexuality Other

Tokens 151 55 46 42 31 31 13 10 7 4 27

% 37 13.5 11 10 8 8 3 2.4 1.7 1 4.4

Total

407

100

As the distribution in Table 1 suggests, F are mostly associated with physical appearance, since 16% of the total female vocabulary falls into this category, whereas it occupies the 4th rank by 10% in M distribution (Table 2). The most highly populated area for male vocabulary is the jobs/occupations (37%); which is the second most important category in F vocabulary by 15%. Lexical items related to reproduction take the third placed in F vocabulary by a relatively high frequency (13%) while for M, it is relatively less significant (8%). Lexical items representing social relationship terms belong mostly to kinship such as abla (big sister), enite (brother in law) and have similar shares in both categories. The 48 words

11. Health (1%), 12. Musc (1%), 13. Insttutonal (1%); 14 Food Drnk (0.2 %) ,15 Beauty(0.2 %), 16 Gender specific expressions (0.2 %) 17 Educaton(0.3%),18 Ceremonal(0.2 %);19 Place(0.2 %) ;20 Property(0.2 %), 21 Accessory (0.1 %).Female vocabulary continued after rank 10 to 21 , as folows: 11.Health (2 %); 12.Ablty/skills (1.5 %); 13 Ceremonal roles(1 %); 14 Musc(0.5 %);15 Exclamatons(0.5 %); 16Gender specific expressions(0.5 %);17 Place/space(0.5 %);18 Food-Drnk(0.2 %); 19 Property (0%); 20Educaton(0%)

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situated in each column suggest that there exist kinship role names9 for both genders separately. The relative importance of clothing for F and M genders is strikingly reflected in the analysis by 11% and 3% respectively. It is to say that F gender is associated 4 times as many as the M gender with respect to clothing. The class under the title of sexuality included 24 occurrences which is 6 times more frequent than those belonging to the M category bearing only 4 cases. While Social labels composed of address terms (bay, hanmefendi), royalty terms, such as paazade (son of a pasha) occupy the 7th rank in F category, they constitute the second largest category in the M gender, by also doubling the F ones in numbers. As for the lexical items indexed to attitudes and manners, they rank lower in F category, than in the F. Accessories with 5% occurrence in F vocabulary constitute the least significant category (no 21) by only 2 examples in M vocabulary. The classes ranking as the 9th and 10th for woman are beauty and health with similar degrees of significance (2.3% and 2 %) while these two issues clearly seem less significant in the male gender (1% and 0.2 %). The overall evaluation of the two tables once more suggests however, that the M vocabulary in the TD are most highly populated around the social issues as the socially oriented categories (Job/Occupation Socal Relaton/Famly Socal Label, Behavior/manner) mount up roughly to 69% of the total M vocabulary. That is to say, men are linguistically represented predominantly through their social functions in society. On the other hand, F vocabulary more intensely accumulate around the physical aspects (Physcal Appearance, Clothing, Accessory, Beauty, Reproduction) by approximately 60%, while the ratio for the social remains around 40%. Shortly altogether this distribution is significant in that it not only provides clues as to how F and M are situated in the social texture of the Turkish society, but also shows indications of sexist ideology through the stereotyping of the genders, i.e., by placing emphasis on Fs value based on physical appearance (e.g., females as aesthetically pleasing things as Nilsen 1977,p. 34 observed in American English) and, Ms disposition reflecting economic, intellectual and social power. (H. D. Brown). 5.3.2 Social Labels Social labels comprising of address terms such as, efendi (sir), hanm (lady), or labels signifying nobility dk (duke) appear in TD 24 times for F and more than twice as many for F (55). Although both categories stand for prestige and positive attributes (with one exception in women), quantitatively speaking the findings in this category also reflect the cultural evaluation which is in favor of males. It seems that Turkish lexicon provides man with social labels that totally designate high prestige and/or status in society.

60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Fem ale(85%) 1 23

0 Negative 55 Positive

Male(15%)

Graph 3 Distributions of Social Labels

9

Turkish has a rich lexicon in expressing kinship terms. For instance the relationship expressed through the in-law terms are separately labeled for F and M; such as grmce for the sister in low for woman, and baldz for sister in law for men.

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5.3.3. Jobs and Occupational Activities Jobs and occupations have also been identified as strong hints for gender stereotyping in a large bulk of research (Ansari and Babai 2003). For example, domesticity, i.e., distributions of professional roles and occupations to domestic boundaries has been almost a universal feature of gender bias in the traditional sense, while men have a wide array of choices available to them (Arnold Gerrity 1978; ubuku & Sivaslgil 2006). The findings in this category also seem significant in that the dictionary presents 58 F oriented occupations as opposed to 151 in M category which is almost three times as many as those of the F jobs and occupational activities (see Graph 4). The distribution further suggests that 20 occupational activities out of 56 in F gender are either low prestige tasks or trivializing in nature.

160 140 120 100 80 60 40 20 0

4 Low Prestige 133 20 36 Female(30%) Male(70%) High Prestige

Graph 4 Distribution Of Occupations Across Genders 5.3.4 Sexuality Related Vocabulary

Of the total 28 lexical items that were directly related to sexuality in the TD, 24 belonged to the F category corresponding to 86% of the total, while and only 4 referred to M gender. When considering the content of these words, all the F vocabulary had negative social meanings except for one case. To specify, F words were either sexually promiscuous terms or insult terms such as kaldrm yosmas (street beauty), msait (available) and kt kadn (bad woman). M words, on the other hand, were related to being virgin, impotent, and homosexual. Shortly put, F and M were typically presented through stereotypical images based on oversimplified generalizations.

Positive 30 25 20 15 10 5 0 1 Female 23

Negative

3 1 Male

Graph 5. Distribution of Sexuality Related Vocabulary

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6. An Overall View To get an overall picture of the findings obtained in this section, we compared the negative and positive features attributed to F and M in the dictionary. Excluding the results obtained in the formal categories (eg. Marked/unmarked forms) detected. Positive terms are those that are socially favorable (Nilsen 1977) and associate with any kind of positive power i.e. statusful power, psychological, physical, mental; and to socially or institutionally defined positive notions. Negative terms relate socially unfavorable concepts such as physical, mental, emotional weakness, low prestige, and negatively defined notions of ethic. The results show that (Graph 6), the positive qualities attributed to the M vocabulary (236) double the ones in the F category (116). More significantly, when each group is considered separately, the rate of negative social esteem is 62% with F, and 13% with M. To sum up, it would not be a hasty conclusion to say that the overall results, both quantitatively and qualitatively indicate that sexist attitude predominate the lexicon in the TD.
500

0 Low Social Regard High Social R d

Female 72 116

Male 33 236

Graph 6. Overall Distribution of (Un)favorable vocabulary

7. Contextualization of the M/F Vocabulary through Illustrative Sentences The last point addressed in this research was to investigate how the F/M words were contextualized by the illustrative sentences provided in the dictionary in the TD, regarding sexism. The data was analyzed at three levels: a) visibility, b) agent-patient roles, c) co-occurrency. As shown in Graph 7, the findings show that the frequency of F appearance (294) in the illustrative sentences outnumbered those of the M (234). While this rate of visibility contrasts with the findings regarding the lexical items in the dictionary, it suggests bias in favor of the F by 12%. Regarding the results of the co-occurency analysis, once more, F figures in the sentences were attributed more positively in the sentences than M by 4%. Example 1: Matmazel, sizin mkemmel bir aktris olduunuzu iitiyorum. Lady, I hear that you are a great actress. As this analysis concerns itself with the semantic features of the predicate (AP), it is taken as positive, under estimating that the word artist (actress) is the marked form of actor (actor) therefore suggests secondary status. This formal category is not included in the overall frequency of positive and negative attributes of the lexical items, either, which is also related to the semantic attributes (see Graph 7). Therefore the results are comparable. When considering the degree to which both genders are assigned power through the Agent and Patient roles, we rely on the sentence level analysis. The results support the relatively stronger image of females by 46 occurrences (15%), while M agents appearing in the sentences remain behind (13%). The negative attributes also show difference of 4% in favor of F. It was interesting to observe however, that M were rarely positioned in patient roles (0.03%), contrary to F who frequently functioned in the patient (14%), slot which we correspond to weak status, as well as

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performing Agency, signifying power. However, in a sentence like Ex. 2 below, in many cases the F has been negatively attributed despite the position of power. Example 2: Besleme kz utand, btn kan yzne kt, hemen ayaa kalkt. The girl servant was embarrassed completely blushed, and stood up.
300 200 100 0 Female Male Frequenc 294 234 (+) 85 59 (-) 74 90 Agent 46 30 Patient 41 7

Graph 7.Overall Representation of F/Ms in Illustrative Sentences

8. Conclusion If we assume that the lexicon presented in the Basic TD is a representation of the mental lexicon of the members of the Turkish culture10 (with varying degrees), we can, tentatively, say that this study provides a rough description the mental models at least related to how F/M genders are conceptualized in the macro level Cultural Discourse, and the culturally shaped assumptions regarding sexism in language. The findings suggest that sexist vocabulary is highly populated almost in all the areas of investigating. However, the contrasting results obtained via the illustrative sentences may be optimistically interpreted as indications of the changing status of women in the modern Turkish society, (although this conclusion needs to be checked via surveys on natural data). It must be also noted that some words such as src (driver) or doktor (doctor) were not considered gender words in this study and escaped the critical eye because they were formally defined in gender neutral terms, as persons in the TD. However, we are well aware that, more often than not they are tagged with gender by adding kadn (woman) in actual use (e.g. woman driver). As well expressed by Kramer (2004, p.805), it is more difficult to challenge covert gender bias in non-gendered languages like Swahili, while gender bias is more easily depicted in gendered languages such as Romance languages. As another note, we also know that there is a large bulk of vocabulary which are not included in the TD, that have been replaced by non sexist terms, and are popularly used by people. This is another reason why our study is entitled How Sexism Operates in Basic Turkish Dictionary rather than in Turkish language. We once more leave the final word to an expert in Gender Studies, Gershuny (1977) who wrote Dictionaries often lag behind while the languages revises itself.
Bibliography: Ambary, H. & Babaii E. Subliminal sexism in current ESL/EFL textbooks. Asian EFL Journal, 5- (1),2003. Retrieved June 26, 2006, from http://www.asianArslan, . A. (2000) Ders kitaplarnda cinsiyetilik. T.C. Babakanlk Kadnn Status vet Sorunlar Genel Mdrl Yaynlar. Arnold-Gerrity, D. Sex stereotyping of women and girls in elementary textbooks and its implication for future work force participation. Paper presented at the North Central Sociological Association, Cincinnati, May 1978 (ERIC Document Reproduction Service ED 191087).1978
10

Turkish culture , as an umbrella term denotes to the culture of the whole nation as a rich blend of a variety of subcultures, rather than based on ethnic terms , as sometimes interpreted by outsiders.

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Davoodi, M. Language and culture in Iranian high school English textbooks. Unpublished paper. Shiraz University, Iran1999. Fairclough, N. Language and Power. Routledge, London & New York ,1989 Fairclough, N. Critical Discourse Analysis:the critical study of language, Longman, Essex, 1995. Fairclough, N., Analysing Discourse: Textual Analysis for Social Research ,Routledge, London & New York, 2004 Freeman, R. & McElhinny B. Language and gender in McKay, S.L. & Hornberger, N.H. (Eds.), Sociolinguistics and Language Teaching, USA: Cambridge University Press, 1996, pp. 218-280. Gershuny, N. Sexism in dictionaries and texts. In Nilsen, A Bosmajian, H., Gershuny H., Stanley, J (Eds.), Sexism and Language.National Council of Teachers of English Urbana, Illinois, 1977,pp.143-161. Helinger, M. & Bussmann, H. (eds.), Gender Across Languages: The Linguistic Representation of Women and Men, John Benjamins, Amsterdam / Philedelphia, Vol. I (2001), Vol. II (2002), Vol III (2003) Kocaman, A. Dilbilim, Szlk, Szlklk, Kebike, 6, 1998, pp. 111-113. Kramarae, C., Book Review: Gender Across Languages, The Linguistic Representation of Women and Men, Journal of Pragmatics, 36., 2004, pp. 803-806. Lei, X., Sexism in Language, Journal of Language and Linguistics, 5-(1), 2006, pp. 87-94. Miller, C.& Swift K., The Handbook of Non-Sexist Writing, The Womens Press, Reading, 1995 Nilsen, A Ssexism shown through the english vocabulary. in Nilsen, A Bosmajian, H., Gershuny H., Stanley, J (Eds.), Sexism and Language.National Council of Teachers of English Urbana, Illinois, 1977,pp.27-43. Oha, O., The Semantics of Female Devaluation in Igbo Proverbs, African Study Monographs, 19-(2), 1998, 87-102 Pauwels, A., Women Changing Language. Longman, London, 1998. Rose,M.S., Sexism in five collegiate dictionaries, College Composition and Communication, vol. 30(4), 1979, 375-379. Porreca, K. L. Sexism in current ESL textbooks. TESOL Quarterly 18(4), 1984, 704-724. Hellinger, M. For men must work, and women must weep: sexism in English language textbooks used in German schools. Womens Studies International Quarterly, 3, 1980,pp. 267-275 Poulou, S. Sexism in the discourse roles of textbook dialogues. Language Learning, 15,1997,pp. 68-73. Kalia, N. N. Images of men and women in Indian textbooks. In G. P. Kelly, & C. M. Elliot (Eds.), Womens education in the third world: Comparative perspectives Albany, NY: State University of New York, 1982,173-187 Wallechinnsky, D.& Wallace, (1981) Retrieved , January 22,2009 at wwww.trivialibrary.com. Wharton, S., Invisible females, incapable males: gender construction in a childrens reading scheme. [Electronic version] Language and Education, 19, 2005, 238-251. Wodak, R (Ed.) Gender and Discourse., Sage, London, 1997. www.trivialibrary.com Zeenatunnisa, R. Sex discrimination in education: Content analysis of Pakistani school textbooks. Hague, Netherlands: Institute of Social Studies, 1989.

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On Language and Power

Conf. dr. Daniela Dobo Universitatea Al.I.Cuza, Iai Rezumat: La nceputul secolului al XXI-lea, problemele privind identitatea, puterea i limbajul au cptat o amploare fr precedent. Lucrarea analizeaz variatele conexiuni dintre limb i putere, inclusiv discursul tehnocratic, din perspectiva limbii engleze, care este ea nsi perceput drept o super-putere. Ideologiile de for ale limbajului condiioneaz n permanen alegerile lingvistice ale vorbitorilor. Cuvinte-cheie: limbaj, limb, discurs tehnocratic, putere, sexism, ideologii

Language is power, life and the instrument of cultures, the instrument of domination and liberation. Angela Carter, Notes from the Front Line In assessing the impact of the Chomskyan revolution on linguistics, Michael Halliday (1978: 4) made the observation that linguistic theories encode social values; that they are, among other things, ideologically determined. Such ideological determinants are observable, for instance, in the claims about what kind of language is unmarked or normal; in conceptions of what the project of linguistics is; and in the content of idealizations. Words, whether spoken or written, have power. In the early years of the twenty-first century questions of power, identity and language have assumed an unprecedented importance in human life. Power is the ability to act in pursuit of ones aims and interests, the ability to intervene in the course of events and to affect their outcome. In exercising power, individuals employ the resources available to them; resources are the means which enable them to pursue their aims and interests efficiently (Thompson 1995, quoted in Watson & Hill 2000: 241-242). Thompson distinguishes between the differing sources of power and categorizes them into four main types: economic, political, coercive and symbolic. Symbolic power stems from the activity of producing, transmitting and receiving meaningful symbolic forms. Individuals are constantly involved in communicating with one another and exchanging information and symbolic content. 1 According to Voloshinov (or Bakhtin?) (1973: 23), signs are ideological in their very nature, and social existence is not merely reflected in them. For the sign is not like a smooth mirror, but one with a cracked, irregular surface, created by the differently oriented social interests within one and the same sign community, i.e. by the class struggle. Linguistic creativity [] cannot be understood apart from the ideological meanings and values that fill it (1973: 98). In the 1930s, Russian theorists Bakhtin and Voloshinov (1973) had both postulated an integration of language and social processes. In Nineteen Eighty-Four, Orwell warned that central governments might become so powerful that by controlling language itself, they would be able to control peoples thought. When one considers existing theories of discourse, it becomes evident that they involve much contradiction. H.P. Grices (1975) well-known maxims of conversation also resemble aspects of democratic discourse. Grice suggests that we make general assumptions about discourse, presuming that speakers are cooperative, sincere, relevant, clear and sufficiently informative. There is a clear supposition by Grice that cooperativeness is based on rationality and that both are human nature. In actual forms of talk and text, however, van Dijk (2006: 363) argues, such maxims are often hard to apply: people lie, which may not always be the wrong thing to do; people tell only half of a story for all kinds of, sometimes legitimate, reasons and irrelevant talk is one of the most
1

Although V.N. Voloshinov is listed as the author of Marxism and the Philosophy of Language, most scholars agree that the ideas it expresses are those of the Russian philosopher and literary theorist Mikhail Bakhtin, who may have written the volume.

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common forms of everyday interaction. Generally speaking, higher status and more powerful individuals accommodate less than their lower status, less powerful co-participants. Relationship is also manifested in lexical choice -particularly in the terms people use to address each other (Kress and Chiu 1998: 28). The view of language as social action is also held by Austin (1962), who has shown that language is sometimes closer to action than assertion, and critical linguists have emphasized the power of speech acts such as promises and warnings. Direct control of action is achieved through discourses that have directive pragmatic function (elocutionary force), such as commands, threats, laws, regulations, instructions, and more indirectly by recommendations and advice. Speakers often have an institutional role, and their discourses are often backed by institutional power (van Dijk 1989: 27). For Habermas (1979: 259), language is also a medium of [...] social force. It serves to legitimize relations of organized power. Furthermore, as Pateman (1975) notes, there is a particular class of speech acts he calls repressive discourse. This includes speech acts that derive their strength from the status relationship between speaker and hearer, yet disguise or fail to acknowledge their relationship. For example, if a mayor says; You should cut back expenses at the recreation center, he/she does no explicitly acknowledge his/her authority to mandate such fiscal restraint. Disguised orders make it more difficult for the recipient of orders to become aware of the power relations that permit such an utterance (Pateman 1975: 51). Thus discourses are now being examined from an ideological viewpoint by many authors, including Foucault, Derrida, Greimas, Fowler, Kress, Ellis, Silverman, van Dijk: A certain kind of function is given to language in assertive discourse which is mined with difficulties: language is seen as representation and as being intentional, and therefore the position of the subject who signifies, judges and affirms, (and then goes on to legislate) remains unchallenged []. The tactics of assertion bring into play an either/or logic essential to the production of the discourses of truth and falsity, which function as effects of power (Alexander 1978: 25). Language, therefore, is no longer seen as merely reflecting our reality, but as central to creating reality. Our words are never neutral; they carry the power that reflects the interests of those who speak or write (Fiske 1994; Fowler et al 1979). That language can be constructive of (social) reality is the argument from linguistic relativity originating in Whorf (1956) and recently updated by Gumperz and Levinson (1996). Cultural semantics refers to the way in which words are altered by cultural trends, ideologies, and concepts: Cultural semantics must, therefore, be sensitive to the ways in which language partakes in and contributes to the larger processes of identity formation through inclusion, exclusion, and even abjection[] in society as a whole (Jay 1998: 3). Here Jay acknowledges the way in which a language cannot only include and exclude speaking members, but also how language can be used as a means of rejecting undesirable members from a speaking collective. Since identity within a social or cultural organization is dependent upon language, language (and those who determine its rules of usage) wields an incredible amount of power on the individual. Inevitably, there will be a struggle for power and control within a societal configuration as individuals strive to maintain their identity as well as the cultural ideologies inherent in the language. Critical Discourse Analysis Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) is a method of discourse analysis that reveals the way discourses are used for signification, power relations, and development of new knowledge. CDA is concerned with studying and analysing words used in discourses to reveal the source of power, abuse, dominance, inequality and bias and how these sources are initiated, maintained, reproduced and transformed within specific social, economic, political and historical contexts (van Dijk 1998). Critical discourse analysts see language as social practice, and want to understand, expose and resist social inequality (van Dijk 2001: 352) as it is expressed, communicated and constituted in language use (Wodak 2001: 2). This approach is often called critical linguistics an interdisciplinary approach to language study with critical point of view for the purpose of studying language behaviour in natural speech situations of social relevance' (Wodak 1989). The constant unity of language and other social matters ensures that language is entwined in social power in a number of ways: language indexes power, expresses power, is involved where there is contention

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over power and where power is challenged. Power does not derive from language, but language can be used to challenge power, to subvert it, to alter distributions of power both in the short and the long term. Language provides a finely articulated vehicle for differences in power within hierarchical social structures. Very few linguistic forms have not at some stage been pressed into the service of the expression of power by a process of syntactic or textual metaphor (Wodak 2001: 11). In critical linguistics the social is prior: it is a field of power; and power (and power differences) is the generative principle producing linguistic form and difference. Individuals are located in these fields of power, but the powerful carry the day, and the forms which they produce are the forms which shape the system. In modern times, or late modernity, discourse has become perhaps the primary medium of social control and power (Fairclough 1989: 3) to such an extent that the social transformations now underway are to a significant degree (though certainly not exclusively) transformations in language and discourse (Chouliaraki and Fairclough, 1999: 4). Fairclough (1989/2000) identifies three central tenets of CDA, namely: social structure (class, status, age, ethnic identity and gender); culture (the generally accepted norms of behaviour in society); and discourse (the words we use). The goal of CDA is to determine the relationship between these three central tenets. Discourses reflect the societal norms and beliefs, i.e., we say things in conformity with the way they should normally be said in our society, and there are certain things we do not say because the society has constrained us not to say them. Likewise, our identity in the social structure is shown in the way we think, act and speak. A text is a record of communication, which involves the presentation of facts, beliefs and the construction of identities of participants. It is produced by socially-situated speakers. It is therefore more than just words spoken or written on the pages of books, but how such words are used in particular social contexts (Huckin 1997). An example of CDA from Thornborrow (2002) refers to the asymmetry of institutional discourse in a police station interview; there is o neat correspondence between institutional context and ideological discourse, but conflicting discourses at work in any instance of asymmetrical institutional talk (2002: 39). In the same sense, Habermas (1979) notes that every speech situation is distorted by power structures. Faircloughs work includes a study of Margaret Thatchers use of language, showing how an individual might select from available discourses, to construct a subject position which is advantageous to their goals. In particular, Fairclough (1989: 191) looks at how Thatchers interview technique derives from a blend of features associated with middle-class femininity, and the traditional authoritative expressive elements used by male politicians. Fairclough has also considered how texts address readers, and how readers are positioned in an interactive framework by a text. It is only fair to say, however, that CDA has its informed critics; a good example is Jones (2007), who argues that the attempts by Critical Discourse Analysts to build a method of political and ideological critique out of such entities [conventional linguistics and pragmatics] is misguided and inevitably leads to a distorted view of the role of communication in society and of the workings of social processes more generally. The way out of the mess that the language myth in all its forms has got us into, Jones (2007: 368) argues, is to try to see communication not as a process in which individuals are merely the mouthpiece or embodiment of forms and meanings set up in advance (in the genre or register or language system) but to place it on a par with all other forms of voluntary human action; to see it as a form of conscious conduct on the part of particular individuals. According to Bourdieu (1991), power takes the form of cultural capital: different people have different access to different social practices according to their power and authority. Bourdieu (1991) conceives of every area of human activity as a socially charged field, in which the players are instances of what he terms habitus, a location within a system, inhabited by an active human defined by the system, not merely its passive object, but engaging in exchanges of symbolic power. For Bourdieu, language is a locus of struggle for power and authority in that some types of language (styles, accents, dialects, codes, and so on) are presupposed to be correct, distinguished or legitimate in opposition to those which are incorrect or vulgar. Those who use (in speaking or writing) the varieties ranked as acceptable, exert a degree of control over those with the dominated linguistic habitus (Bourdieu 1991: 60).

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According to Foucault, power is not a stable construction but rather a continuously reshaping intricate network of social and cultural relations. Power and knowledge directly imply one another (Foucault 1977: 27). Foucaults discourse analysis (1970; 1986), which shows affinities to theorists such as Wittgenstein, Strawson, and Austin and Searle, seeks to explore how specific discourses reproduce or transform relations of power as well as relations of meaning: relations of power cannot themselves be established, consolidated nor implemented without the production, accumulation, circulation and functioning of a discourse (1984: 93). Another important aspect of Foucaults (1977) view of power is that it is explicitly linked to knowledge. Foucault drew upon speech act theory to show (like Austin) that language has force and power, in addition to its semantic aspects. Foucauldian analysis of language is linked to what he terms analytics of power, while power is understood relationally as a more diffuse network which pervades all areas of social life; it is the type of discourse which constantly is reiterated, discussed, spoken, and remains spoken indefinitely (1984: 15) that lends itself to power. Power appears as a capability to determine, dictate or dominate the predominant discourses or narratives of truth. Foucault (1984: 57-58) posits truth as a system of ordered procedures for the production, regulation, distribution, circulation and operation of statements linked to systems of power, which produce and sustain it. Truth constitutes a system of knowledge and knowing, consecutive to which reality is arbitrated. More recently, in a more general discussion of discourse, van Dijk (1989: 21) identifies the typical type of conversational relations between speakers with different levels of power: The less powerful people are, the less they have access to various forms of text or talk. Ultimately, the powerless have literally nothing to say, nobody to talk to, or must remain silent when more powerful people are speaking. For most formal, public or printed discourse types, the less powerful are usually only recipients. In essence, van Dijk argues that elites dominate conversations, making it difficult for the less powerful to raise questions and articulate their interest and opinions. He further suggests the typical relations between subordinates and elites in conversation: Elites have relative power [] in deciding about the discourse genres, and determine topics, style, or presentation of discourse. They may set the agendas of public discussion, influence topical relevance and manage the amount and type of information, especially who is being publicly portrayed and in what way (1989: 22). It thus appears that, as Giddens (1984: 31) suggests, structures of signification always have to be grasped in connection with domination and legitimation. In an article titled Structures of Discourse and Structures of Power (1989: 27-28), van Dijk identifies four main ways in which power is enacted by discourse as a form of social interaction: 1/ direct control achieved through discourses that have directive pragmatic function; 2/ persuasive discourse types, such as advertisements and propaganda; 3/ predictions, plans, scenarios or warnings by experts, whose power relies on the control of knowledge and technology; 4/ various types of widespread and influential narrative, such as novels, movies and news reports by symbolic, economic, political and social elites. In the second part of the article he analyses how power is actually expressed, signaled, reproduced, or legitimated in various structures of text and talk, such as conversation, racist talk, job interviews, doctor-patient, court, political and media discourse, as well as textbooks. Some of the conclusions are that text and talk appear to play a crucial role in the exercise of power, while discursive power is often directly or indirectly persuasive, and, therefore, features reasons, arguments, promises, examples, or other rhetorical means that enhance the probability that recipients build the desired mental representation. Fowler and Kress (1979: 190) state that language serves to confirm and consolidate the organizations which shape it, being used to manipulate people, to establish and maintain the power of state agencies, corporations and other institutions. Twenty years on, van Dijk (1999) put forward similar arguments concerning forms of public discourse which dominate the largest part of Western societies politics, the media, the academe, trade, the professions and the Church, which together make up the discourses of the elites, while ordinary people have only marginal and passive access to such discourses. If controlling discourse is a major form of power, controlling peoples minds is, according to van Dijk, the other fundamental way to reproduce dominance and hegemony. Rajagopalan (1999: 203) argues that, because societies will always be stratified, language too will always be politically stratified: There is violence in language because human

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relations are fraught with power inequalities; it is in the very nature of human languages to be driven by power inequalities (1999: 205). Much power in the modern world, however, is unseen, as it becomes naturalised, being exercised not through direct coercion but through the creation of common sense by a process of hegemony. As Talbot et al (2003) note, the media reporting ideologically frames stories to favour and represent the views of dominant groups. A distinguishing characteristic of media language is the distance and sharp division between addresser and addressee in space and, frequently, also in time. Distance leads on to issues of access and power. With the media, participation in the communication does not take place on an equal basis; rather, the best access is available for those who already have other forms of power: economic, political or cultural (Talbot et al 2003). Furthermore, what we take to be matters of common sense are largely ideological. Since ideological common sense contributes to maintaining the status quo, we can view it as common sense in the service of sustaining unequal relations of power (Fairclough 2001: 70). In Language and Power (1989: 109-139), Fairclough lists a number of relevant questions meant to diagnose actually or potentially manipulative devices through which wielders of power seek to establish or consolidate their positions: Vocabulary: 1. What experiential values do words have (do they draw upon classification schemes, are they ideologically charged?) 2. What relational values do words have? (euphemistic, formal, informal) 3. What expressive value do words have? (built-in judgments) 4. What metaphors are used? Grammar: 5. Is agency clear? Are nominalizations used? Are sentences active or passive? Are sentences positive or negative? 6. What modes (declarative, interrogative, imperative) are used? Are there important features of modality? Are the pronouns we and you used, and how? 7. What expressive value do grammatical features have? (possibility vs. certitude) 8. How are sentences linked together (coordination and subordination). Textual structures: 9. What interactional conventions are used? (turn-taking, interrupting) What means are used for referring outside/inside the text? 10. What larger-scale structures does the text have? (does text structure channel expectations?). A respected theorist of CDA, Teun van Dijk has contributed several insightful analyses, many of which are of news reports, and recently racist discourse. As he recently noted (1991), use of dysphemism is a common characteristic of racist discourse. In his corpus, the right-wing press routinely referred to the people participating in urban disturbances with terms like thugs, hooligans, mobs, packs, rioters; frequently used pre-modifiers were crazed, raging, monstrous, rampaging. Dysphemistic expressions included Bone-brained left fascism (Telegraph 30 Nov 1985) and Mob of left-wing crazies (Mail 24 Sept 1985). Syntactic choices were also relevant, e.g. position in the sentence, occluding the agent in passive constructions or nominalizations. British newspapers, especially the tabloids, are fond of rhetorical devices like alliteration, which function as attention-getters, but van Dijk found that in his corpus these were predominantly used in allegations of ethnic aggression. In terms of metaphor, van Dijk found that social unrest is commonly represented as DISEASE, e.g. the cancer spreads. As Fairclough (2001: 100) observes, the ideological significance of disease metaphors is that they tend to take dominant interests to be the interests of society as a whole, and construe expressions of nondominant interests (strikes, demonstrations, riots) as undermining the health of society per se. Scientific and technocratic discourse In Writing Science: Literacy and Discursive Power (1993), Michael Halliday and J.R. Martin argue that the specialized languages and discourses of science have characteristic features that have evolved to do various forms of cognitive and semiotic work which the common-sense language of everyday life cannot, including the representation of technicality and abstraction. More than anything else, these two potentials of the grammar, that for turning verbs or adjectives into nouns, and that for expanding the scope of the nominal group [] opened up a discourse for technology and the foundations of science (Halliday 1993: 12-13). From Newton to the present-

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day, Halliday argues, there has steadily evolved a form of clause construction characterized by objectification, i.e., representing actions and events as if they were objects, a semiotic process Halliday terms grammatical metaphor. Grammatical metaphor involves transference of a semantic function from the grammatical class that most typically realizes it to a class that typically realizes a different type of meaning, and the type of grammatical metaphor that dominates scientific discourse is nominalization phenomena which are not objects become objectified by being realized as nouns. The development of grammatical metaphor in English has accelerated during the past few centuries to enable expansion of the discourses of the sciences, humanities, and bureaucracies that accompanied Europes industrialization and colonial expansion (Rose 2006: 66). The drift in meaning by means of metaphor has been mainly from reality as processes involving people and concrete things to reality as relations between abstract things (marrying marriage, with a whole series of potentially evaluative qualities, classes and qualifiers). But whereas nominalizing was functional in the language of science, since it contributed both to technical terminology and to reasoned argument, in other discourses it is largely a ritual feature, engendering only prestige and bureaucratic power. It becomes a language of hierarchy, privileging the expert and limiting access to specialized domains of cultural experience (Halliday 1993: 15). The language of science, Halliday (1993: 21) argues, has become increasingly anti-democratic: its arcane grammatical metaphor sets apart those who understand it and shields them from those who do not. It is elitist also in another sense, in that its grammar constantly proclaims the uniqueness of the human species. The hegemonic potential of scientific and academic discourses means that there are now two literacies, which make for the possible disempowerment and dispossession of ordinary people who mainly control common-sense discourse (Pattison 1982). Certain types of grammatical metaphor have become a major feature of written discourse in modern institutions such as academia and bureaucracy (Halliday and Martin 1993). A result of the fact that scientific/academic discourses are not equally controlled by everyone is their potential for mystification, as in technocratic writing (thermalicide = killing by nuclear weapons; aerial visitations = nuclear attacks; filteration = radiation). Technocrats use the apparent objectivity of scientific discourse for mostly manipulative purposes by presenting highly contentious statements as uncontentious, and often as fact. Today, technocratic discourse suffuses the policy statements of what were formerly recognisable as left- and right-wing parties, but which are recognisable as such no longer, precisely because of their technocratic language. Its use thereby has eliminated dialectical political encounters and, consequently, the possibility for public debate on important matters of social policy (McKenna & Graham 2000: 219). Largely because of the technocratic use of mantric nostrums, i.e. abstract notions that obscure real events (efficiency, globalisation, productivity, international competitiveness, trade), in todays technocratic political environment, language attached to power is designed to prevent communication (Saul 1997, quoted in McKenna & Graham). Technocratic discourse becomes a value in itself, and command of the discourse and its official conduits becomes synonymous with expertise and power. Sexism and oppressive language In the 1970s, Robin Lakoff (1973; 1975) also argued that languages, in both their structure and use, mark out an inferior social role for women and bind them to it. Lakoff points to features that occur more frequently in womens than in mens English, such as tag questions, hedges, intensifiers, and pause markers. According to Lakoff, the female register serves as a marker for womens subordinate social status, while reinforcing attributions of dependency, incompetence and timidity that are part of the female stereotype. Recent research, however, indicates that as females and males become more similar on extralinguistic dimensions, differences in the language they use become smaller (Krauss and Chiu 1998: 54). OBarr (1982) argues that the features identified by Lakoff should not be considered part of womens language, but of powerless language, since their occurrence is in fact greater among men or women who occupy low-prestige jobs and are less well-educated.

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Dale Spender, author of Man Made Language (1980/1985), in demonstrating the edification of male supremacy, writes: The group which has the power to ordain the structure of language, thought and reality has the potential to create a world in which they are the central figures, while those who are not of their group are peripheral and therefore may be exploited []. Males, as the dominant group, have produced language, thought and reality. The model of language with which Spender works is directly influenced by the linguistic relativity of the SapirWhorf hypothesis. Males, she says, constructed the language in such a way as to embed within it categories of thought which served their purposes and which were prejudicial to women; therefore, the language and its use have to be changed, if one seeks to throw off ones opponent. This view appears to be supported by the famed British sociologist A. Giddens (1991: 229): mens attitude toward the world is essentially an instrumental one, based on domination and manipulation. Spenders argument has been challenged on the grounds that it fails to differentiate between the ideological/sexist character of language use in specific contexts and the structure of language per se. Furthermore, strands of feminist analysis exemplified by the work of Julia Kristeva argue that identity is, as Bennett and Royle (1999: 147) put it, fissured, haunted, at odds with itself, a position influenced by psychoanalytic thought, which argues against essentialism. As Spender and other authors have noted, language harbours plenty of insulting usages negative words for females, often with no equivalents for males, which degrade women in their various roles - a phenomenon known as the pejoration of words used to refer to women. There are words which compare women to animals (cow, bitch), and others with sexual associations (hussy, slut, slag, whore). It has also been noted that words denoting sexual promiscuity in males tend to be more positive (stud, Casanova, Don Juan). There are also several words comparing women to food, suggesting perhaps an underlying attitude that one of the purposes of women is to provide men with pleasure (crumpet, tart, sweetie, honey). Some terms were originally applied to both women and men, e.g. harlot (riff-raff), but now they only apply to women. It is this negative marking that leads, as Schulz (1975) argues, to the semantic derogation of women. Relevant is also the feminine inanimate, i.e. the use of feminine pronouns to refer to inanimate objects such as cars and ships; such references are often affectionate, but can also imply ownership. Sexism in language also involves lexical asymmetry, as male words and their female equivalents are often unequal in their associations and connotations. Thus, Spender argues, women are allotted a negative semantic space in the language. Bachelor denotes an unmarried male and spinster an unmarried female, but their respective connotations are very different (eligible bachelor, bachelor pad), all suggesting a youthful, enjoyable lifestyle; spinster suggests a sadder figure someone who is older, and whose life is dull and unexciting (consider also the pair master: mistress). Examples do not end here: note also patronising usages such as the better half; the little woman; the weaker sex; the fair sex; dumb blondes; long hair and short sense, and even proverbs (he who follows his wifes advice will never see the face of God). Dale Spenders view is by no way uncommon, and it provides for distinctive, even radical ways of looking at language itself, arguing that language is oppressive. In his inaugural lecture of 1978 as professor of literary semiology at the Collge de France in Paris, Roland Barthes (1978: 461) argued that language the performance of a language system is neither reactionary nor progressive; it is quite simply fascist. What Barthes was saying in fact is that language involves compulsion, as the capability that language gives us happens within confines over which we have no control. The best strategy, according to him, is cheating, trickery and evasion, in other words literature, which elsewhere (1968: 147) Barthes describes as a truly revolutionary activity. It is in literature that language can be twisted and stretched. Similarly, in his essay Ten Years and a Billion Dollars (1986), the writer and gentleman junkie William Burroughs argues that the Word is literally a virus, which has not been recognized as such because it has achieved a state of relatively stable symbiosis with its human host. Surely what Burroughs meant to say was the word is metaphorically a virus: if he is misusing the word literally, he is wilfully, deliberately misusing it. His point is in fact the hold that language has on us. For Burroughs, language is an affliction, an alien organism in the human body, an occupying force in the human mind, controlling the perceptions of its host, who is largely unaware of his/her subjugation. What then can be done? Says Burroughs (1986: 17), give me ten years and a billion dollars for research, and Ill get some answers to the question of Word. Burroughss strivings are also

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extravagantly emblematic of two threads running through American literary culture: first, a desire to return the English language to a primeval state, whilst at the same time reinvigorating it, perhaps with a nationalistic impulse (see Noah Websters An American Dictionary of the English Language, 1828), and secondly, what the critic Tony Tanner (1971: 429) calls a deep dread and prevalent feeling in mid-twentieth American fiction that all sorts of invisible organizations and systems are manipulating the minds and lives of their unaware puppets, there being no more pervasive manipulator than language itself. At the beginning of the 21st century the status of English itself is very much a case in point, as this period, in which language and communication are expected to play an unprecedented role in economic, political and cultural life, has coincided with the emergence of English as the unchallenged world lingua franca. Consequently, in the present world context, apolitical understandings of English have become impossible. English is now an important and probably unavoidable language (which I would call commodity; Dobo 2008: 65-66), which is seen as threatening or desirable or both by speakers of other languages. According to de Swaan (2001), English is now firmly established as the worlds only hypercentral language. In this context, a number of theorists make English responsible for the loss of other languages, and thus terms such as killer languages, linguicism and linguistic imperialism have been established, while English has been posited as the biggest language slayer (Lewis 1998) and an unstoppable global juggernaut (Demont-Heinrich 2007). Phillipson (1992: 42) calls English linguistic imperialism an example or sub-type of linguicism, defined as ideologies, structures, and practices which are used to legitimate, effectuate, and reproduce an unequal division of power and resources [] between groups which are defined on the basis of language. However, in his treatment no other examples or sub-types are discussed. Research nevertheless suggests that English is rarely the main or direct cause of language loss. Bourdieus (1991) notions of symbolic power, which applies to individual speakers on the language market when they select speech forms, communicative strategies, or languages that enhance their acceptability or status, and linguistic capital, i.e. the profit that a speaker hopes to derive using a particular form or language, seem to be of particular relevance here. As Mufwene (2002) justly observes, languages do not kill languages, but their own speakers do, in giving them up, although they themselves are victims of changes in the socioeconomic ecologies in which they evolve. Standard English too has often been surrounded by controversy, having been associated with a cultural elite. In the nineteenth century, the ideology of Standard English was part of a wider ruling-class project to extend its hegemony over a growing working class (Holborrow 1999: 185). But, says Holborrow, this ruling-class ideology failed because its social base was too narrow the vast majority of society resisted and won by continuing to use non-standard forms. Thus there is no denial that Standard English has always been closely associated with a cultural elite; its perceived superiority, therefore, is a social fact but not a linguistic one. Linguists and educationalists have been divided about how to tackle the issue. Some John Honey, for example argue that individuals will be empowered if they are instructed in the use of Standard English. Others Peter Trudgill, for example argue that this will only further disadvantage many native speakers of non-standard Englishes. Leith (1997: 76) argues that the standardization of language and meaning comes from some sort of political or academic authority who decides rules and conventional meaning- Groups who occupy a subordinate or oppressed position in society invariably suffer from linguistic disparagement. As Joseph (2004: 359) notes, powerful ideologies of language may be said to condition language choice, from the level of selecting a national language down to what one will speak, and how, in a given conversational situation. What becomes evident from the foregoing presentation is that language (English in particular) is now basically involved with class, power and knowledge on the one hand, and with identity on the other. As Eagleton (1996: 170) justly observes, For any body of theory concerned with human meaning, value, language, feeling and experience will inevitably engage with broader, deeper beliefs about the nature of human individuals and societies, problems of power and sexuality, interpretations of past history, versions of the present and hopes for the future. Because language is a limitless resource for the social construction and deconstruction of culture, we can only expect its users to continue to play with it, style it, give it accents, invent and abuse it. Thus the struggle over language and culture played out and embroiled in political and social debates is

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likely to continue and amplify. Power is multiple, myriad, and dispersed, as are manifestations of language.
Bibliography: Alexander, G. Introduction to Language, Sexuality and Subversion (Foss, P. and M. Meoghan eds.), Feral Publications, Darlington, 1978, pp. 7-16. Austin, J.L., How To Do Things with Words, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA, 1962. Barthes, R. The Death of the Author. In Image Music Text, essays selected and transl. by S. Heath, Fontana, London, 1968. Inaugural Lecture, Collge de France. In A Barthes Reader (ed. by S. Sontag), Vintage, London, 1978. Bennett, A. & N. Royle, An Introduction to Literature, Criticism and Theory, 2nd ed., Prentice-Hall Europe, Hempstead, 1999. Bourdieu, P., Language and Symbolic Power (transl.by G. Raymond and M. Adamson), Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA, 1991. Burroughs, W.S. 1986.Ten Years and A Billion Dollars. In The Adding Machine: Selected Essays, Arcade, New York, 1993 Chouliaraki, L. & N. Fairclough, Discourse in Late Modernity. Rethinking Critical Discourse, Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh, 1999. Coupland, Nicholas and Adam Jaworski, Discourse, in The Routledge Companion to Semiotics and Linguistics (ed. by Paul Cobley), Routledge, London & New York, 2001, pp. 134-148. Crowley, T., The Politics of Discourse: the Standard Language Question in British Cultural Debates, Macmillan, Basingstoke, 1989. Language in History: Theories and Texts, Routledge, London & New York, 1996. Demont - Heinrich. C., The Ideological Construction of the Juggernaut of English: A critical analysis of American prestige press coverage of the globalisation of language. In Studies in Language and Capitalism 2, 2007, pp. 11-144. <http:// languageandcapitalism.info> De Swaan, A., Words of the World, Blackwell, Malden, MA, 2001. Dobo, D., English - the Biggest Language Slayer? In Cultural and Linguistic Diversity in a World of Global Pluralism (ed. by L. Cocr-Andrei & S. Chiper), Timpul, Iai, 2008. Eagleton, T., Literary Theory: A Critical Introduction, Blackwell Publishing, Oxford, 1996. Fairclough, N., Language and Power, Longman, London, 1989/2001. Fiske, J., Media Matters: Everyday Culture and Political Change, University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis, 1994. Foucault, M., Language, Counter-Memory, Practice: Selected Essays and Interviews (ed. by D.F. Bouchard), Cornell University Press, Ithaca, 1977. The Foucault Reader (ed. by P. Rabinow), Pantheon, New York, 1984. Fowler, R. et al. (eds.), Language and Control, Routledge and Kegan Paul, London, 1979. Giddens, A., The Constitution of Society, University of California Press, Berkeley, 1984. Modernity and Self-Identity: Self and Society in the Late Modern Age, Polity Press, Cambridge UK, 1991. Grice, H.P., Logic and Conversation. In Syntax and Semantics 3: Speech Acts (ed. by P. Cole & J.L. Morgan), Academic Press, New York, 1975. Gumperz, J. & S. Levinson (eds.), Rethinking Linguistic Relativity, Cambridge University Press, New York, 1996. Habermas, J., Legitimation Crisis (transl. by T.A. McCarthy), Beacon Press, Boston, 1975 [original 1973]. Communication and the Evolution Society (transl. by T.A. McCarthy), Beacon Press, Boston, 1979. Halliday, M.A.K., Language as Social Semiotic, University Park Press, Baltimore, 1978. & J.R. Martin, Writing Science: Literacy and Discursive Power, Univ. of Pittsburgh Press, Pittsburgh, 1993. Holborrow, M., The Politics of English: A Marxist View of Language, Sage, London, 1999. Jay, M., Cultural Semantics: Keywords of Our Time, University of Massachusetts Press, Amherst, 1998. Jones, P.E., Why there is no such thing as critical discourse analysis. In Language and Communication 27, 2007, pp. 337-368. www.sciencedirect.com Joseph, J.E., Language and Politics. In Davies, A. & C. Elder (eds.) The Handbook of Applied Linguistics, Blackwell Publishing, Oxford, 2004. Krauss, R. & Chi-Yue Chiu, Language and Social Behaviour. In D. Gilbert, S. Fiske & G. Lindsey (eds.) Handbook of Social Psychology, 4th ed., vol.2, McGraw Hill, Boston, 2000.

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Lakoff, R., Language and Womans Place. In Language in Society 2, 1975, pp. 45-80. Language and Womans Place, Harper & Row, New York, 1975. Larson, C.U., Persuasion: Reception and Responsibility, Thomson Learning, Belmont, 2001. Leith, D., A Social History of English, Routledge, New York, 1997. Lewis, P., Too late to say extinct in Ubykh, Eyak or Ona. Thousands of languages are endangered. In The New York Times, 15 August 1998, B7. McKenna, B. & P. Graham, Technocratic discourse: A Primer. In Journal of Technical Writing and Communication 30 (3), 2000, pp. 219-247. Mufwene, S.S., Colonization, Globalization and the Future of Languages in the Twenty-First Century. http://humanities.uchicago.edu/faculty/mufwene/mufw_colonization.html OBarr, W.M., Linguistic Evidence: Language, Power and Strategy in the Courtroom, Academic Press, San Diego, 1982. Pateman, T., Language, Truth and Politics, Russell Press, Nottingham, 1975. Pattison, R., On Literacy: the Politics of the Word from Homer to the Age of Rock, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1982. Rajagopalan, K., Of EFL teachers, conscience and cowardice. In ELT Journal 53, 1999, pp. 200-206. Rose, D., Grammatical Metaphors. In K. Brown (ed.) Encyclopedia of Linguistics, Elsevier, London and New York, 2006. Schulz, M., The semantic derogation of women. In B. Thorne & N. Henley (eds.) Language and sex: Difference and Dominance, Newbury House, 1975. Talbot, M.M., K. Atkinson & D. Atkinson, Language and Power in the Modern World: A Reader, Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh, 2003. Tanner, T., City of Words: American Fiction, 1950-1970, Jonathan Cape, London, 1971. Thompson, J.B., The Media and Modernity: A Social Theory of the Media, Polity Press, Cambridge UK, 1995. Van Dijk, T.A., Structures of Discourse and Structures of Power. In Communication Yearbook 11, 1989, pp. 18-59. Racism and the Press, Routledge, London, 1991. News as Discourse, Erlbaum, Hillsdale NJ, 1998. Critical Discourse Analysis. In D. Tannen, D. Schiffrin & H. Hamilton (eds.), Handbook of Discourse Analysis, Blackwell, Oxford, 2001, pp. 352-371. Discourse and Manipulation. In Discourse and Society 17 (2), Sage, London, 2006, pp. 359-383. Voloshinov, V.N., Marxism and the Philosophy of Language (transl. by L. Matejka & I.R. Titunik), Harvard U Press, Cambridge, MA, 1973 [original published 1929]. Watson, J. & A. Hill, Dictionary of Media and Communication Studies, 5th ed., Arnold, London. Whorf, B., Language, Thought and Reality, MIT Press, Cambridge, MA, 1956. Wodak, R., Language, Power and Ideology: Studies in Political Discourse, Benjamin Publishing, London, 1989. Aspects of Critical Discourse Analysis. In M. Meyer & R. Wodak (eds.) Methods of Critical Discourse Analysis, Sage, London, 2001.

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Manipulation through Words: The Collateral Circumstances of Persons Rhetorical Device in Political Speeches
Lect. dr. Valentina Curelariu Universitatea ,,tefan cel Mare, Suceava Rsum: Le succs des discours politiques dpend largement des premiers mots que les politiciens prononcent devant lauditoire auquel ils sadressent. En manipulant les penses, la conduite et les actions de laudience cest--dire en la persuadant ou en la dissuadant de la lgitimit dune certaine idologie, en la captant ou en lincitant (r)agir il faut toujours que cette audience soit daccord avec le locuteur et attentif et rceptif au discours. Si laudience ressent ds le dbut du discours quelle est dconsidre par le locuteur, ou bien que ses origines ou domicile sont sous estims, ou bien que loccasion avec laquelle ce discours est prononc est sans importance pour lorateur tandis quelle sent le contraire, il est trs probable quelle perde lintrt au sujet de ce quon communiqu. Bref, si lhomme politique ne possde pas ce quon appelle gnralement considration de laudience, il perd sa crdibilit et son message ne sera jamais saisi par lauditoire. Afin dviter une telle situation indsirable et afin de montrer laudience quils sont bien ancrs dans les ralits avec lesquelles elle se confronte, au dbut de leurs discours les hommes politiques font souvent recours un subterfuge rhtorique appel par Giambattista Vico des circonstances collatrales. Dans son , Art de la rhtorique , il numre les circonstances collatrales de la place, du temps, des sujets et des personnes. (Vico, 1996: 71) Notre article analyse les fragments introductifs de vingt discours politiques clbres prononcs en GrandeBretagne et aux Etats-Unis au cours du temps o le subterfuge rhtorique des circonstances collatrales des personnes veut stimuler le sens esthtique de lauditoire et rduire la distance entre le locuteur et lauditoire, de sorte que sa disponibilit couter soit considrablement augmente ainsi que son dsir daccepter lidologie que le locuteur transmit travers son discours. Mots cls: discours politiques, manipulation, les circonstances collatrales

Orators may begin the exordium to their speeches by praising the audience, by speaking highly of a nation, of some famous people, by blaming or being ironical about some notorious ones, by praising some institutions that are implicitly run by and made of people, by thanking God for helping them through difficult situations or for the happy state of affairs they are in, sometimes by speaking about themselves when their personality is unknown to the audience or when, out of modesty, they consider themselves unworthy of the high appreciation they receive from those present. All these introductory topics are the substance of the rhetorical device known as collateral circumstances of persons, a device very frequently employed in the political speeches. 1. Invoking God In example (1) below, Theodore Roosevelt speaks of the gratefulness the Americans should show God, the Giver of Good, for the privileged place they were given in this world. The large number of pronouns and pronominal adjectives in the first person plural accounts for his feeling proud of his people and of his country. Both the reference to God as their protector and the expression of his personal appreciation of his nations well deserved achievements ensure the locutors getting through to the listeners hearts, a pre-condition for the unhindered reception of the message: 1). My fellow citizens, no people on earth have more cause to be thankful than ours, and this is said reverently, in no spirit of boastfulness in our own strength, but with gratitude to the Giver of Good who has blessed us with the conditions which have enabled us to achieve so large a measure of well-being and of happiness. To us as a people it has been granted to lay the foundations of our national life in a new continent. We are the heirs of the ages, and yet we have had to pay few of the penalties which in old countries are exacted by the dead hand of a bygone civilization. We have not been obliged to fight for

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our existence against any alien race; and yet our life has called for the vigor and effort without which the manlier and hardier virtues wither away.1 The fragment below illustrates the use of the collateral circumstances of persons rhetorical device in a very complex formulation. Here God is referred to along with the names of many people who have played an important role in the speakers life and in the nations history: members of his own family, President Jimmy Carter and his family, various other public figures known to the audience, the American nation as a whole: 2). Tonight, we pause and give praise and honor to God for being good enough to allow us to be at this place, at this time. When I look out at this convention, I see the face of America: Red, Yellow, Brown, Black and White. We are all precious in Gods sight the real rainbow coalition. (Applause) All of us all of us who are here think that we are seated. But were really standing on someones shoulders. Ladies and gentlemen, Mrs. Rosa Parks. (Applause) The mother of the civil rights movement. I want to express my deep love and appreciation for support my family has given me over the past months. They have endured pain, anxiety, threat and fear. But they have been strengthened and made secure by our faith in God, in America, and in you. Your love has protected us and made us strong. To my wife Jackie, the foundation of our family; to our five children whom you met tonight; to my mother, Mrs. Helen Jackson, who is present tonight; and to our grandmother, Mrs. Matilda Burns; to my brother Chuck and his family; to my mother-in-law, Mrs. Gertrude Brown, who just last month at age 61 graduated from Hampton Institute a marvellous achievement. (Applause) I offer my appreciation to Mayor Andrew Young who has provided such gracious hospitality to all of us this week. And a special salute to President Jimmy Carter. (Applause) President Carter restored honor to the White House after Watergate. He gave many of us a special opportunity to grow. For his kind words, for his unwavering commitment to peace in the world, and for the votes that came fro his family, every member of his family, led Billy and Amy (sic!), I offer special thanks to the Carter family. (Applause) My right and my privilege to stand here before you has (sic!) been won, won in my lifetime, by the blood and the sweat of the innocent. Twenty-four years ago, the late Fannie Lou Hamer and Aaron Henry who sits here tonight from Mississippi were locked out into the streets in Atlantic City; the head of the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party. But tonight, a Black and White delegation from Mississippi is headed by Ed Cole, a Black man from Mississippi; 24 years later. (Applause) Many were lost in the struggle for the right to vote: Jimmy Lee Jackson, a young student, gave his life; Vila Liuzzo, a White mother from Detroit, called nigger lover, had her brains blown out at point blank range; [Michael] Schwerner, [Andrew] Goodman two Jews and a Black found in a common grave, bodies riddled with bullets in Mississippi; the four darling little girls in a church in Birmingham, Alabama. They died that we might have a right to live. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. lies only a few miles from us tonight. Tonight he must feel good as he looks down upon us. We sit here together, a rainbow, a coalition the sons and daughters of slavemasters and the sons and daughters of slaves, sitting together around a common table, to decide the direction of our party and our country. His heart would be full tonight2.

1. 2.

Theodore Roosevelt, 4 March 1905, Inaugural Address, http://www.batleby.com/124/pres42.html Jesse Louis Jackson, 19 July 1988, 1988 DNC http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/jesse/speeches/jesse88speech.html

Address,

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The fact that the listeners are deeply impressed by the locutors words is rendered by the presence, in the transcript of this speech, of the places where they applaud. Altogether, this fragment is the beginning of a speech in which the locutor shows his deep appreciation for those who have made such an occasion possible. Its considerable length is the mark of the locutors intention not to omit the name of anybody who contributed to the present state of affairs in America. 2. Introducing oneself at the beginning of a speech becomes necessary especially when the speaker is not known by the audience. Sometimes there is some famous figure present that makes this introduction. Other times, it is the new speaker that has to introduce himself / herself. As people associate speakers with their words, letting the audience know who they are about to listen to is not only a matter of good manners, but a method of ensuring the reception of a message whose origin has been acknowledged: 1). [] My name is Geraldine Ferraro. I stand before you to proclaim tonight: America is the land where dreams can come true for all of us. As I stand before the American people and think of the honor this great convention has bestowed on me, I recall the words of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., who made America stronger by making America more free. He said, < Occasionally in life there are moments which cannot be completely explained by words. Their meaning can only be articulated by he inaudible language of the heart.> Tonight is such a moment for me.3 The speaker of the words above wins the listeners credibility and benevolence by an accumulation of praises towards all the Americans as a nation of a privileged country, towards the members of the convention whose vice-presidential nomination she is accepting, and towards Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., a symbolic figure whose famous words she quotes. This quotation helps her to express in a less direct way the deep emotion she feels in such an important and unique situation as the present one. Such a combination of well chosen collateral circumstances of persons is the measure of the locutors eloquence, a quality with highly seductive powers. The collateral circumstances of persons device in the next fragment combines with that of issues. Here, it is the issue that has to be mentioned first and get to the listeners hearts and minds as only after the listeners have understood its gravity can they understand the speakers vehement attitude towards those responsible for the present situation. The seriousness of the issue is so great that the speaker tackles it very abruptly after introducing herself. It is only a paragraph later that she addresses her bitter remarks to the persons she holds responsible for her tragic life experience, namely the political governing party in the Reagan Administration. On the whole, this political group is the main target of her attack4; the issue she speaks of only justifies her attitude. The entire excerpt is an example of this device in its negative instantiation: 2). Im Elizabeth Glasner. [] (subsequently recounting how she and her two children have been infected accidentally with the AIDS virus in the past eleven years; my note) Twenty years ago I wanted to be at the Democratic Convention because it was a way to participate in my country. Today, I am here because it is a matter of life and death. Exactly Exactly four years ago my daughter died of AIDS. She did not survive the Reagan Administration. I am here because my son and I may not survive four more years of leaders who say they care, but do nothing. [] I learned how unfair America can be today, not just for people who have HIV, but for many, many people poor people, gay people, people of color, children. A strange spokesperson for such a group: a well-to-do white woman. But I have learned my lesson the hard way, and I know that America has lost
3.

Geraldine Anne Ferraro, 19 July 1984, Vice Presidential Acceptance Address, http://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/gferraroacceptanceaddress.html 4. If the speaker were not unknown to the audience and she did not introduce herself, this fragment could be considered to belong to another category, the one that considers institutions as the target of the speakers either attacks or praises. This category is illustrated and discussed in more detail in section 4.

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her path and is at risk of losing her soul. America wake up: We are all in a struggle between life and death5. The speaker in the following example provides a very detailed account of her experience of life. Under the present circumstances6 such an endeavour is necessary as she has to win the audiences credibility by presenting herself as a most reliable person whose words truth value cannot and must not be denied. All the details she mentions contribute to the creation of a very respectable image, a prerequisite for the success of her plea in front of the Judiciary Committee she addresses. It is an example of the collateral circumstances of persons device in a very elaborated form. Although the speaker does not praise formally anybody, she carefully chooses the personal details that help her in the construction of a persuasive argument with a highly manipulative potential: 3). [] my name is Anita F. Hill, and I am a professor of law at the University of Oklahoma. I was born on a farm in Okmulgee County, Oklahoma, in 1956. I am the youngest of 13 children. I had my early education in Okmulgee County. My father, Albert Hill, is a farmer in that area. My mothers name is Irma Hill. She is also a farmer and a housewife. [She continues presenting her personal and professional life experience up to the moment; my note].7 What is interesting about this speech is that the collateral circumstances of persons rhetorical device is used not only at the beginning: it is the main rhetorical figure that the speaker uses throughout her entire plea. Even though the Hill Thomas legal controversy, as it was called, ended by the latters being appointed the Supreme Court office, this speech has made history as after its delivery Anita Hill has been referred to as the mother of a new wave of awareness of gender discrimination8. Therefore, the speech was considered persuasive not by its addressees: other categories of people who saw it on TV were convinced that the speaker was right. When the political speaker is famous, this self-introduction is usually not necessary and, therefore, not resorted to. However, there are situations when even prominent public figures choose to speak about themselves at the beginning of their speeches. The actual function of their doing so is a psychological one: expressing their deep emotions for having been given the privilege to address the audience or some of its members. The following two fragments are illustrations of this device: although very famous political figures and well known to the people they address, the locutors here speak about themselves in all their modesty, in this way attracting the listeners respect and appreciation: 4). [] I am profoundly grateful, touched by the great distinction and honor and great compliment accorded me by the authorities of Harvard this morning. I am overwhelmed, as a matter of fact, and I am rather fearful of my inability to maintain such a high rating as youve been generous enough to accord to me. In these historic and lovely surroundings, this perfect day, and this very wonderful assembly, it is a tremendously impressive thing to an individual in my position9.

Elizabeth Glaser, 14 July 1992, 1992 Democratic National Convention Address, New York, http://americanrhetoric.com/speeches/elizabethglaser1992dnc.htm 6. Anita Hill, the author of the speech, was supposed to convince the members of the Judiciary Committee that Clarence Thomas, her employer, was guilty of sexual harassment against her, and therefore not worthy of the office of Supreme Court nominee that he was given by the George Bush administration in 1991. Cf. Vanessa Beasley, Anita Hill Clarence Thomas Hearings, http://www.museum.tv/archives/etv/H/htmlH/hill-thomash/hill-thomas.htm 7. Anita Hill. Opening Statement to the Senate Judiciary Committee on Clarence Thomas. 11 October 1991. United States. Judiciary Committee. Washington, D.C. http://americanrhetoric.com/speeches/anitahillsenatejudiciarystatement.htm 8. Cf. Vanessa Beasley, op. cit. 9. George C. Marshall, 5 June 1947, The Marshall Plan, Harvard University, http://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/georgecmarshall.html

5.

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Here, George C. Marshall expresses his admiration towards those present and the host institution, the Harvard University, in a series of phrases with superlative value (profoundly grateful/ touched, great distinction/ honor/ compliment, I am overwhelmed, such a high rating, perfect day, very wonderful assembly, tremendously impressive thing) against which the opinion he has about himself stands out as one of utter humility and modesty (my inability, to an individual in my position). This rhetorical technique has a boomerang effect which is simultaneously achieved: an individual with such an exquisite opinion about those present stimulates their self-esteem and, as a result, he cannot be but highly appreciated in terms of oratorical skills and of political personality, both qualities resulting in a benevolent reception of the message of his speech. In example (5), the locutors lack of pride is rendered by his modestly not recognising himself in the appreciative words that the preceding speaker used to introduce him to the audience: 5). Thank you very kindly, my friends. As I listened to Ralph Abernathy in his eloquent and generous introduction and then thought about myself, I wondered who he was talking about. Its always good to have your closest friend and associate say something about you. And Ralph is the best friend I have in the world. Im delighted to see each of you here tonight in spite of a storm warning. You reveal that you are determined to go on anyhow10. The tone of modesty is increased even more once the audience understands the syllogism that Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. builds by providing the major and the minor premises, and whose possible conclusions are left to the listeners to infer: Major premise (general fact): Its good to have your closest friend say something about you. Minor premise 1 (particular fact, explicitly stated): Ralph is the best friend I have in the world. Minor premise 2 (particular fact, explicitly stated): Ralph has said X (i.e. eloquent and generous words) about me. Minor premise 3 (unstated): The best friend is the closest friend. Consequent 1 (unstated): Ralph has said the best words possible about me. Consequent 2 (unstated): I am sure Ralph has said these words because he is my friend, and therefore, subjective, and not because I am worthy of them. The notes of self-irony and implied modesty are contained in these two conclusions that the listeners are expected to draw. All these rhetorical subtleties and the fact that he explicitly praises the audience for the effort they have made to attend the present event ensure their wilful reception of his words. 3. Thanking and Praising or Criticising (Some Members of) the Audience Very often, the collateral circumstances of persons device interweaves with the introductory formula that the locutors use at the beginning of their speeches, as in the following examples. They thank the whole audience and some outstanding persons present for various reasons; in the same time, they introduce them by providing short personal descriptions in highly praising terms or they acknowledge these persons presence among the addressees and show their gratitude for having been given the privilege to address such important figures. Superlatives11 are very frequently used to express the locutors emotions in such a situation:
10. 11.

Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., 3 April 1968, Ive Been to the Mountaintop, http://www.afscme.org/about/1549.cfm The superlative adjectives and adverbs in the fragments used for illustration are in bold face type.

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1). Well, thank you. Thank you for your terrific welcome. Thank you, Bobby, for that kind introduction and let me also recognize Dr. Morris Chapman and Dr. Richard Land. I want to thank all of you for giving me the opportunity to be here in Greensboro today and a chance to have a conversation with you. Its a great honor to be joined by thousands of people of faith here today at the Southern Baptist Convention. You are all individual messengers of independent churches, but today, through you, Americas 16 million Southern Baptists celebrate their unity. [] I would like to congratulate Pastor Frank Page of Taylors, South Carolina, who now has the privilege of serving as the new elected leader of Americas Southern Baptists. (Applause)12. 2). Thanks very much, Barbara Mikulski, for your very eloquent, your eloquent introduction. Distinguished legislator, great spokeswoman for economic democracy and social justice in this country, I thank you for your eloquent introduction13. 3). Thank you very much, Governor Keating and Mrs. Keating, Reverend Graham, to the families of those who have been lost and wounded, to the people of Oklahoma city, who have endured so much, and the people of this wonderful state, to all of you who are here as our fellow Americans. I am honored to be here today to represent the American people. But I have to tell you that Hillary and I also come as parents, as husband and wife, as people who were your neighbors for some of the best years of our lives. Today our nation joins you in grief. We mourn with you. We share your hope against hope that some may still survive. We thank all those who have worked so heroically to save lives and to solve this crime those here in Oklahoma and those who are all across this great land, and many who left their own lives to come here to work hand in hand with you. We pledge to do all we can to help you heal the injured, to rebuild this city, and to bring to justice those who did this evil14. 4). My good friend and great Republican, Dick Nixon, and your charming wife, Pat; my running mate, that wonderful Republican who has served us so well for so long, Bill Miller and his wife, Stephanie; to Thurston Morton whos done such a commendable job in chairmaning this Convention; to Mr. Herbert Hoover, who I hope is watching; and to that that great American and his wife, General and Mrs. Eisenhower; to my own wife, my family, and to all my fellow Republicans here assembled, and Americans across this great nation 15. 5). [] Thank you most sincerely for voting to award me the Congressional Gold Medal. But you, like me, know who the real heroes are: those brave servicemen and women, yours and ours, who fought the war, and risk their lives still. Our tribute to them should be measured in this way: by showing them and their families that they did not strive or die in vain but that through their sacrifice, future generations can live in greater peace, prosperity and hope. Let me also express my gratitude to President Bush. Through the

Condoleezza Rice, 14 June 2006, Remarks at the Southern Baptist Convention Annual Meeting, http://www.state.gov/secretary/rm/2006/67896.htm 13. Ted Kennedy, 12 August 1980, 1980 Democratic National Convention Address, http://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/tedkennedy1980dnc.htm 14. William Jefferson Clinton, 23 April 1995, Oklahoma Bombing Memorial Prayer Service Address, http://americanrhetoric.com/speeches/wjcoklahomabombingspeech.htm 15. Barry Goldwater, 16 July 1964, Speech Accepting the Republican Presidential Nomination, San Francisco, http://americanrhetoric.com/speeches/barrygoldwater1964rnc.htm

12.

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troubled times since September 11th changed the world, we have been allies and friends. Thank you, Mr. President, for your leadership16. The two examples below are related in a way that will be described subsequently. Both of them combine the rhetorical device of collateral circumstances of persons with that of collateral circumstances of time: 6). Four scores and seven years ago our fathers brought forth, upon this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal17. 7). Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand signed the Emancipation Proclamation18. The relationship between these two fragments is one of style. They both begin with similar noun-phrases by means of which the year of the event they refer to is not explicitly given: a simple mathematical subtraction would reveal it. Whereas Abraham Lincoln uses this paraphrase as an expression of linguistic eloquence that gives rhythm to this statement due to the vowels and the number of syllables it contains, Dr. Martin Luther Kings intention is clear: he knows that his listeners can recognise this structure as belonging to the great American Abraham Lincoln. He also knows that there is no need for him to call Lincoln by name: a few hints at his words can make everybody understand his point. This is exactly what Abraham Lincoln himself does in e.g. (6) when referring, without crossing the t either, to the Declaration of Independence and the people who signed it. Such key words and phrases as: our fathers, a new nation, liberty, all men are created equal, all round up the idea he wants to communicate. In their doing so, Abraham Lincoln and Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. show great concern and respect both for the people that they speak about and for the listeners intellectual capacity, knowledge, and aesthetic taste. The effect is clear: an audience who feel respected and pleased with what they hear and respectful to the speaker in their turn. When an orator begins in such a note, the success of his speech and implicitly the manipulative influence that he can exert on the audience are easy to attain. The next excerpt is an example of the same device used this time by Margaret Thatcher to criticise a Labour MP and the party whose leader he is: 8). It is, of course, the right and duty of her Majestys Opposition to challenge the position of the Government of the day. It is also their right to test the confidence of the House in the Government if they think that the circumstances warrant it. I make no complaint about it. But when the windy rhetoric of the right hon. Member of Islwyn (Mr. Kinnock) has blown away, what are their real reasons for bringing this motion before the House? There were no alternative policies just a lot of disjointed, opaque words19. Here the speaker begins her speech by agreeing to some political rights and duties that describe the political institutions in a democratic society. But she does so not without slyness. When saying her Majestys Opposition she actually means the Conservative Partys Opposition, the Conservatives being the governing party whose leader she is. In other words, she accuses Mr. Kinnock, between the lines, of opposition to the Queen, which is far more serious a charge than the other one would be. This accusation becomes a cynical attack on person when the linguistic style of the Labour leader is metaphorically described as a windy rhetoric that has blown away, and the motion he brought before the House of Commons a lot of disjointed, opaque words. Her cynicism
Tony Blair, 18 July 2003, Speech to the US Congress, http://www.number10.gov.uk/output/Page4220.asp Abraham Lincoln, 1863, The Gettysburg Address, US Historical Documents Archive, http://w3.one.net/~mweiler/ushda/ushda.htm 18. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., 28 August 1963, I Have a Dream, Washington, D. C., US Historical Documents Archive, http://w3.one.net/~mweiler/ushda/ushda.htm 19. Margaret Thatcher, 22 November 1990, Vote of No Confidence Debate, House of Commons, http://www.margaretthatcher.com/display/index.php?action=display&document=6&id=2738
17. 16.

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is amplified by the oxymoronic joining of ideas in the windy rhetoric of right hon. Member of Islwyn. Once again, the Iron Lady proves to be a very determined Conservative leader, endowed with the gift of artful speaking. It is true that the evidence she brings here as well as later in the same speech is very important for her influencing the audiences opinions and attitudes, but as far as her rhetorical skills are concerned, her linguistic vehemence and straightforwardness may be considered very seductive and very inciting in the same time. The intention to incite people to take serious steps towards a change in the present state of affairs is implicit in the next fragment as well. Here the speaker begins her speech vehemently by attacking the social and political system of the U.S.A. which is eminently male-dominated. The object of her attack is disdainfully called the male element, seen as a destructive force responsible for all the wrongs in the world, as opposed to the appreciatively called feminine element, less represented at higher levels, such as political institutions, in the society of the 19th century U.S.A.: 9). I urge a sixteenth amendment, because manhood suffrage, or a mans government, is civil, religious, and social disorganization. The male element is a destructive force, stern, selfish, aggrandizing, loving war, violence, conquest, acquisition, breeding in the material and moral world alike discord, disorder, disease, and death. [] The male element has held high carnival thus far; it has fairly run riot from the beginning, overpowering the feminine element everywhere, crushing all the diviner qualities in human nature, until we know but little of true manhood and womanhood, of the latter comparatively nothing, for it has scarce been recognized as a power until within the last century. Society is but the reflection of man himself, untempered by womans thought; the hard iron rule we feel alike in the church, the state, and the home. No one need wonder at the disorganization, at the fragmentary condition of everything, when we remember that man, who represents but half a complete being, with but half an idea on every subject, has undertaken the absolute control of all sublunary matters20. The speakers loquacity resides in a most acid style, beginning with the phonetic level, where harsh sounds alliterations are used, going to the lexical-morphological one, where adjectives, verbs denoting negative actions and nouns referring to negative qualities and actions are enumerated in long lists, and to the syntactic one, where simple and compound sentences alternate, in a rhetorical balance, with the long, complex ones. The accumulation of all these stylistic and rhetorical features in this locutors linguistic discourse is the mark of her deep negative feelings that she wants and manages to put across. Once the audience sympathise with her, the manipulative power that her words exerted on them cannot be denied. 4. Thanking and Praising Institutions Not only specific persons can be thanked and praised for some of their merits that the speaker considers to contribute to the nations welfare, but also institutions, such as universities, political groups (conventions, clubs), religious groups, radio and television networks, etc. As these institutions are made up of people, referring to them at the beginning of a speech falls into the category of the collateral circumstances of persons rhetorical device. The examples below illustrate that whenever some institutions are spoken highly of, the speaker also acknowledges the important role of (some of) their members in an overt or in a covert way. The speakers emotions and attitudes towards these institutions are usually expressed by explicit formulations such as: I should like to express my gratitude to, It is with great pride that, let me thank you for the privilege of, I count it a privilege to be invited, the privilege of addressing you, the opportunity of addressing you The highlighted nouns in these expressions make up a rather closed class. As they seem not to vary too much from one speaker to another, they can be considered formulaic clichs: 1). [] First, I should like to express my gratitude to the radio and television networks for the opportunity they have given me over the years to bring reports and messages to our nation. My special thanks go to them for the opportunity of addressing you
20.

Elizabeth Cady Stanton, 1868, The Destructive Male, http://www.historyplace.com/speeches/stanton.htm

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this evening21 (the people in charge of these institutions are implicitly referred to; my note). 2). [] It is with great pride that I participate in this ceremony of the American University, sponsored by the Methodist Church, founded by Bishop John Fletcher Hurst, and first opened by President Woodrow Wilson in 1914. This is a young and growing university, but it has already fulfilled Bishop Hurstss enlightened hope for the study of history and public affairs in a city devoted to the making of history and to the conduct of the publics business. By sponsoring this institution of higher learning for all who wish to learn, whatever their color or their creed, the Methodists of this area and the Nation deserve the Nations thanks, and I commend all those who are today graduating22 (the phrases in italics mark the locutors overt appreciation of some famous figures who played a major role in the foundation and the good functioning of the institution in point along the years; my note). me 3). []On behalf of the great Empire State and the whole family of New York, let thank you for the privilege of being able to address this convention23.

4). I count it a privilege to be invited to address the Commonwealth Club. It has stood in the life of this city and state, and it is perhaps accurate to add, the nation, as a group of citizen leaders interested in fundamental problems of government, and chiefly concerned with achievement of progress in government through non-partisan means. The privilege of addressing you, therefore, in the heat of a political campaign, is great24 (the Commonwealth Club is explicitly perceived as a group of citizen leaders, therefore these are collectively appreciated for their merits; my note). The great number of examples available for the illustration of the collateral circumstances of persons rhetorical device, in all its manifestations mentioned in the present paper, shows that politicians often resort to it due to its highly persuasive, seductive, and, arguably, manipulative undertones. It is a device by means of which the people addressed are emotionally touched; they are given reasons to be proud, thankful, grateful, and privileged in their turn. This is one of the ways in which politicians manage to instil in the listeners the same emotions and attitudes as those expressed by the oration itself.
Bibliography: Beasley, Vanessa, Anita Hill Clarence Thomas Hearings, http://www.museum.tv/archives/etv/H/htmlH/hill-thomash/hill-thomas.htm Beciu, Camelia, Politica discursiv. Practici politice ntr-o campanie electoral, Polirom, Iai, 2000. Chioran, Dumitru, Elements of English Structural Semantics, Editura Didactic i Pedagogic, Bucureti, 1973. Chomsky, Noam, New Horizons in the Study of Language and Mind, C.U.P., Cambridge, 2000. Devitt, Michael & Kim Sterelny, Limbaj i realitate. O introducere n filosofia limbajului, Polirom, Iai, 2000. Fairclough, Norman, Critical Language Awareness, Longman, London and New York, 1992.
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 17 January 1961, Farewell Address, http://americanrhetoric.com/speeches/dwightdeisenhowerfarewell.html 22. John F. Kennedy, American University Commencement Address, http://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/jfkamericanuniversityaddress.html 23. Mario Cuomo, 16 July 1984, 1984 Democratic National Convention Keynote Address, San Francisco, http://americanrhetoric.com/speeches/mariocuomo1984dnc.htm 24. Franklin Delano Roosevelt, 23 September 1932, Commonwealth Club Address, San Francisco, http://americanrhetoric.com/speeches/fdrcommonwealth.htm
21.

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Fairclough, Norman, Language and Power, London, London and New York, 1994. Freeborn, Dennis, A Course Book in English Grammar (2nd Edition), MacMillan, 1995. Garman, Michael, Psycholinguistics, C. U. P., Cambridge, 1991. Gheorghe, Mihai, Retorica tradiional i retorici moderne, Editura All, Bucureti, 1998. Gibbs, Raymond W. Jr., 1999, Intentions in the Experience of Meaning, C. U. P. Giglioly, Pier-Paolo (ed.), Language and Social Context. Selected Readings, Penguin Books, London, 1972. Hodge, Robert & Gunther Kress, Language as Ideology, Routledge, London and New York, 1996. Leech, Geoffrey, Semantics. The Study of Meaning, Penguin Books, London, 1990. Levinson, Stephen, Pragmatics, C. U. P., Cambridge, 1983. Slama-Cazacu, Tatiana, 2000, Stratageme comunicaionale i manipularea. Iai: Polirom. Vico, Giambattista, The Art of Rhetoric (translated and edited by Giorgio A. Pinton & Arthur W. Shippee), Rodopi, Amsterdam-Atlanta, GA, 1996. Wilson, John, Language and the Pursuit of Truth, Cambridge University Press, London and New York, 1967.

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Ideologizarea public prin noua limb de lemn

Prof. dr. Stelian Dumistrcel Institutul de Filologie Romn A. Philippide Academia Romn Filiala Iai Abstract: The so-called wooden language of the political and journalistic discourse in nowadays Romania is evaluated as a means of idelological persuasion that can be associated to the one of the communist regime. This association can be made because they have similarities in external/internal sources and resources for linguistic patterns, usage of codes, linguistic violence, etc. The reason why press and audiovisual discourse turns into wooden language is that mass-media, asumming the authority of being the fourth power of the democratic state, reinforces its status through a performant discourse. Analyzing these aspects from a pragmatic point of view, we can see that the use of wooden language for press and politics is related to the coerian concept of functional languages, thus having a justification for rejecting it, starting from ethical and esthetical criteria. Key words: ideology (to) ideologize; wooden-language; mass-media; assumed authority; pragmatics; manipulation; clichs; speaking registers: oficial, informal, ludic; lingvistic universalia.

0.1. Ideologie i ideologizare 0.1.1. Pentru sensul depreciativ al substantivului ideologizare, ce ne intereseaz n textul de fa, pornim de la mutaia care s-a produs n folosirea termenului ideologie, ilustrat cel mai pregnant n definiia termenului (din francez) idologie, consemnat n Le Trsor de la Langue Franaise informatis (publicat sub egida CNRS; n continuare TLFi), pe care o reproducem:
Une idologie (tymologiquement: le discours des ides) est un ensemble plus ou moins organis d'ides, d'opinions, de convictions, qui constituent une doctrine, qui influence le comportement personnel ou collectif. Selon la dfinition marxiste de l'idologie, l'idologie est la reprsentation de la ralit, propre une classe sociale. Le terme vhicule une connotation pjorative et dsigne souvent un ensemble de spculations, d'ides vagues, qui prne un idal irralisable. Bien que le terme soit le plus souvent utilis dans le champ politique, il existe diffrents types d'idologies: sociales, conomiques, politiques, thiques, religieuses, pistmologiques etc. (/atilf.atilf.fr/tlf.htm/).

Pe lng sensul de baz, formulat n termeni apropiai (Ensemble plus ou moins cohrent des ides, des croyances et des doctrines philosophiques, religieuses, politiques, conomiques, sociales, propre une poque, une socit, une classe et qui oriente l'action), n aceeai surs se insist asupra urmtorului aspect: particularizarea, n sensul deprecierii termenului, datorit filozofiei marxiste, i interferena, pe aceast baz, cu aciunea de propagand:
La valeur dprciative vient du sentiment que le ressort de l'idologie est dans le besoin de justifier des entreprises destines satisfaire des aspirations intresses et qui est surtout exploit pour la propagande; Lidologie aspire par nature devenir propagande c'est--dire transmission automatique de formules magntises par une passion d'essence au fond haineuse, et qui ne prend corps qu' la condition de s'exercer contre une certaine catgorie dhumains : les juifs, les chrtiens, les franc-maons, les bourgeois, etc. (TLFi: s.v.).

Fa de aceast evoluie a sensurilor termenului ideologie, surprinde prezentarea ordinii acestora pentru limba romn n Micul dicionar academic (2003), unde ca sens de baz este considerat cel care reflect, de fapt, viziunea marxist:
1. Totalitate a ideilor i concepiilor care reflect interesele unei clase sau pturi sociale i care servesc la consolidarea sau la schimbarea relaiilor sociale existente (MDA: s.v.).

Dat fiind faptul c n Dicionarul limbii romne, serie nou, al Academiei, ordinea sensurilor la cuvintele neologice este impus de prima atestare cronologic i dac acest principiu este aplicat i n dicionarul citat anterior, atunci primatul acestui sens s-ar explica prin trimiterea, ca prim atestare a cuvntului, la un text din revista Viaa romneasc din anul 1950. Or, fr s mai lum n consideraie consemnarea lui n dicionare recente de neologisme, pentru cuvntul n discuie exist atestri mult mai vechi, cu sensul ce trebuie socotit cel de baz; astfel, n DA 1934, s.v. idee, abstractul ideologie este nregistrat la Alecu Russo (fr precizarea sensului), dar August Scriban l definea, firete, nemarxist, drept tiina ideilor, considerarea ideilor n ele

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singure, lipsite de orice metafizic (Scriban 1939: s.v.). Mai mult, n MDA, un sens apropiat de cel de baz apare, n urmtoarea formulare, ca unul rezultat prin restricie (!):
2. Totalitate a ideilor i concepiilor care constituie partea teoretic a unui curent, a unui sistem etc..

Este, fr ndoial, o prezentare deformat chiar i a istoriei cuvntului n limba romn i care poate induce, la rndu-i, o viziune distorsionat i n ceea ce privete semnificaia derivatelor. Trebuie s notm ns c, dei nenregistrat n TLFi, n francez exist verbul idologiser, prezent, de exemplu, n opere lexicografice bilingve: Dictionnaire Franais-Anglais, Dictionnaire Franais-Chinois (cf. /r.mydict.com/); vezi, pe de alt parte, includerea verbului n aciunea de normare a conjugrii: Conjugaison du verbe idologiser tous les temps (/www.conjugaison-verbe.fr/ideologiser.htm/). Pentru anumite texte din romn am putea avea n vedere, aadar, i influena limbii franceze i chiar a celei engleze; n englez, verbul (to) ideologize este utilizat cu sensul to give an ideological character or interpretation to; especially: to change or interpret in relation to a sociopolitical ideology often seen as biased or limited (/www.merriam-webster.com/). 0.1.2. Pentru substantivul ideologizare, reflex al sensului depreciativ al substantivului ideologie, pornim de la verbul (a) ideologiza, nregistrat numai n cteva dicionare recente ale limbii romne. De exemplu, n Noul dicionar universal al limbii romne, apare cu sensul a introduce ideologia (politic) n domenii n care nu-i sunt specifice; a interpreta faptele, a evalua evenimentele din perspectiva unei ideologii (politice), explicat drept creaie pe teren romnesc (< ideologie + -iza; NDU: s.v.). Tot aici, s.v., gsim i verbul (a) dezideologiza a nltura ideologia (politic) din interpretarea i evaluarea faptelor i situaiilor. La Dimitrescu 1997: s.v., gsim numai verbul (a) dezideologiza (cu indicaia folosit dup 1989), explicat drept aciunea de nlturare a ideologiei marxist-leniniste, i adjectivul dezideologizat scos de sub influnea acestei ideologii; etimologie: dez- + ideologi[e] + -izare; autoarea folosete ns adj. ideologizat, n definiii proprii, pentru a critica explicarea unor termeni ca evazionism, imobilism n diferite dicionare (de exemplu, Dicionarul explicativ al limbii romne, Bucureti, 1975, i Fl. Marcu, C. Maneca, Dicionar de neologisme, ediia a treia, Bucureti, 1978). n limba romn curent, ntlnim frecvent substantivul ideologizare (incidental i: ideologizat, respectiv ideologizant). Citate de pe internet:
Dincolo de procesul de ideologizare al [sic] produciei cinematografice, dup anul 1968, partidul unic va acorda o atenie deosebit procesului de formare al [sic] omului nou Odat ideologizat, producia cinematografic poate fi utilizat n scopul formrii omului nou (Anca Alexandru, Filmul romnesc i educaia n procesul de formare al [sic] omului nou); vezi i: Mai ales n clasele primare, gimnaziale i chiar liceale, nvmntul n colile publice este unul ideologizat i ideologizant, n sensul obedienei fa de elitele politice influente ale timpului, fa de guvernele i, eventual, fa de grupurile de interese dominante. Pn i o analiz sumar a programelor i manualelor colare de istorie sau de educaie civic poate releva acest lucru. Problema fundamental a nvmntului public const ns, n esen, n utilizarea unor mijloace agresive de promovare a ideologiei convenabile (/misesromania.org/).

n diferite comentarii pe bloguri:

Puternica ideologizare a Guvernului; Ptat de ideologizare i propagand, perspectiva istoric prea a se descalifica n sine; Copiii notri sunt principala int de ideologizare pentru politrucii de azi; Ne referim la ideologizare n discursul public reflectat de mass-media.

Numai incidental substantivul n discuie este folosit cu valoare denotativ, ca derivat de la ideologie cu sens filozofic; vezi, de exemplu, n titlul Discursul cultural post-iluminist ntre estetizare i ideologizare. Model cultural, context cultural, stil de via (/www.euro.ubbcluj.ro/). 0.2. Limba de lemn: concept i terminologie Dei pe larg discutate, i nu numai n ultimul timp, conceptul i terminologia folosite pentru a-l denumi se cuvin chiar numai sumar trecute n revist, n cazul de fa pentru a stabili (sau a relua puncte de vedere cu privire la faptul) dac este ndreptit atribuirea unei asemenea trsturi discursului public actual, cu referire special la mass-media, expresia direct i curent, pentru un public larg, a discursului politic. 0.2.1. Ca punct de plecare, considerm c trebuie s revenim la un moment-cheie: este vorba de contribuiile cuprinse, sub numele generic Langues de bois, ntr-un numr din anul 1989 al revistei Mots. Deoarece ne confruntm cu una din primele dezbateri generale asupra istoricului

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problemei i a viziunii reflectate de conceptul n discuie (cu studii de particularizare), din opiniile exprimate i argumentate de semnatari reinem cteva idei definitorii, n primul rnd aceea c limba de lemn (pentru care, n cele ce urmeaz, folosim abrevierea LL), nu trebuie raportat la discursul politic al regimurilor comuniste, din fosta Uniune Sovietic i din rile lagrului comunist: nu este vorba, aadar, numai de o anumit limb de lemn (unic), ci de langues de bois. Sfera de ntrebuinare i de aciune poate fi neleas, de exemplu, pe baza nrudirii ntr-o paradigm de sinonimie i apropieri n care figureaz sintagme relativ diverse, cum ar fi le langage officiel, la langue officielle des politiques, la campagne oficielle, un personnage officiel, lexpos officiel, lhumour officiel, sau, ca formule tehnice din limbajul politic, le mta-langage des hommes dappareil ou des apparatchiks de la presse. Alte trsturi puse n eviden privesc codul: incomprehensiunea, incapacitatea de nelegere, sau prezena expresiilor stereotipe. Utilizarea privete zone largi, cum ar fi autoritatea politic, instituiile colare i universitare, administraia, dar i ceea ce autorii desemneaz drept puteri simbolice: le pouvoir tlvisuel, intellectuel, artistique, etc. (Pineira Tournier 1989: 1317). Alte repere i trsturi: pierderea funciei refereniale a limbajului, ntr-o retoric a manipulrii n care limba nu mai funcioneaz pentru a spune adevrul, ci pentru a face s se cread i pentru a face s se acioneze, cu trsturi formale cum sunt diateza pasiv, subjonctivul, construcii impersonale, verbe modale, imperativul, supunerea prealabil la o conduit, la un act sau la un demers intelectual, comentariul oblic, cuvinte performative (Sriot 1989: 5354). ntrun studiu asupra discursului public n Iugoslavia din anii 90 ai secolului trecut se sublinia frecvena utilizrii aforismului politic cu finalitate satiric, drept parodiere a limbii de lemn (Despot 1989: passim); pe baza analizei titlurilor din presa cotidian francez din aceeai epoc, se constata spargerea n ndri a limbii de lemn prin folosirea jocurilor de cuvinte pornind de la enunuri consacrate, ca un reflex mpotriva stereotipurilor caracteristice acestei limbi, tendin ce marca condamnarea LL din discursul autoritilor, al politicii, administraiei, dar i al sindicatelor; rezultatul: naterea altui stil clieistic, care se impunea i, la rndu-i, ncremenea, aservind un anumit public cititor (Au-del de cet aspect ludique, ces dfigements systmatiques contribuent crer un lectorat uni par une mme culture, assez labore, par une mme capacit de dcodage; Fiala Habert 1989: 8385; 9697; n ceea ce privete folosirea, ca mijloc preferenial de seducie, n discursul public i n presa actual din Romnia, a diferite tipuri de enunuri aparinnd discursului repetat parimii, sloganuri, citate celebre, contexte populare etc., n forma canonic, dar mai ales destructurate, cf. Dumistrcel 2006b: 211231, seciunea Sub semnul modelului i al clieului). Ne confruntm cu repere evidente pentru a recunoate, n general, un discurs care se dorete (i este, adesea) performant, utilizat n limbajele ce aparin unui stil al comunicrii publice, modelat dup un contract de comunicare i de transmitere ctre un destinatar supus ndoctrinrii sau numai formrii dintr-o anumit perspectiv. Aadar, trebuie s contestm caracterizarea, de ctre Sorin Antohi, drept LL doar pentru discursul politic al regimurilor comuniste, pentru a sublinia, de fapt, asperitile polemice i acuzatoare ale termenului; extensia, tehnic, de natur stilistic, la care ne-am referit anterior, ar avea implicaii cinice i nu ar permite o terapie, chiar iluzorie (Antohi 1993: 18, 22). 0.2.2. O prim raiune pentru extensia pe care o acceptm este susinut, n primul rnd, de o necesar reproiectare mcar nspre discursul politic al regimurilor totalitare (un aspect la care Antohi trimite doar pasager); cel mai bun exemplu, n aceast privin, l reprezint radiografierea distorsionrii limbii germane pe terenul discursului public n epoca nazismului de ctre Victor Klemperer, n LTI [Lingua Tertii Imperii]. Notizbuch eines Philologen (n francez, cu precizarea: La langue du IIIe Reich). Prima ediie a crii, aprut n 1947, a fost considerat o reflecie de pionierat asupra limbajului totalitar i o lucrare de referin pentru specialitii n domeniul cercetrii regimului hitlerist; asemnarea cu LL a regimului comunist a fcut ca opera lui Klemperer s fie ca i intruvabil n fosta Republic Democrat German: lEtat communist nait gure montr denthousiasme la diffusion dun livre contenant des clefs de lecture dune langue prisonnire de lidologie, cci autorul a prezentat isteria limbii, care i lipsea pe oameni de capacitatea de reflecie i i-a metamorfozat n animale gregare sau primitive (Combe 1996: 13, 16). Filologul clasic german, care a scris un manual de rezisten prin limb, i care a nfiat

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capacitatea diabolic a regimului nazist de a nnmoli vorbirea i gndirea victimelor sale n mzga jargonului i a propagandei sale (regimul nazist a dispus de la facult non seulement de maltraiter et dabattre ses ennemis, rels ou imaginaires, mais aussi de embourber la parole et la pense de ses victimes dans la fange de son jargon et de sa propagande), a consemnat, zilnic, barbarismele acestei lingua horribilis, neologismele ei siderante (Brossart 1996: 367369). Iat diverse trsturi ale LL naziste, comparabile cu cele ale discursului regimului comunist, descrise i analizate de Klemperer: intoxicarea prin cuvinte (les mots peuvent tre comme de minuscules doses darsenic: on les avale sans y prendre garde, ils ne semblent ne faire aucun effet, et voil quaprs quelque temps leffet toxique se fait sentir; Klemperer 1996: 40), preluarea terminologiei militare, monotonia, srcia unui sclavaj uniformizat al limbii, fixat printro tiranie organizat a ctorva indivizi; fa de funciile generale de comunicare ale limbii, servind exprimrii raiunii i sentimentelor, rugciunii sau cererii, aceast limb servete numai pentru invocare i, astfel, se ajunge la pierderea individualitii, la fanatism (La LTI sefforce par tous les moyens de faire perdre lindividu son essence individuelle, danesthsier sa personnalit, de le transformer en tte de btail, sans pense ni volont, dans un troupeau men dans une certaine direction et traqu, de faire de lui un atome dans un bloc de pierre qui roule. La LTI este la langue du fanatisme de masse; Klemperer 1996: 45, 4850). Printre reetele tehnice cu finee analizate se afl exagerarea prin blestemul superlativului, folosirea eufemismului pentru a prezenta aparent convenabil nfrngerile de pe front (op.cit., p. 279296), sau fetiizarea unor cuvinte (op.cit., passim), mijloace de manipulare prezente, n diferite ipostaze, n LL a regimurilor comuniste.
Ca atribut al discursului regimurilor totalitare a fost prezentat LL i de ctre prof. Luis Veres, de la Universitatea Cardenal Herrera-CEU, Valencia (Spania), n comunicarea Limb i persuasiune: limba de lemn n presa spaniol, n timpul dictaturii lui Franco, prezentat la Simpozionul Limba de lemn n pres Ieri i azi, de la Cluj-Napoca (24-25 octombrie 2008).

0.2.3. Pentru analiza pe care o avem n vedere, date generale ale problemei pot fi extrase pe baza unei prezentri complexe i amnunite a conceptului numit prin LL, pe care i-o datorm Tatianei Slama-Cazacu: Un subsistem [comentariu: nu un simplu stil] al unei limbi, desemnnd mai ales elemente lexicale, dar i uniti frazeologice, cu caracter de expresii fixe, de cliee ncremenite, cu sens determinat n contextul unei anumite autoriti, n mare msur utilizate stereotip-dogmatic, ca exprimare a unei ideologii (sau simulacru de subsisteme ideologice economice, tehnologice, politice, culturale etc., care dein o putere sau o autoritate), imitate, dar i impuse de puterea politic sau de grupri ori de indivizi cu asemenea veleiti (chiar dac, n genere, promotorii sau epigonii sistemului ideologic nu cunosc ntotdeauna exact coninutul semantic), apoi difuzate prin repetare, prin utilizarea frecvent n diversele mijloace de comunicare n mas, orale sau scrise, anihilndu-se astfel gndirea maselor receptoare, care pot deveni supuse unei sugestii colective; intenia real sau cel puin efectul obinut sunt n genere de a se impune autoritatea, fie prin secretul ori prestigiul codului deinut, fie prin cunotinele tehnocrate, mpiedicndu-se alt modalitate de gndire i, n genere, ascunzndu-se, mascndu-se adevrata realitate, dac aceasta nu este favorabil (Slama-Cazacu 2000: 71; este reluat, cu unele modificri, textul din articolul Limba de lemn, publicat n Romnia literar, nr. 42, din 17 oct. 1991, p. 4). Din aceast larg perspectiv, putem vorbi, nu numai n principiu, despre ideologizarea public prin noua limb de lemn prezent n discursul politic i n mass-media (spre deosebire de cursurile de nvmnt politic, destinate n vechiul regim tuturor salariailor, acum exist colile de var/iarn ale diferitelor partide) i despre persistena, n diferite ipostaze cea veche i cea nou a fenomenului LL ca mijloc de ideologizare, n sensul aciunii de a ctiga aderena public pentru anumite idei i convingeri (acum vag plasate, uneori, ntr-o doctrin), urmrind s influeneze comportamentul personal sau colectiv (am zice, familiar, pentru a-l face pe cineva s intre la o idee: Am intrat i eu la idei). n acest sens, ideologizarea poate fi raportat, aadar, i la folosirea cuvntului ideologie cu sensul de ansamblu de speculaii, de idei vagi, dat fiind faptul c nsui substantivul idee se folosete cu sensul sinonimelor sale gnd, opinie, judecat, prere, convingere (Seche Seche 1997: s.v.; de remarcat sensul cuvntului din sintagma, aparinnd domeniul medicinii, idee fix manie, monomanie, obsesie, psihoz; ibidem). 0.3. Obiective de interes i precauii de principiu

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n cele ce urmeaz, pentru a surprinde trsturile noii limbi de lemn din discursul public i din limbajul mass-mediei romneti contemporane, ca mijloc de ideologizare, ne propunem trecerea n revist a ctorva aspecte definitorii i analiza acestora: Perspective generale de abordare a temei i distincii metodologice; Motivele pentru care obiectul analizei l constituie limbajul publicistic; Repere ale analizei: mass-media ca putere asumat i legitimarea acestui statut prin discurs; Sursele i registrele LL n discursul public i n limbajul publicistic; Existena unei LL n actualitate i elemente de analiz a codului; Termeni i turnuri ca expresie a terorismului lingvistic; violena de limbaj; LL ca permanen discursiv; motivaia socio- i psiholingvistic a generrii, acceptrii i folosirii LL. 1. Deoarece ne ocupm n special de limba mass-mediei, considerm necesar, de la nceput, o precizare: este, desigur, impropriu s se vorbeasc, cu referire la presa de astzi din Romnia, n general, despre o LL a acesteia; chiar o asemenea formulare este susceptibil de a fi generat de o inerie: situaia presei i a audovizualului din epoca totalitar, uniforme ca orientare i cod, unice, indiferent de canale i de formate, avnd n vedere un singur public int (cel care era supus ndoctrinrii). Distinciile pe care trebuie s le avem n vedere astzi se refer la: Pluralitatea de canale (de niveluri diferite), de formate (suporturi de pres) i de programe: de exemplu, nu gsim manifestri (vdite) de tip LL n Bursa, Capital, Ziarul financiar i, pe de alt parte, n Romnia literar sau, de ce nu, n diferite tabloide (n ultimul caz, n afara clieelor de senzaie, dar care nu intr n obiectivul investigaiei de fa). Pe de alt parte, pornind de la acest aspect, inem s precizm ns c avem n vedere, totodat, distincia dintre limbajul publicistic i cel publicitar propriu-zis (chiar dac discursul politic, cel electoral n primul rnd, reflectat de pres, tinde s devin pur publicitar, deoarece, dup cum dovedete Franois Brune, recomandarea, subversiv, se afl evident sub semnul unei autoriti asumate conjunctural (Cf. Dumistrcel 2006b: p. 62). Chiar n spaiul unui singur canal, trebuie s avem n vedere tipul de articol: ne referim la cunoscuta distincie ntre textele de opinie (editorial, comentariu, pamflet, tablet etc.) i cele preponderent informative, tirile n primul rnd (dei, chiar aici, ne confruntm cu orientarea spre melanjul numit infotainment). Urmtoarea distincie, n funcie de cele precedente, se refer la conceptul de publicuriint, selectate n conformitate cu o anumit politic editorial, innd seama de suport de pres, format i cod. n sfrit, n mare, din perspectiva teoriei limbii, abordarea problemei se nscrie n necesitatea de a distinge ntre o limb unic, atotcuprinztoare (n ceea ce privete vocabularul, regulile gramaticale i stilurile), i limbile funcionale, cele ale unor anumite spaii i registre de comunicare (n privina variaiei diastratice i diafazice, chiar diatopice). Aceste distincii impun, n sfrit, formularea unei ntrebri: specialitii n lingvistic sunt chemai s condamne LL (i din ce optic), sau, din partea lor, este de ateptat o analiz obiectiv, din perspectiva pragmaticii comunicrii? nclinm, hotrt, pentru cea de a doua ipostaz a demersului. 2. Att din perspectiva descrierii a ceea ce lingvitii numesc actul lingvistic, ct i din cea a evalurii efectelor pragmatice ale limbajului, LL este un produs al folosirii motivate politic, n primul rnd, a unui limbaj construit, dintr-o anumit atitudine a emitorului fa de realitate i fa de receptor, pentru a manipula. Reeta este eludarea sau ocultarea propriu-zis a realitii, eliminarea gndirii, recurgerea la fetiizarea anumitor cuvinte, cu o deosebit frecven n contexte special construite, adoptarea unui registru patetic maniheist (n alb i negru). n fond, ne confruntm cu un regim de folosire a limbajului ce nu numai c refuz cunoaterea i comunicarea rezultatelor acesteia, ci urmrete exclusiv influenarea. Toate regimurile totalitare (moderne) au uzat i uzeaz de aceste mijloace n discursul privind planificarea i organizarea funcionrii structurilor sociale, dar i economice, ale statelor n care ideologia, politicul se manifest prin dictatur.

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3. Care ar fi, atunci, condiiile existenei i funcionrii unei LL n mass-media contemporan din Romnia, dat fiind faptul c, de la canal media cu statut de oficin de propagand, al ziarului, al postului de radio sau de televiziune, la cel de mijloc de informare, cu propensiune marcat spre feedback, LL a regimurilor totalitare ar prea (i, n unele privine, chiar este, n principiu) condamnat ireversibil. Aceasta deoarece limbajul publicisticii actuale, unul aparinnd discursului public, are tendina de a se apropia, pn la identificare, de limbajul conversaiei, din discursul privat, cu toate caracteristicile acestuia (caliti i defecte), printre care registrul familiar, oralitatea, ca manifestri ale faticului, dar i violena de limbaj, argoul de mahala (este de ajuns s ne referim la urmri, uneori dezagreabile pentru ziar sau pentru autor, ale publicrii articolelor pe suport electronic, ca s nu mai vorbim de sistemul blog). 4. Reperele, pentru astzi, pot fi proiectate din dou perspective, pe dou planuri diferite: cel atitudinal, de postur, i cel tehnic, de analiz a codului. 4.1. Mass-media este considerat o putere n stat, n funcia de avocat al publicului, cinele de paz al democraiei, dar, pe de alt parte, n multe situaii, susintoare a unor orientri politice, a unei persoane/personaliti politice, dezvoltnd un discurs argumentativ i deliberativ. Este vorba de o autoritate asumat, aadar n loc de ideologie avem poziie, a unor grupuri sau a unor indivizi cu veleiti de deinere a adevrului (sau adevrai politologi), consilieri ai opiniei publice. Vechiul duman de clas, respectiv lagrul incriminat sunt nlocuite de ceilali, cei care se situeaz pe alt poziie, n primul rnd puterea, pentru opoziie. Dat fiind statutul massmediei de putere asumat i apartenena limbajului publicistic la discursul public (printre altele i datorit punctului de plecare: apariia jurnalismului prin i n periodice care difuzau comunicate oficiale, legislative i de interesul administraiei statale sau locale), acest limbaj, astzi (mai ales prin articolele de opinie), tinde s devin, ostentativ, expresia unei autoriti, motiv pentru care jurnalistica a fost supranumit a patra putere n stat, aspect reflectat i de statutul de motenitoare a vechiului limbaj retoric. Spre deosebire de situaia domeniului motenit, este vorba de o autoritate asumat (mai mult sau mai puin subversiv), aceasta fiind, de altfel, diferena fa de statutul limbajelor autoritii instituionalizate, reprezentat n zona structurilor juridico-administrative, a organizaiilor din cadrul vieii politice, religioase sau n cea a instruciei colare (Dumistrcel 2006a: 348351; 357). Din postura de motenitoare a retoricii, jurnalistica de opinie uzeaz, dar nu numai n ceea ce privete organizarea textului scris, ci i prin abordarea, din aceeai perspectiv, a iconicului, de genurile retorice deliberativ, judiciar i demonstrativ. Genul cel mai pregnant reflectat de massmedia este cel deliberativ, dezvoltnd o oratorie ce scruteaz viitorul, de susinere i combatere, dup criteriile util sau vtmtor, cnd dezbate problemele de via ale cetii (noiune prin care trebuie s nelegem statul: veniturile, rzboiul i pacea, diplomaia, importul i exportul cu privire la alimentaie; de exemplu, n ceea ce privete legislaia). Totui, presei nu-i sunt strine nici genul judiciar, preocupat de trecut, prin acuzaie i aprare, dup criteriile drept nedrept, prin care o jurnalistic justiiar se instituie n acuzator fa de putere sau de organizaii politice ori economico-financiare i n avocat al publicului, i nici cel demonstrativ (sau epidictic), preocupat de prezent, prin elogiu sau prin blam, dup criteriile nobil ruinos (Dumistrcel 2006a: 340). Or, din perspectiva unei puteri, discursul jurnalistic este, de fapt, unul politic, prin care mass-media urmrete s-i exercite puterea asumat n folosul publicului, adic s-i legitimeze aceast putere, iar legitimarea oricrei puteri se produce prin discurs: mecanismul legitimrii oricrei puteri este de natur discursiv (cf. Slvstru 2009: 37).
La ntrebarea dac legitimarea puterii este imperativ, Constantin Slvstru rspunde afirmativ: i n situaiile n care puterea este nelegitim, i n situaiile n care puterea este legitim, nevoia legitimitii este simit pn n ultimele ei consecine. Indiferent de metode i mijloace, indiferent de realiti i conjuncturi, orice putere vrea s beneficieze de binefacerile legitimitii. Chiar cu preul minciunii, manipulrii, fraudei. Adic chiar dac avem de-a face, n fapt, cu o iluzie a legitimrii, cu o fals legitimitate (Slvstru 2009: 38).

n ceea ce privete performana discursiv, discursul jurnalistic de opinie i alege un limbaj adecvat, de regul polemic, i, pentru a se impune, apeleaz la o tonalitate, la un registru al omniscienei, ce nu admite contrazicerea, cultivnd strategii ale seduciei i incitrii, prin lexic i cliee performante, n care recunoatem numeroase mijloace lingvistice i retorice ale LL.

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4.2. Cele mai multe elemente de analiz ale LL n mass-media romneasc actual le ofer codul, prin aspecte la care ne vom referi n continuare; din aceast perspectiv, se impune distincia ntre simple cliee i stereotipii, uzate stilistic i neperformante pragmatic, i cuvinte sau turnri convocate n discurs cu finalitate manipulatoare evident. 5. Pentru analiza LL de actualitate n discursul public i n limbajul publicistic, din perspective paralelismului pe care l avem n vedere, prezint interes referirea la sursele, generale, i la registrele acestui subsistem (sau sociolect). 5.1. n ceea ce privete sursele LL, putem distinge ntre cele externe i interne. n regimurile totalitare comuniste LL se constituie ca (sub)sistem aproape exclusiv pe baza ideologiei comuniste, marxist-leniniste pn la un moment dat n mare msur internaionalist (cu lexic i construcii n traducere, la noi, din limba rus); este sursa extern, folosind un cod adaptat lingvistic. n mass-media au fost preluate cuvintele i construciile discursului politic, ale legislaiei elaborate n conformitate cu orientarea acestuia; de exemplu, termenii-cheie i formulrile din rezoluiile congreselor partidului comunist, ca adevrate semnale, devin lexic dominant i sloganuri ale presei i audiovizualului i trec, apoi, la comand, n limbajul beletristicii, al activitilor culturale (de culturalizare), avnd ca obiectiv final chiar acapararea (sau mcar contaminarea) discursului privat (limbajul conversaiei; de altfel, mass-media, n interviuri, nfiau acest transfer ca o realitate curent). Ca surs intern, pentru Romnia, n perioada dictaturii ceauiste, putem vorbi de un discurs politic naionalist, proiectat pe fondul cultului personalitii. Situaia se prezint difereniat, dar nu fr asemnri, n cazul discursului politic i al massmediei actuale. Sursa extern pentru o nou LL o constituie limbajul politic, legislativ, economic i social-cultural al integrrii (nord-)atlantice, europene, al globalizrii pe diferite planuri (ilustrative, din acest punct de vedere, sunt, printre altele, compusele cu euro-; pentru o demonstraie, vom analiza, n continuare, mutaia care s-a produs n legtur cu folosirea adjectivului i adverbului decent). n ceea ce privete sursa intern, notm c nu lipsete preluarea discursului public administrativ, prin care, mai mult sau mai puin involuntar, discursul mass-mediei se pune n slujba oficialitii (exemplu tipic: tonalitatea marii pri a articolelor din Gazeta poliiei, parafraznd dispoziii legale, regulamente, instruciuni etc.). Pentru alte periodice, este, de exemplu, cazul utilizrii, fr o atitudine manifest, a eufemismului reprezentat de termenul tehnic, de tipul eutanasiere, sacrificare, sau exploataie (agricol), ultimul folosit pentru a evita cuvntul asociaie, compromis ca nume al formelor organizatorice premergtoare gospodriilor agricole colective, devenite ceapeuri (cf. Dumistrcel 2006b: 208210). Dac astfel de termeni sunt proiectai drept calmani pentru opinia public, de influenare pozitiv (aadar necesar) a acesteia, n alte cazuri, ca selecie a emitorului (sau defect al discursului acestuia), este uor de recunoscut un cod tipic de manipulare: dincolo de aspectul tehnicizat, termeni eufemistici de tipul arierate, disponibilizare etc. au un rol asemntor confrailor acestora din presa comunist cum era, de exemplu, reaezarea preurilor pentru creterea preurilor, adic scumpirea mrfurilor (n treact fie spus, o asemenea strategie denominativ este cunoscut i la case mai mari: n Germania nu se mai folosete teremnul Fremdarbeiter muncitor strin, ci Gastarbeiter muncitor oaspete). 5.2. Registrul dominant al discursului n perioada regimului totalitar, dup consolidarea lui, era cel public formal, aparinnd spaiului comunicrii publice, cu nensemnate abateri, prin acceptarea expresiilor ce reflect registrul public informal, aparinnd spaiului comunicrii sociale, cnd se apeleaz la parimii moralizatoare, la termeni populari. n contemporaneitate, registrul discursului variaz dup tipologia general a articolelor: mai rar cel public formal (n comunicate de pres i n editoriale), frecvent cel public informal (chiar dac este vorba de texte prin care se aduc la cunotin evenimente externe sau/i interne, activiti legislative etc.), cu propensiune vdit spre registrul familiar i ludic (n special n cele mai variate texte de opinie, comentariu etc.; ncununarea tendinei o ilustreaz hebdomadarul Academia Caavencu, ce trateaz orice tem n registru ludic, cu nclinaie spre fars i, chiar, prin violen de limbaj). Din acest punct de vedere, se impune observaia c, plasndu-se n postura, asumat, de avocat al publicului, mass-media preia, orchestreaz i difuzeaz repetitiv, preponderent, inventarul lexical i frazeologic din discursul persoanelor sau organizaiilor aparinnd societii

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civile, ceea ce nu ar constitui o eroare de postur i deontologie; n discuie se afl ns finalitatea demersului i efectele asupra aceea ce nseamn liberul arbitru al receptorilor (datorit efectului de sugestie colectiv), mergnd de la empatie i seducie pn la incitare, speculndu-se senzaionalul factice i mizndu-se pe o discutabil (dac nu suspect) retoric a consimmntului. 6. Evident, tonalitatea agresiv a LL (bazat pe funcia conativ a limbajului) nu este singura modalitate de manipulare a discursului public i jurnalistic; numeroase situaii impun, aa cum anticipam, exprimarea eufemistic, interferent cu limbajul de factur tehnic, constituind un jargon profesional, mijloace lingvistice consacrate ale LL, de care s-a ocupat, printre alii, David Randall, ntr-o lucrare, de referin, intitulat Jurnalistul universal. La un asemenea tip de comunicare, chiar cu alur intra-disciplinar, pot ajunge jurnalitii care adopt jargonul. Desigur, mai nti datorit acceptrii frazelor tehnice la care recurg interlocutorii din domeniul economiei sau administraiei pentru a camufla realitatea.
O linie aerian va vorbi despre un flux sczut de cltori cnd realitatea e c lumea nu prea vrea s zboare cu avioanele sale. Un fond de investiii poate da o declaraie despre un neajuns legat de exportul net de lichiditi, vrnd s spun de fapt c investitorii i-au lsat n cele din urm balt i i retrag toi banii. Tot aa, n comunicate ale purttorilor de cuvnt ai armatei nlocuiesc termenul bombardament prin suport militar aerian, iar comunicatele despre un accident n industria energetic nuclear cuprind expresii cum ar fi evoluie anormal, dispersare de energie etc. (Randall 1998: 6869).

Dac oficialitile folosesc fraze ridicole, ca i mentalitatea lor, preluarea lor de ctre jurnalist l pune pe acesta ntr-o postur mcar fals, atunci cnd ncearc s treac drept un specialist ori s lase impresia c scrie pentru specialiti (ca form de elitism). De fapt, formule cum sunt cele citate anterior sau cele care urmeaz reprezint eufemisme, form de neltorie lingvistic ce se ntlnete mai ales acolo unde prolifereaz specialitii n relaii publice:
Purttori de cuvnt ai unor importante companii spun c operaiunea (firma) lor trece prin dificulti temporare de flux financiar (nu mai are bani), ca urmare a unor probleme de poziionare pe pia (oamenii nu le mai cumpr produsele), astfel nct se preconizeaz o distribuie mai raional a forei de munc (unii angajai vor fi dai afar). Oficialiti guvernamentale vorbesc de faciliti corecionale, cnd e vorba de fapt de nchisori, i de un dezechilibru ntre cerere i ofert n segmentul unitilor gospodreti, cnd ceea ce vor s spun este c exist o lips de locuine(ibidem, p. 141; sfaturile autorului pentru jurnaliti: Nu-i lsai s v abureasc; ntrebai care este semnificaia termenilor; ibidem, p. 6869).

7. Exist sau nu o LL astzi? Aceast ntrebare este motivat de faptul c, dup 1989 i, mai ales, dup traducerea crii semnate de Franoise Thom 1993, conceptul a fost asimilat cu limbajul politic al regimului comunist din Romnia (cf. i Zafiu 2009: 29), cel mult al regimurilor comuniste i al celor totalitare, n general. 7.1. Fa de specialitii care, fie prin asimilarea la care ne-am referit, fie pe baza unor analize formale a codului, punctuale, contest aceast prezen (de exemplu n pres), cei mai muli lingviti romni susin existena, n actualitate, a unei noi limbi de lemn, cu motivaii diverse, dar, mai ales, prin prisma analizei codului din discursul public i al mass-mediei. n cele ce urmeaz ne vom referi doar la cteva nume, pentru poziionri i elemente aparte ale demonstraiilor ntreprinse. nainte de toate, trebuie s reamintim faptul c, dincolo de materialul lingvistic analizat i de atitudini ale autorilor la care trimitem, existena noii LL, n mass-media n primul rnd, ine de motivarea discursului acesteia ca unul ce reflect legitimarea puterii pe care i-a asumat-o, a rolului de avocat al poporului: prin limbajul militant, mass-media manipuleaz publicul, lundu-i aprarea i, n acelai timp, incitnd spre asumarea punctului su de vedere. Printre lingvitii care recunosc existena unei noi LL, coabitnd cu cea veche, trebuie menionat, n primul rnd, chiar cronologic (dat fiind articolul deja citat, din Romnia literar 1991), dar mai ales pentru viziune i argumentare, Tatiana Slama-Cazacu, cu referire la o seciune din volumul Stratageme comunicaionale i manipularea, n care autoarea pune LL sub semnul universaliilor lingvistice (este drept c, dintr-o viziune polemic asupra politicului, aceast trstur a discursului este atribuit contextului romnesc, ceea ce nu se poate susine). Iat o formulare definitorie de apreciere: exist o limb de lemn n noul regim, fie cu meninerea exact a acelorai forme, cliee ale vechii societi, fie cu folosirea unor noi stratageme (ca termeni strini, necunoscui), fie cu introducerea noilor forme-clieu n vechile stratageme (Slama-Cazacu 2000: 95). Este comentat un bogat inventar de cliee i de automatisme verbale din discursul politic i al

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mass-mediei, insistndu-se asupra cauzelor apariiei acestora (imitaie, snobism, impostur) i asupra scopului manipulator al utilizrii lor. n special cu referire la cod, i Rodica Zafiu constat c LL persist, de o manier mai mult sau mai puin contient, fie prin cliee i formule automatizate, fie prin structuri de profunzime, de exemplu n sintax; se face raportarea att la instane ale autoritii publice, care folosesc LL ca arm politic, ct i la indivizi izolai, prin imitaie, toate aceste aspecte fiind reflectate de pres (Zafiu 1992: 210, 217; un obiect predilect de analiz al autoarei este clieul calchiat; iat o afirmaie concludent n acest sens, dintr-un interviu despre cuvinte la mod, snobism i cliee: De fapt, i challenge n englez, i provocare n romn sunt cliee, aparin unei limbi de lemn. Nu doar prin repetare, prin frecven, ci i pentru c ascund o simplificare ideologic, nite automatisme de gndire; Zafiu 2008). Dar, Rodica Zafiu a ntreprins recent o ampl i pertinent prezentare de sintez a ansamblului problemei respective; limba de lemn (chiar titlul prii a II-a a lucrrii) este, n viziunea autoarei, una dintre trsturile definitorii pentru relaia Limbaj i politic (titlul crii; Zafiu 2007). Dup un istoric al conceptului i al terminologiei i, dup o prezentare a caracteristicilor generale, Rodica Zafiu face, dup criterii n uz de la Sriot 1989 i Thom 1993, completate, analiza realitii numite Limba de lemn romneasc, cu scurte incursiuni n ceea ce privete trsturile morfosintactice i pragmasemantice, lexicale, retorico-stilistice, sociolingvistice i pragmatice. Un loc important pentru discuia de fa l ocup, ns, de exemplu, secvenele n care autoarea constat perpetuarea LL a regimului comunist, n discursul politic de astzi, a unor structuri sintactico-stilistice (dublarea sinonimic), a limbajului omagial i a numeroase cliee (al unicitii, ale cantitii), respectiv parodierea acestora (Zafiu 2007: 94101; ultimul aspect la care ne-am referit va fi tratat, sistematic, i n seciunile la care trimitem n continuare, ceea ce ne previne, i din partea autoarei, asupra imperativului de a lua n consideraie, dup caz, canale de pres, tipologia articolelor, pe autorii acestora, problem la care ne-am referit anterior ( 1). Tot att de concludente sunt i analizele din seciuni ale prii a III-a (Limbajul politic actual) din lucrarea respectiv, ce prezint paralelisme de viziune i de resurse ntre LL a regimului comunist i limbajul politic de astzi, privind diverse elemente ale codului: cuvinteleemblem, cuvintele negative (p. 102137), dar i prezena eufemismelor politice i a noilor cliee, ale tranziiei (p. 152181). n sfrit, asemnri gsim i pentru utilizarea unui limbaj primitiv, suburban, prin care se exprim agresiunea, ameninarea, insulta, comparabil cu acela din perioada agresiv a discursului politic comunist, ndat dup instaurarea regimului; n perioada consolidat, acesta devine solemn (p. 217 .u.). De altfel, aceast parte se ncheie, semnificativ, prin paragrafele intitulate Prestigiul pamfletului i Vulgaritatea limbajului (p. 264267) i inem s subliniem faptul c, n ntreaga lucrare, trimiterile la pres sunt curente, pentru unele teme exemplele citate fiind excerptate din periodice care reflect, pregnant, dup caz, aspectele puse n discuie (de exemplu, Romnia Mare, respectiv Academia Caavencu). Pentru etapa de astzi a limbajului publicistic, perpetuarea LL a regimului comunist poate fi constatat indirect i dup o caracterizare de ansamblu pe care o face Luminia Roca. Dup abordarea aceleiai probleme n monografia Mecanisme ale propagandei n discursul de informare. Presa romneasc n perioada 1985 1995 (aprut n 2006), autoarea revine asupra mecanismelor construciei mediatice n presa comunist i n cea a perioadei de tranziie. Astfel, dintre cele mai importante trsturi ale limbajului primei perioade, cum sunt prezena stereotipiilor, caracterul neologic al vocabularului, calcurile din limba rus, limbajul tiinific de popularizare, respectiv utilizarea n exces a terminologiei tehnico-tiinifice, prezena neaoismelor i stilul metaforic (multe dintre acestea fiind procedee recunoscute ale LL), n caracterizarea limbajului perioadei de tranziie regsim unele etichetri similare sau apropiate, atribuibile (i) LL din actualitate, cum sunt metaforizarea excesiv (metaforele organiciste), caracterul neologic al vocabularului (cu referire special la anglicisme), exprimarea relaxat, reprezentnd utilizarea unor elemente argotice, a limbajului de mahala, cliee, renvierea unei retorici politicianiste etc. (Roca 2007: 302 315). Din perspectiva filozofiei limbii, ca obiect al doctelor i subtilelor analize pe care Andrei Cornea ni le propune ilustrnd trdarea Anticilor de ctre Moderni de-a lungul, de-a latul i de-a dura vocabularului de baz, i gsesc locul i cliee de actualitate: fotii, prioritate, poliie

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politic (construcie pleonastic, etimologic analiznd cuvintele), aa-zisa aa-zisul (Cornea 2002: 21, 103, 137, 163).
Pentru caracterizarea, din aceast perspectiv, a discursului presei din alte ri, din comunicarea prof. Miguel Cataln, de la Unversitatea Cardenal Herrera-CEU, Valencia (Spania), intitulat Limba de lemn, ca limbaj politic, i dezinformarea (prezentat la Simpozionul Limba de lemn n pres Ieri i azi, de la Cluj-Napoca, 24-25 octombrie 2008), am reinut c, de exemplu, n presa spaniol de inut, exist anumite formule eufemistice tip pentru relatarea unor evenimente mai puin plcute din viaa familiei regale (nenelegeri, un divor etc.). Am putea s atribuim un astfel de registru limbii de lemn a unei perioade politice consolidate.

7.2. Opinii ale ne-specialitilor, de pe internet: Cu privire la discursul public:

Ministrul de Externe vorbete engleza, franceza i limba de lemn (/www.gandul.info/); iat i subtilul unui document oficial: Romnia European, Romnia Euro-Atlantic: pentru o via mai bun ntr-o ar democratic, mai sigur i prosper (/www.presidency.ro/), care unora le amintete titlul revistei Biroului Informativ al Partidelor Comuniste i Muncitoreti (Cominform) din anii 50: Pentru pace trainic, pentru democraie popular; in politica, in ziare, in limbajul politistilor, limba de lemn isi face datoria de cele mai multe ori nenecesara. Ea nu a pierit /lecturi.blogspot.com/

Cu privire la alte zone ale comunicrii:

In business si PR, toti vorbim aceeasi limba. De lemn (/www.cariereonline.ro/); caracterizarea titularului unui blog, care formuleaz cea mai reuit lung fraz de lemn dintr-o scrisoare de motivaie: n acelai context, subliniez faptul c experiena acumulat de mine pe parcursul anilor de studii universitare poate constitui dovada suplimentar a unui suflu nou, nonconformist, care, adugat principiilor de simplificare a aciunilor ntreprinse i dorinei de finalizare eficient pe care se bazeaz ntreaga mea activitate, i poate dovedi din plin utilitatea i aportul benefic la creterea rezultatelor firmei n cadrul creia doresc s m integrez rapid, oferind, i pe aceast cale, maximum de satisfacii celor care mi-au acordat ncrederea lor (Codru Constantinescu: /cdc77.blogspot.com/2007/09/).

8. Obiectul de studiu: codul 8.1. Cliee manipulatoare: termeni ca expresie a terorismului lingvistic 8.1.1. Termenul mioritic a devenit, n discuia de idei, marca unui evident manierism, n spatele cruia se poate uor distinge o abordare reducionist. i, dac, de exemplu, despre structuralism s-a putut vorbi, la un moment dat, ca despre un terorism cultural (Nicolae Manolescu, ntr-o discuie cu Paul Ricoeur i Bujor Nedelcovici; PRO TV, decembrie 1999, programul Profesiunea mea: cultura), pstrnd proporiile, n cazul adjectivului mioritic, am putea vedea, datorit forrii notei n limbajul publicistic i n discursul public, o specie de terorism lingvistic. Ca viziune a manipulrii, n acest tip de discurs parodic, instituind o adevrat matrice clieizat, putem identifica, la nivel maxim, terorismul pe care Roland Barthes i-l atribuia limbii ca sistem de reguli, ntr-o formulare extrem de plastic i de convingtoare, citat i comentat de Umberto Eco; Conclusion: cause de sa propre structure la langue implique une relation fatale dalination. Parler, cest sassujettir: la langue est une raction gnralise. Encore plus: Elle nest ni ractionnaire, ni progressiste, elle est tout simplement: fasciste; car le fascisme, ce nest pas dempcher de dire, cest dobliger dire (La langue, le pouvoir, la force; pentru discuia de ansamblu privind deprecierea termenului n discuie, cf. Dumistrcel 2006a: 270289; 296297; vezi i Zafiu 2007: 141143; utilizarea termenului i substituirea lui n diferite combinaii lexicale sunt puse sub semnul nevoii de a evita emfaza naional). 8.1.2. Tvlugul. Suportul lexical al unui alt clieu militant din presa strict actual, prezent n texte de informare, dar i n comentarii propriu-zise, l constituie numele unei unelte agricole, tvlugul (unealt... compus din unul sau mai muli cilindri de lemn sau de fier, folosit la sfrmarea bulgrilor de pmnt i la netezirea solului nainte sau dup nsmnare; DLR 1982: s.v.). Pentru simbolul presiunii, al ameninrii (prezent n publicistic), trebuie s avem n vedere, ca punct de plecare, o extensie de sens a cuvntului: tvlugul numete i un cilindru, greu, pies din componena unor maini, ce servete pentru sfrmare, ndesare, nivelare (dicionarul citat). Dar semnificaia figurat pentru planul social a evoluat, n mod evident, spre aceea de val, de vrtej (catastrofice); iat un citat semnificativ sub acest raport: ncercarea de a opri tvlugul majorrilor salariale (Curentul, 7 oct. 2008, p. 1). Menionm c atragerea acestui lexem n exprimarea figurat este de dat mai veche, dar tot n legtur cu politica. Iat o fraz din romanul Nunt cu bucluc (1935), al lui Ion Iovescu, n care mai suntem nc n vecintatea sensului primar: Dorea i el tflugul acestei politice, care rostogolindu-se peste lumi s le niveleze. i tot mai aproape de aceast sfer ne aflm ntr-un

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discurs patetic, din anii comunismului: Tvlugul vieii trece peste ei (n Steaua, ianuarie 1960, p. 23; citatele dup DLR 1982: s.v.). n discursul public actual se ntlnesc numeroase sintagme n care substantivul este nsoit de calificri elocvente: tvlugul penal, tvlugul imobiliar, tvlugul scumpirilor etc. Iat ns i un enun mai sofisticat: Dup Metro, Automobile Dacia i Tarom, i compania Panasonic Romnia a fost prins n tvlugul falselor concursuri cu premii (/www.curierulnational.ro/).

Criza social i politic declanat de legea privind majorarea salariilor cadrelor didactice a provocat ns un adevrat vrtej stilistic:
tvlugul majorrilor (/www.realitatea.net/); tvlugul majorrilor a pornit la vale (/www.jurnalulbtd.ro/); ncercarea de a opri tvlugul majorrilor salariale (Curentul, 7 oct. 2008, p. 1),

firete, cu variaii lexicale previzibile:

Tavalugul cererilor de majorari salariale s-a declansat (/www.cronicaromana.ro/); tvlugul revendicrilor salariale (/www.gandul.info/); Tvlugul protestelor ncepe astzi, 7 oct. 008 (/www.ziua.ro/).

8.2. Verbe ale dinamismului 8.2.0. n textul de fa analizm, ca studii de caz, termeni de manipulare din mass-media romneasc actual, ca reflexe ale maniheismului; clieul este folosit pentru manipulare; cuvntul la mod reprezint un mijloc de incitare a cititorului. 8.2.1. n legtur cu anumite categorii sociale, cum sunt pensionarii, se folosete curent o categorie de verbe ale unei extreme mobiliti: a lua cu asalt, a se clca n picioare 25. n octombrie 2008, pe internet erau nregistrate 326.000 poziii pentru au luat cu asalt; trecnd peste textele n care se relateaz confruntri armate propriu-zise, s vedem cine sunt eroii din alte texte i ce urmresc acetia:
Prinii au luat cu asalt raioanele de rechizite ale magazinelor (/www.realitatea.net/); Studenii au luat cu asalt cminele din Regie (/www.gandul.info/); Argeenii au luat cu asalt complexul muzeal de la Goleti (/observatorargesean.ro/); Angajatorii au luat cu asalt casele de pensii pentru a depune declaratiile privind contributiile de asigurari sociale (/zf.ro/); Sute de fermieri au luat cu asalt prefecturile din mai multe judete (/www.9am.ro/); CFR-istii au luat cu asalt casa casatoriilor (www.tv-net.ro/); Peste 1.200 de ginecologi au luat cu asalt Clujul (/www.presaonline.com); Femeile au luat cu asalt Garda Financiar (www.evenimentul.ro/); Iesenii au luat cu asalt casele de amanet (/www.adevarul.ro/).

Pn aici, un dinamism mai mult sau mai puin credibil, ca i n cazurile

Cersetorii au luat cu asalt bisericile din Tg-Jiu (/www.impactingorj.com/),

sau de neles, desigur cu un surplus de imaginaie:

Vulpile, lupii si cainii au luat cu asalt centrul Craiovei (/www.ecomagazin.ro/), respectiv Sute de caini de atac au luat cu asalt sediul Asociatiei Chinologice (/www.adevarul.ro/)

Fantezist de-a dreptul este ns descrierea micrii pensionarilor (pentru pensionarii au luat cu asalt am gsit 18.800 de poziii). Prezentm cteva contexte. Dac n cazul Sucevenii, n special pensionarii, au luat cu asalt ieri diminea magazinul Carrefour, n prima sa zi de funcionare (/www.monitorulsv.ro/) rmnem n registrul precedent, cauza pensionarilor este

susinut afectiv pentru motive evidente sau uor de presupus:

Pensionarii galateni au luat cu asalt Prefectura, daramand gardurile de metal instalate de jandarmi(/www.9am.ro/); De la primele ore ale dimineii pensionarii botoneni au luat cu asalt sediul CEC (/www.jurnalulbtd.ro/).

8.2.2. Ca variaie stilistic ni se propune locuiunea verbal a se clca n picioare (497.000 de poziii, printre care numeroase n titluri sau texte ce se refer tot la pensionari):
(Titlu:) Pensionarii se calc n picioare la Casa de Asigurri de Sntate; (subtitlu:) Zeci de pensionari au luat cu asalt Casa Judeean de Asigurri de Sntate (CJAS) Vrancea pentru a depune actele necesare eliberrii adeverinei de asigurat (/www.amosnews.ro/); Pensionarii s-au calcat in picioare pentru biletele de tratament (/bacaul.ro/); Zeci de constneni s-au clcat n picioare pentru ajutoarele de nclzire (/www.realitatea.net/); La Constana, sute de oameni, majoritatea pensionari, s-au clcat n picioare pentru a depune actele necesare obinerii (/www.antena3.ro/); cu variaie lexical, dar i cu preocupri mondene: Btrnii s-au clcat n picioare pentru un bilet la Balul Pensionarilor din Lugoj (/new.banateanul.ro/).

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Menionm faptul c n exemplele preluate de pe internet am pstrat grafia textelor respective.

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Cci, de obicei, mprejurrile tipice ar fi altele; din presa ieean aflm n fiecare lun ianuarie, ce am citit, de exemplu, i pe data de 17 ianuarie 2006:
Ieenii s-au clcat n picioare pentru a-i plti taxele locale nc din prima zi....

Dac, n cele mai multe din cazurile citate, mobilul folosirii, exagerate, a mijloacelor lingvistice ale dinamismului este senzaionalul (ieftin), efectul este de-a dreptul hilar cnd pensionarii (care iau cu asalt, sezonier, ghieele seciilor financiare ale municipiilor ori se calc n picioare n faa acestora) sunt nfiai n aceleai ipostaze, n situaii limit. n luna iulie 2007, n presa ieean am citit c persoane de vrsta a treia, dar i ali dezmotenii ai vieii din oraele ce i-au permis aa ceva, iau cu asalt locurile n care se asigur distribuia gratuit a apei (potabile!) i unde se acord prim ajutor celor ajuni la captul puterilor!
n legtur cu aceast expresie-clieu n fond agresiv, trebuie s notm c una din caracteristicile lexicului limbii de lemn sovietice, subliniate de specialiti, este aceea c un mare numr de termeni utilizai... sunt preluai din registrul militar; imagistica rzboinic se extinde pn la domeniile tradiional cele mai bucolice: mulsul vacilor sau culesul cartofilor; nu auzi vorbind dect de fronturi, btlii, atacuri, rezisten, luri cu asalt, strategie, tactic etc.... Citind presa comunist, ai impresia unei societi venic mobilizate (Thom 1993: 48; evidenierile prin italice ne aparin).

Ne putem aminti, pentru transferul n alt mediu dect cel al discursului frontului muncii fizice, prezena locuiunii verbale n limbajul edinelor de pregtire a examenelor de la facultate din anii 60: studenii erau lmurii s evite munca n asalt. 8.2.3. Un termen de variaie stilistic n astfel de relatri de tipul celor precedente este un alt marker al... dinamismului, verbul (a se ) nghesui; citm un exemplu ce ilustreaz (ca i n cazul pensionarilor istovii ce iau cu asalt posturile de prim ajutor) absurdul clieului:
puini s-au nghesuit pentru ocuparea posturilor de suplinitori (transmisie n direct, Antena 3, 18 iulie 2009, ora 9,15).

8.3. Violena de limbaj Agresivitatea LL din perioada comunist este reflectat de folosirea cuvntului injurios; citm un singur exemplu, n care enunul amintete invectiva din prima faz a discursului politic din Romnia. La rubrica Prerea mea, din Curentul (14 oct. 2008, p. 3), Iulia Nueleanu i face un portret fostului preedinte Ion Iliescu, care se deschide cu propoziia Rnjetul de pe faa lui Iliescu devine monstruos, ton continuat prin caracterizri de tipul btrnul bolevic (vezi, la Traian Bsescu, calificativul btrnul edec, n intervenii publice din ianuarie 2007, cu privire la aceeai persoan; cf. /www.impact-est.ro/). Diatriba culmineaz prin epitetul btrna andrama stalinist (... o mobilizare la vot mpotriva partidului btrnei andramale staliniste), cu nimic mai prejos dect imaginile groteti ale discursului comunist de tipul Caracatia fascist i-a cntat cntecul de lebd, exemplu citat de G. Orwell (ap. Thom 1993: p. 73). Este, de altfel, o exprimare tipic limbii de lemn comuniste practicat de Corneliu Vadim Tudor n publicaiile sale, politician care a i pus-o n circulaie (vezi: Dar pana si batrana sandrama stalinista cum il numea pana de curand actualul crestin-democrat, conservator, popular european C.V. Tudor (text postat pe internet pe data de 22 iunie 2004, aparinndu-i, probabil lui Cristian Tudor Popescu, dup fotografia ce nsoete articolul; cf. /www.hotnews.ro/). Este ns semnificativ faptul c o pres combatant a preluat fr fior semantic, dac nu i stilistic, o atare formul, cu circulaie n ultimul timp:
Batrana sandrama stalinista ce ocupa postul de presedinte de onoare al PSD, l-am numit aici pe Ion Iliescu (Curentul, martie 2008 /www.roportal.ro/); Ion Iliescu, stiut drept batrana sandrama stalinista (/stiri.rol.ro/); batrana sandrama stalinista (29/08, 08: /www.ziaruldeiasi.ro/),

cu eventuale figuri de construcie retorice:

adica sandramaua brucano-stalinista, si anume iliescu in spatele tuturor (/www.cotidianul.ro/). Se ajunge ns i la btrna andrama regal (/www.cdep.ro/).

9. Prezena surselor externe n forjarea codului 9.1. Discursul politic al regimului comunist ne este evocat de modelul unei serii de formule mobilizatoare, din registrul terminologiei de confruntare militar. Lupta pentru pace, lupta mpotriva revizionismului, campania pentru recoltarea pioaselor, frontul comun al pcii, frontul culturii, frontul siderurgiei erau formule curente n discursul politic romnesc i n

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limbajul publicistic al epocii. Trebuie s remarcm, ns, c turnurile respective constituiau n epoc, n primul rnd, calcuri dup limba rus, dar nu reprezentau prototipuri i, pornind de la acestea, mbinri de cuvinte create n limba respectiv, vocabularul militar fiind o caracteristic a discursului politic al Internaionalei Comuniste, i, de fapt, nu numai al acesteia, ci al oricrui discurs public militant: politic, sindical etc. Construcii cum sunt cele pe care le prezentm n continuare pot fi gsite, de exemplu, i n presa de limb francez, englez, de unde, multe, au fost transpuse, astzi, n limba romn.
Prezentm cteva exemple pentru unul din aceste modele, n limba francez, de pe internet (cu peste 1.000.000 intrri): La lutte contre le changement climatique: un impratif de solidarit humaine dans un monde divis (/hdr.undp.org/); Aide urgence pour la lutte contre la propagation de la grippe aviaire (/www.afdb.org/); La lutte contre l'illettrisme constitue une priorit nationale (/www.anlci.fr/).

Frecvena acestor construcii n discursul public actual este de-a dreptul copleitoare. Pentru formula lupta mpotriva am gsit, n noiembrie 2008, un numr de 6.500.000 intrri pe internet; iat care sunt intele: lupta mpotriva srciei; consumului de droguri; alcoolismului; corupiei; discriminrii; nclzirii globale; crimei organizate; cancerului; cenzurii; depresiilor; paradisurilor fiscale; cariilor (cu bomboane gumate!). Activitatea poate fi i personalizat:
Interviu: Rosalynn Carter lupt mpotriva stigmatizrii i stereotipurilor (/r24.ro/sanatatemintala/); preocuparea este pentru problemele de sntate mintal.

Numai pentru formula lupta mpotriva terorismului (internaional) numrul intrrilor, n aceeai perioad, este de 199.000. O alt forrmul, din aceeai familie, este campania pentru, cu 5.520.000 de intrri n aceeai perioad. Cele mai frecvente enunuri se refer la alegeri: Campania pentru Casa Alb, ~ electoral, ~ pentru parlamentare, ~ pentru uninominale etc. Dar obiectivele pot fi multiple i extrem de variate:
campania pentru becuri ecologice (/www.ecomagazin.ro/); campania pentru colectarea dual (/www.timisoreni.ro/); campania pentru eliminarea fistulei (/www.unfpa.ro/); Campania Pentru Prevenirea Sexului PreMarital (/www.campania.ro/); McCain suspend campania pentru binele economiei (/www.gandul.info/).

Tot aa de bine ilustrate sunt substantivele strategie, tactic sau front. Ne oprim asupra ultimului din aceste cuvinte n sintagma front comun, prin citate reprezentnd enunuri autohtone sau preluri din presa strin:
Romania, Ungaria si Polonia vor face front comun impotriva bancilor care speculeaza pe monedele nationale(/www.zf.ro/); Front comun al autoritatilor impotriva bisnitarilor (/www.evenimentuldebotosani.ro/); Front romno-ungar mpotriva ru-platnicilor (/www.evz.ro/); Ministerul Mediului si organizatiile ecologiste, front comun impotriva parlamentarilor (/HotNews.ro/); Google si Publicis fac front comun in publicitatea online (/www.iseom.com/); Cei mai influenti bancheri centrali fac front comun ca sa opreasca prabusirea(/www.zf.ro/); Preedintele francez Nicolas Sarkozy i premierul britanic Gordon Brown fac front comun n lupta mpotriva crizei financiare (/www.tmctv.ro/); FMI cere front comun SUA-UE mpotriva crizei (/www.cotidianul.ro/); Parlamentarii Lituaniei si Poloniei cheama statele Uniunii Europene sa constitue un front comun in domeniul energetic impotriva Rusiei (/chisinau.novopress.info/); Front comun PD-L - PSD. ... Pentru prima data, parlamentarii PD-L au decis sa faca front comun cu PSD pentru ca (/www.bucuresteni.ro/); Preedintele georgian prooccidental Mihail Saakavili a cerut duminic opoziiei s fac front comun n faa Rusiei, care se opune aderrii acestei (/www.mediafax.ro/); Kievul i Moscova fac front comun mpotriva lui Al. Capone de Rusia (/www.gandul.info).

9.2. Statutul adjectivului: decent indecent Terminologiei din LL a ideologiei comuniste i-a luat locul inventarul lexical i frazeologic referitor la evenimente din orientarea politic la ordinea zilei, cum au fost integrarea (nord)atlantic, cu mutaia ulterioar spre integrarea european. Pentru o exemplificare succint de strict actualitate, discutm situaia adjectivului decent, care cunoate cea mai important mutaie semantic pe care a suferit-o un cuvnt, n discursul public romnesc, sub influena limbii engleze, dar preluat n anumite formule aparinnd discursului public al comunitii europene. n dicionare curente ale limbii romne acest cuvnt (mai) este explicat la nivelul etic, prin 1. cuviincios; reverenios, plin de decen. 2. pudic, ruinos (< fr. dcent, lat. decens); cf. Marcu

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2002: s.v. ; pe de alt parte, n a doua ediie a Dicionarului de sinonime ale limbii romne, Luiza i Mircea Seche, pe lng sensurile 1 i 2 (date n continuare, prezente i n prima ediie, 1982), adaug un al treilea sens: [1. cuviincios, politicos, respectuos, (livresc) reverenios; 2. pudic, ruinos, sfios]; 3. acceptabil, onorabil (Seche Seche 1997: s.v.), cel n discuie acum.
La Dimitrescu 1997, cuvntul decent nici nu este nregistrat, nefiind, aadar, consemnat pentru sensul nou.

Utilizarea adjectivului cu aceste sensuri este curent (nc) n limba comun; iat doar cteva exemple de pe internet, n diferite sintagme frecvente:
persoan decent: O persoana decenta cu studii de pedagogie si vorbitoare de limba engleza; Dna Dragotescu ramane o persoana decenta; Nu ai cum sa te imbolnavesti, daca esti o persoana decenta, ai o relatie stabila, investesti sufleteste si nu te gandesti numai la placerile trupesti; atitudine ~ : Sincer am vrut sa am o atitudine decenta; Un om de afaceri ar trebui sa pastreze o atitudine decenta, si sa-si confectioneze o imagine de om serios; O atitudine mai decenta i-ar fi atras mai multa simpatie; comportare ~ : perechile trebuiau s aib o comportare decent s se abin de la; Biblia ne invata ca trebuie sa ne imbracam intr-un mod modest, aratand comportare decenta si restrangere. poziie ~ : Nu te legana pe scaun si adopta o pozitie decenta (la un interviu); a fi cuminte inseamna sa ai o pozitie decenta; Nu cred ca este greu sa mentii o pozitie decenta timp de cateva minute atata timp cat camerele te urmaresc, mai ales fiind om de televiziune.

Putem considera c n aceeai sfer semantic se nscriu i sintagmele dobnzi decente, respectiv bnci decente:
Isrescu a preferat s foreze bncile s afieze dobnzi decente pentru creditele contractate de firme i de populaie (/www.jurnalul.ro/); dar bncile din Romnia nu sunt decente (/www.adevarul.ro/).

i antonimul se pstreaz n aceeai sfer de semnificaii:

Nu vom publica mesaje indecente sau injurioase; dosar penal pentru propuneri indecente; poze indecente pe Internet; Cele 3 asistente fotografiate in ipostaze indecente langa patul unui bolnav; nu am spus glume indecente?; s-au purtat conversaii indecente; [X primete] oferte indecente de la admiratoare; Mihaela Radulescu, razbunata pentru o gafa indecenta; Nu facem reclama la bauturi, tigari sau firme cu tenta indecenta etc.

Chiar n vocabularul comentariului politic, adjectivul i adverbul decent, dar i substantivele decen i indecen au fost utilizate un timp cu sensurile de baz: cuviincios, cum se cuvine; (bun-)cuviin necuviin, neruinare; iat o secven dintr-un articol n care sunt analizate rezultate ale alegerilor locale din 2004, cu referire la municipiul Bacu:
Nu s-a votat att politic, cum se spune, ci mai degrab civic. Sau, mai bine zis, s-a votat decent. Nu s-a votat pentru sau mpotriva XXX sau a candidailor XXX, pentru sau mpotriva candidailor YYY, sau a ZZZ S-a votat pentru decen. Electoratul romn a sancionat, n primul rnd, indecena politicienilor notri Stavarache de la Bacu, marea surpriz a acestor alegeri locale, era i este, din punct de vedere politic, un nimeni. Dar era i este un om decent. ntr-un ora sufocat de indecen politic, un vrf al indecenei politice romneti, un Stavarache a fcut diferena esenial (Votul decent, n Ziarul de Iai, 23 iunie 2004, p. 6 A).

n ultimul timp, adjectivul este folosit, ntr-un jargon mai mult sau mai puin profesional n construcii n care cuvntul preia sensurile mulumitor, destul de bun; adecvat, corespunztor ale engl. decent (cf. Levichi 2005: s.v.). i avem n vedere mai ales pe cei familiarizai cu informatica de exemplu, care recurg la acest termen sub influena textelor n englez pe care le frecventeaz; iat un mesaj de pe blog, n registru familiar i, chiar, ludic:
Salut! Am la dispozitie uriasa suma de 2 mil. lei si vreau sa cumpar un microfon pt Home Recording, dar sa fie decent, sa se auda cat de cat profesional. Imi puteti recomanda ceva? Merci mult!; byte U60: un UMPC decent, la un pret rezonabil; Un sistem decent pentru jocuri, programe, pentru de toate! Ce parere aveti? Am dvd-wr si monitor. Bugetul este de 1100 ron!.

Dar, paralel, n discursul public, reflectat de mass-media, neologismul decent s-a resemantizat, accentul fiind pus, n funcie de context, pe nuanele mulumitor, ba chiar confortabil; termenul, a devenit unul tehnic sui-generis, prin trecerea de la criteriul moral din limbajul comun la cel oficial, reprezentat de limbajul juridic, i i-a luat locul adjectivului omenesc, rmas n sfera afectivului. Un nceput l constituie prezena n Constituia Romniei (ediia din 2003; aceeai era formularea din ediia din 1991):

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ARTICOLUL 47 (1) Statul este obligat s ia msuri de dezvoltare economic i de protecie social, de natur s asigure cetenilor un nivel de trai decent.

Iat reluarea n texte juridice oficiale:

RECOMANDRI EMISE DE AVOCATUL POPORULUI N ANUL 2004 (din 29 ianuarie 2004, adresate Arhivelor Naionale; Ministerului Aprrii Naionale i Ministerului Muncii, Solidaritii Sociale i Familiei): nclcarea dreptului la un nivel de trai decent i a dreptului de petiionare, prevzute de art. 47 i de art. 51 din Constituie, n cazul soluionrii cererilor pentru acordarea calitii de beneficiar al Legii nr. 309/2002 privind recunoaterea i acordarea unor drepturi persoanelor care au efectuat stagiul militar n cadrul Direciei Generale a Serviciului Muncii n perioada 1950-1961 (/www.avp.ro/).

De observat c, n textul articolului din Constituie, adjectivul este de fapt un calificativ pentru substantivul nivel, dar n memoria oral a fost reinut formula trai decent, nu fr legtur cu engl. decent life, dar sigur de la englez se pornete pentru munc decent (decent work), sintagm devenit de circulaie i prin formula Ziua internaional a muncii decente (World Day for Decent Work). De la registrul public formal, semantica termenului se mbogete n mass-media i n limbajul comun mai les prin creativitatea construciilor formate pe terenul limbii romne, pe baza adjectivului, coroborate cu resemantizarea antonimului acestuia, indecent, i a substantivelor decen i indecen. Iat sintagme din mass-media i de pe bloguri:
salariu decent: capitalismul a euat n a oferi un salariu minim decent (/www.voxvocis.us/, dar i Sptmna Financiar); sediu ~ : Soluii pentru un sediu decent (pentru Uniunea Artitilor Plasitici; Jurnalul naional; /www.jurnalul.ro/); balcanicul ~ : Dac vei realiza 80 de puncte, v apropiai de balcanicul decent. Dac nu, mai... (de pe blog; este vorba de nivelul de trai balcanic); serviciu ~ : Vreau si eu un serviciu decent ...cum toata lumea are. Cu vacante ... cu prima de vacanta... cu libere sambata si duminica... cu bani multi si munca putina (de pe blog); nivel ~ : Stolo cere o ordona a Guvernului care s aduc aceste salarii la un nivel decent! (13 oct. 2008; Antena 3).

Este de remarcat creativitatea pe teren romnesc pe baza antonimului (n englez indecent nseamn doar [individ] necuviincios, lipsit de decen, lipsit de bun-cuviin, nelalocul su, neruinat; cf. ~ behaviour purtare necuviincioas, atentat la bunele moravuri; Levichi 2005: s.v.):
salarii indecente: Topul salariilor indecente (Cotidianul, www.wall-street.ro/); premierul Calin Popescu Tariceanu a scos banii din buzunar scrasnind din dinti si acuzand magistratii ca si-au creat salarii indecente fata de medie (/ultimaora.phg.ro/); decalaje salariale ~: O lege care s blocheze decalaje salariale indecente (/forum.portal.edu.ro/); profituri ~: Nu vi se par indecente si unele profituri ale noilor (/www.evz.ro/articole/); condiii ~ : Conditii indecente la jibert (/eziare.com/).

De notat orchestrarea n folosirea termenului, n discursul unui lider sindical:

Preedintele Confederaiei Cartel Alfa, Bogdan Hossu, a spus c principalele probleme pentru rezolvarea crora sindicalitii s-au adunat n Piaa Constituiei se refer la faptul c majoritatea angajailor din Romnia muncesc n condiii indecente pentru un salariu indecent (/www.mediafax.ro/, 7 oct. 2008).

De altfel, aciunea de manipulare prin folosirea (n abuz) a termenului este subliniat de un internaut:
Salarii decente ar avea, ca antonim, salarii indecente. Adica salarii necuviincioase, impudice. Eu aveam o problema cu traiul decent, dar vad ca, din nefericire, se extinde campul semantic. Atat salariile, cat si traiul, nu pot fi decente/indecente. Acest atribut il au doar persoanele. Salariile pot fi mici, mizere, revoltatoare, dar nu decente sau indecente. Este o problema simpla, de semantica (/inah.weblog.ro/2008-04-19).

Pe de alt parte, punerea ntre ghilimele a adjectivului ilustreaz, indirect, dorina de a evita clieul (sau reprezint amendarea lui?):
Sindicalitii vor un salariu minim decent de 1.500 lei (/www.gdo.ro/, /www.roportal.ro/ sau, la fel, /www.stirilocale.ro/).

10. Pragmatic, etic i universalie de mentalitate

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Confruntai cu ntrebarea pe care i-a pus-o Ioana Vintil-Rdulescu, Limba presei de azi o limb de lemn? (comunicare la Simpozionul Limba de lemn n pres Ieri i azi, de la ClujNapoca, 24-25 octombrie 2008), i la care lingvista bucuretean a rspuns negativ, apreciem c, de fapt, formularea ntrebrii nu este potrivit, deoarece reflect ipostaza unei prese actuale cu profil i mijloace lingvistice unice, de tipul presei din regimul totalitar din Romnia de pn n 1989 (problem la care ne-am referit la nceput, unde am prezentat distinciile necesare pentru situaia de astzi; cf. 0.1). Trebuie reinut, ns, faptul c existena LL n presa actual a fost probat prin paralelismele cu elementele de cod semnalate n diferite contribuii (i n comunicarea de fa), element formal ce trebuie, apoi, raportat la intenionalitatea folosirii unui limbaj performant pentru publicul larg, din perspectiva statutului mass-mediei de putere asumat. Recunoscndu-i existena, intervine problema utilitii i eficienei LL, aadar a pragmaticului; or, dac avem n vedere diversitatea de situaii i de registre ale comunicrii, putem admite faptul c, n diferite ipostaze, LL se prezint drept component a unui discurs la care sfera politicului, a administraiei i a altor zone ale comunicrii nu poate renuna; ne putem imagina o campanie electoral fr cuvinte emblematice (cum le numete Zafiu 2006: 102), pozitive sau negative, fr sloganuri? i, tot aa, ne putem imagina absena acestora n replica mass-mediei? Este vorba, apoi, de faptul c LL nu trebuie raportat la o limb n ntregimea ei, ci la o oarecare limb funcional aparinndu-i acesteia, un concept coerian pentru care putem trimite la explicaia ce urmeaz: o limb istoric nu se vorbete: nu se realizeaz n vorbire ca atare i n mod imediat, ci numai prin intermediul uneia din formele sale determinate n sens diatopic, diastratic i diafazic, la care este adugat urmtoarea precizare: Nimeni nu poate vorbi (simultan) toat italiana sau toat engleza Se vorbete n fiecare caz o anumit form de italian (de exemplu: toscana, popular sau cult, familiar sau solemn; Coeriu 2000: 267). Astfel, utilizarea LL, ca mijloc de persuasiune, devine o problem de selecie, de stil, innd de factorul diastratic i de cel diafazic, emitorul urmrind s se plaseze la un nivel al competenei expresive (i chiar idiomatice) pe care i-l atribuie, justificat sau nu, receptorului. Din perspectiva responsabilitii acestuia din urm, este de reinut o observaie formulat de Dan Stoica i Mihaela Berneag, privind condiii ale transformrii consumatorilor de media n victime ale manipulrii din perspectiva fenomenului disonanelor cognitive: existena unor construcii mentale i afective ale acestora (din categoria stereotipuri i prejudeci), care, n planul discursului, pot fi interpretate ca rspunztoare de acceptarea unui anumit limbaj, pornind de la constatarea c oamenii in minte mai uor informaia conform cu stereotipurile dect pe cea care nu se potrivete cu expectanele lor stereotipice (Stoica Berneag 2008: 97, 102). Astfel, iese din discuie i problema acceptrii LL ca limbaj funcional, chiar de ctre lingviti (profesorii de liceu fiind, n general, cei mai redutabili adversari ai clieului de acest tip i cei mai ferveni militani i pentru purificarea limbii de tarele vechiului regim). Evident, ca problem de stil bun, lingvitii nu pot s nu observe i s nu comenteze deficienele acestui hibrid comunicaional i pot fi de acord cu respingerea lui, clamat i de oamenii de gust, care susin folosirea unei forme de comunicare cu adevrat performant; iat o referire a lui Andrei Pleu la limbajul presei, cruia i se reproeaz cel puin un abuz didactic, trstur reprobabil dat fiind c limbajul didactic, n general, aparine discursului autoritii instituionalizate, o autoritate epistemic (Dumistrcel 2006b: 6465; cf. i tabelul de la p. 47).
Pleu constat c n mass-media exist o exprimare clieistic militant, pus sub semnul didacticismului: Executivul trebuie s fie ferm Fermitatea nu trebuie s nsemne ns duritate Guvernanii nu trebuie s uite c Guvernul x are datoria s fie la nlimea ncrederii acordate Foarte bine c au luat msurile care se impuneau.. Guvernanii n-au inut seama de avertismente i acum nu fac dect s culeag ce au semnat Au datoria s coboare zi de zi n mijlocul oamenilor i s le explice E momentul ca Este cazul s. Iat i caracterizarea stilului: Textul e compus ca o mic or de dirigenie, cu supravieuiri caracteristice din formulistica judeenelor de partid, cu platitudini pompoase, vigilene amare, tromboane, tobe i bai (Pleu 2004: 57).

Pe de alt parte, dezavuarea LL poate fi admis i din motive de etic. De exemplu, frecvena utilizrii adjectivului combativ (ce reflect capacitatea de autogenerare a LL) i asocierea lui cu substantive care-i suprim ansele de evaluare sub semnul gnoseologicului reprezint o manifestare tipic a complexului de superioritate ce poate fi depistat n LL a presei. Cci se poate considera c, la fel ca i n cazul LL a regimurilor totalitare, i discursul mass-mediei

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este universal rutcios. i, dac limba de lemn este fundamental agresiv, nici discursul presei actuale ce practic ideologizarea nu-i iese din sine, reprezentnd, la rndu-i, o vorbire captiv, cu riscul de a deveni o adevrat logoree patologic (Thom 1993: 169). De fapt, din perspectiv etic, putem observa c receptorul este, n fond, dispreuit, de vreme ce este nfiat ca o turm cu instincte primare (vezi, mai ales, 8.2, Verbe ale dinamismului); imaginea nu se deosebete esenial de aceea perceput de Klemperer din optica efectelor LL a regimului nazist, care-i rpete individului esena uman, transformndu-l ntr-o vit dintr-o turm, mnat ntr-o anumit direcie (cf. 0.2.2). n planul folosirii limbii, dezumanizarea se produce i deoarece clieele militante, obsesiv repetate, au ca efect faptul c funcia de apel a limbajului stimulnd contactul cu receptorul acioneaz prin simple semnale, care sunt reductibile, n fond, la diferite intervenii sonore non-refereniale, din discursul oral prin care, la primitivi, este provocat/ntreinut atenia interlocutorului, ca manifestare a faticului. Totodat, LL la care ne referim poate fi interpretat ca marc a unui exclusivism la fel de pernicios ca acela al tuturor nregimentrilor rudimentare.
Apelnd la consideraii de sociologie literar ale lui Robert Escarpit, putem identifica n acest caz optica unei aa-zise valori totemice a alteritii negative, recognoscibil chiar n cazul mrturisirilor de credin situate la alt nivel: francezul care se numete cartezian scria Escarpit nu exprim o noiune diferit de aceea a primitivului care se declar ca fcnd parte din clanul Leopardului (Tipurile de public, n vol. De la sociologia literaturii la teoria comunicrii; cf. Dumistrcel, 2006a : 151).

n sfrit, ncercm s ntrevedem ansele LL de a supravieui. O afirmaie a Rodici Zafiu cu privire la faptul c LL a comunismului a fost impus la noi deoarece il y avait chez plusieurs locuteurs une sorte de terrain en friche, car ils ne disposaient pas dun code stylistique cohrent de conversation neutre cest--dire ni officielle, ni familire (Zafiu 1992: 217), nu se susine dect parial; dei n posesia unui asemenea cod, limba francez nu a fost i nu este scutit de LL a ideologiei comuniste. Din perspectiva pragmaticii comunicrii, cauzele acceptrii clieelor rezid n constante de natur socio- i psiholingvistic ale vorbirii. Este vorba de faptul c modul natural i obinuit de a vorbi (Quintilian) a creat i a impus, n orice limb, un numr impresionant de structuri ce reflect solidarizarea lexico-semantic printr-un proces care, pornind de la Eugeniu Coeriu, a fost calificat drept un adevrat mariaj cvasiobligatoriu ntre cuvinte (Dumistrcel 2006b: 158). Pentru vorbitorii limbii romne (i, la rndul lor, pentru vorbitorii altor limbi, folosindu-i propriile vocabule) au devenit veritabile cliee mbinrile ce asociaz automat unui substantiv un anumit adjectiv: frunza este verde, muntele nalt, fata frumoas, mama bun, btrnul nelept, iar arpele viclean! Reluarea simplelor calificative automatizate (dar i prin coerciie social i cultural) este, ns, primul pas spre cursa n care vorbitorul comod cade atunci cnd, apoi, accept alte rezultate ale unei coerciii subversive: folosind limba matern, el are la dispoziie formule de-a gata, ce perpetueaz nu doar aprecieri standardizate convenabile, ci i adevrate norme de conduit i de total creditare; la exemple de aceast factur din seria precedent, pot fi adugate caracterizri cum ar fi copil cuminte, elev silitor, comandant viteaz etc. Ne aflm, de fapt, la izvoarele incontiente ale generrii oricrei limbi de lemn (Dumistrcel 2006c: 8), deoarece astfel rmne deschis calea pentru acceptarea mariajelor obligatorii de cuvinte din discursul politic i din limbajul publicistic, ca atentat asupra nivelului competenei expresive a vorbitorului.
Sigle bibliografice Antohi 1993: Sorin Antohi, Limb, discurs, societate: proba limbii de lemn, studiu introductiv la Thom 1993, p. 529. Brossart 1996: Alain Brossart, Rsistance dans la langue, postfa la Klemperer 1996, p. 363373. Combe 1996: Sonia Combe, Prface, la Klemperer 1996, p. 1322. Cornea 2002: Andrei Cornea, Cuvintelnic fr frontiere sau Despre trdarea Anticilor de ctre Moderni de-a lungul, de-a latul i de-a dura vocabularului de baz, Iai, Polirom. Despot 1989: Slobodan Despot, La victoire est pure comme une larme. Laphorisme politique en Yougoslavie, une subversion de la langue de bois, n Langues de bois?, p. 6781. Dimitrescu 1997: Florica Dimitrescu, Dicionar de cuvinte recente, ediia a II-a, Bucureti, Logos.

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DA 1934: [Academia Romn] Dicionarul limbii romne, Literele F-I, Bucureti. DLR 1982: [Academia Romn] Dicionarul limbii romne, serie nou, tomul XI, partea a 2-a, Litera T (t tocli), Bucureti, Editura Academiei. Dumistrcel 2006a: Stelian Dumistrcel, Discursul repetat n textul jurnalistic. Tentaia instituirii comuniunii fatice prin mass-media, Iai, Editura Universitii Alexandru Ioan Cuza. Dumistrcel 2006b: Id., Limbajul publicistic romnesc din perspectiva stilurilor funcionale, Iai, Institutul European. Dumistrcel 2006c: Id., Suntem toi victimele ineriilor lingvistice, n Jurnalul naional, 30 martie 2006, p. 89. Fiala Habert 1989: Pierre Fiala, Benot Habert, La langue de bois en clat: les dfigements dans les titres de la presse cotidienne franaise, n Langues de bois?, p. 8399. Klemperer 1996: Victor Klemperer, LTI, la langue du IIIe Reich. Carnets dun philologue, traduit de lallemand et annot par lisabeth Guillot, prsent par Sonia Combe et Alain Brossart, Paris, Albin Michel, S.A. Langues de bois?, nr. 21, decembrie 1989, al revistei Mots/Les langages du politique, Presses de la Fondation Nationale des Sciences Politiques. Levichi 2005: Leon Levichi, English-Romanian Dictionary Dicionar englez-romn, Bucureti, Editura 100+1 Gramar. Marcu 2002: Florin Marcu, Marele dicionar de neologisme. Ediie revizuit, augmentat i actualizat, Bucureti, Editura SAECULUM I. O. MDA 2003: [Academia Romn, Institutul de Lingvistic Iorgu Iordan Al. Rosetti], Micul dicionar academic, vol. III, Bucureti, Editura Univers Enciclopedic. NDU 2008: Ioan Oprea, Carmen-Gabriela Pamfil, Rodica Radu, Victoria Zstroiu, Noul Dicionar universal al limbii romne, ediia a treia, Chiinu, Editura Litera Internaional. Pineira Tournier 1989: Carmen Pineira, Maurice Tournier, De quel bois se chauffe-t-on? Origines et contextes de lexpression langue de bois, n Langues de bois?, p. 519. Pleu 2004: Andrei Pleu, Stil gazetresc, n Obscenitatea public, Bucureti, Humanitas, p. 5658. Rad 2007: Id. (coord.), Stil i limbaj n mass-media din Romnia, Iai, Polirom. Randall 1998: David Randall, Jurnalistul universal. Ghid practic pentru presa scris, prefa de Mihai Coman, traducere de Alexandru Brdu Ulmanu, Iai, Polirom. Roca 2007: Luminia Roca, Mecanismele construciei mediatice, n Rad 2007, p. 299319. Slvstru 2009: Constantin Slvstru, Discursul puterii ncercare de retoric aplicat, Bucureti, Tritonic (ediia I: Iai, Institutul European, 1999). Scriban 1939: August Scriban, Dicionaru limbii romneti, Iai, Institutul de Arte Grafice Presa Bun. Seche Seche 1997: Luiza Seche, Mircea Seche, Dicionarul de sinonime ale limbii romne, ediia a II-a, revzut i adugit, Bucureti, Editura Univers Enciclopedic. Sriot 1989: Patrick Sriot, Langue de bois, langue de lautre et langue de soi. La qute du parler vrai en Europe socialiste dans les annes 1980, n Langues de bois?, p. 5066. Slama-Cazacu 2000: Tatiana Slama-Cazacu, Limba de lemn o universalie n contextul romnesc, n vol. Stratageme comunicaionale i manipularea, Iai, Polirom, p. 55100. Thom 1993: Franoise Thom, Limba de lemn, traducere de Mona Antohi, studiu introductiv de Sorin Antohi, Bucureti, Humanitas. TLFi: Le Trsor de la Langue Franaise informatis (publicat sub egida CNRS). Zafiu 1992: Rodica Zafiu, La variante roumaine de la langue de bois esquisse diachronique, n Journal of the American Romanian Academy of Arts and Sciences (ARA - Journal), nr. 16-17, p. 210219. Zafiu 2007: Eadem, Limbaj i politic, Bucureti, Editura Universitii din Bucureti. Zafiu 2008: Eadem, Calcurile inutile sunt cele care m enerveaz cu adevrat; interviu nregistrat de Lucian Popescu, despre cuvinte la mod, snobism i cliee: HotNews.ro, mari, 24 iunie.

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An Indicator of Speaker NonCommitment in Romanian CUM C - and its Role in Discourse

Lect. dr. Alina Ganea Dunrea de Jos University of Galai, Romania Rsum: Lvidentialit comprend une catgorie de marqueurs linguistiques qui indiquent la source de linformation dans un nonc. Originairement tudie dans des langues amrindiennes qui se servent dun affixe pour exprimer que linformation transmise est le rsultat de la perception directe, de linfrence ou quil sagit dun contenu retransmis, des analyses rcentes ont largi le domaine de lvidentialit, y intgrant des langues qui ne possdent pas de catgorie grammaticale videntielle. Dsignes stratgies videntielles et dfinies comme des formes qui ne possdent pas de sens spcifiquement videntiel mais qui acquirent contextuellement une telle interprtation (Aikhenvald, 2004), les formes linguistiques usage videntiel ne fonctionnent pas faon uniforme et rcurrente dans le discours. En roumain ce phnomne a t partiellement tudi par R. Zafiu dans la dernire dition de Gramatica Limbii Romne (GA, Editura Academiei Romne, 2008: 715-718) comme un sous-domaine de la modalit pistmique, oppose la modalit cognitive. Le but de cette recherche est de reconsidrer un des indicateurs videntiels discuts en GA, cum c, afin de fournir des contextes dusages qui mettent en vidence son comportement contextuel et dinvestiguer ses effets argumentatifs dans le discours. Cette recherche est soutenue par le Ministre de lEducation, de la Recherche et de la Jeunesse dans le cadre du programme PNII ID 1209/2007. Mots-cls: videntialit, marqueurs linguistiques, modalit pistmique

1. Introduction The present analysis is part of a wider research project which investigates the type of linguistic evidence that agumentators may rely on when attempting to make a point of view (seem) valid in the argumentative discourse. Falling within the scope of evidentiality envisaged as the linguistic study of evidence, our research eventually aims at revealing forms of argumentative sustainability recurrently occurring both in oral and written discourse. In so doing, we are firstly concerned with the identification of the indicators that can be read as accounting for the information vehiculated in 26 the discourse. Relevant researches have already been carried out in French and English, still without emphasis on their discourse effects. Romanian linguistics is still a virgin area in this respect since no consistent and progressive research has been carried out in the study of the linguistic expression of the information source. Since grammaticalized evidentiality is scarce in Romanian, the task becomes more challenging as we are confronted with the necessity to isolate the indicators of evidentiality before proceeding to any contextual analysis. The few Romanian evidential indicators are conjunctional phrases or lexical structures. The analysis we suggest here is concerned with the conjunctional phrase cum c (an equivalent of the reportative THAT or of the relative THAT). 2. Cum c Theoretical Remarks The conjunctional phrase cum c, along with other linguistic formulas such as cic, vezi drag Doamne inventoried by Rodica Zafiu (2008: 718) indicate the speakers epistemic distance with respect to the information they report. The locution may be therefore classified as an evidential indicator of report which diplays certain preferential combinations. 1.1. Structurally, the sentence cum c enters the following pattern: X (movement verb) + Y(nominal
Subject)

+ Z (IN [n / prin] + locative nominal) CUM C + [propositional content]

as illustrated by the examples below:

26

Dendale & Tasmowski, 1994; Chafe & Nichols, 1986.

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(1) circula niste barfe cum ca noul ministru al sanatatii va fi doctorul Raed Arafat. Spunetimi, ati mai auzit asa ceva, ma imbat de fericire? (adadoi / 3.12.2008 /11:07 http://forum.softpedia.com/lofiversion/index.php/t456455.html) (literally) Gossips go (circulate) that (CUM C) The verbal element is usually expressed by a movement verb of the type WALK / CIRCULATE / GO AROUND, such as Rom. a umbla, a circula, a merge, which suggests indefinite, imprecise trajectory, anonymizing the origin of the information by describing an indefinite free movement of the reporting event. It is important to note that the usual syntax S-V is not the rule in such contexts although it is not impossible supposedly since the following clause strictly determines the nominal. From the syntactical point of view, this clause is attributive. From the semantic-pragmatic point of view, it is an object clause, since the propositional content is in fact reported. The locative like Rom. trg / ora / sat / coal (covered by the semantic area of TOWN / VILLAGE) etc., circumscriptive in point of space and community producing the reported content, may accompany the verbal as an element which makes explicit the utterance source. (2) Circula birfi pan oras cum ca Mimi cel poznas, pan Peneleul gingas banuit gropar fruntas, ar cam fi pus pa faras da Mirceia Drogos pizmas (http://vrancea.iis.ro/circula-birfi-pan-oras-cum-ca-mimi-cel-poznas-pan-peneleul-gingas-banuitgropar-fruntas-ar-cam-fi-pus-pa-faras-da-mirceia-drogos-pizmas/) (literally) Gossips circulate in town that (CUM C) (3) Umbla o vorba prin oras, cum ca in cei aproape 800 de ani de traditie si istorie, daca Newton ar fi fost singurul " produs", tot ar fi fost de ajuns ca sa justifice existenta centrului universitar, caci fara geniul sau, secolul 20 asa cum il stim noi azi nu ar fi existat. (http://www.zf.ro/dupa-afaceri/cambridge-ordine-si-dsciplina-turistica-3014079/) (literally) The word goes in town that (CUM C) (4) Circula o vorba prin targ cum ca romanii se pricep fara exceptie la trei lucruri: politica, fotbal si vedete. Nu neaparat in aceasta ordine. (http://www.hotcity.ro/tags/barfa) (literally) The word goes in town that (CUM C) Romanians with no exception are good at three things: politics, football, and stars. Not necessarily in this order. Depending on the context, this formula can be shortened by the elimination of the movement verb: Y(nominal Subject) + Z (IN [n / prin] + locative nominal) CUM C + [propositional content] (5) Tema acestui material sunt zvonurile din piata, cum ca doua banci Romanesti ar fi in dificultate financiara. Daca ar exista panica in sistemul bancar romanesc acest lucru ar trebui sa se regaseasca in nivelul ratelor de schimb interbancar (ROBID-ROBOR). (www.ssifbroker.ro/included/download_file.php?opinii=da&id=353) (literally) The topic of this material consists in the gossips on the market that (CUM C) The movement verb may be replaced by a verb of perception indicating the speakers own involvement in the hearsay transmission of the content: (6) Am auzit o stire cum ca Romania este a doua tara din Europa din punct de vedere al somajului in randul tinerilor. (http://www.hart.ro/files/Paradox_la_inceput_de_cariera.pdf) (literally) I have heard some news that (CUM C) Romania is

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In this type of structure, the speakers commitment to the propositional content is higher his / her direct experience acting as a credit to be granted to the existence and circulation of the report. The nominals most often occurring in this type of structures are Rom. tire, veste, zvon, brf, poveste, legend, chestie (NEWS / GOSSIP). They announce and qualify the reported content, suggesting the truthfulness level that is to be granted (e.g. rumour). In some cases, they may discredit the information source and the reporting event due to the negative semantism of the nominal (e.g. gossip). Semantically, the nominals have a different epistemic charge: tire (NEWS) implies a lesser degree of allegedness and evokes a public act of announcement when compared to zvon (RUMOUR). Veste (NEWS) stands in the middle between the two. Brf (GOSSIP) has a highly marked pejorative meaning that places the reported content in the area of non-verified and disreputing news. It disqualifies the truthfulness of the content as well as the credit awardable to the source. Poveste, legend point to the incredible content, the semantic value of uncertainty being less discreditable than in the case of brf. Chestie (STUFF) is a neutral term that disqualifies the content of the reportative act in point of both content truthfulness and uttering / information source. Most of the nominals above involving explicitly verbal communication (zvon, vorb, poveste, brf) can be verbalized and used in impersonal structures se zvonete / se vorbete / se brfete / se povestete as equivalents of the colloquial phrases mentioned above. (7) Ieri, pe holurile instituiei, se vorbea cum c prof. de matematic SN a intrat pentru ase luni n concediu, (Alina Mitran, Generalul Neacu pleac s-i dea doctoratul, Gazeta de Olt, 2 martie 2005) (literally) Yesterday, on the halls of the institution, they were saying / it was being rumoured that (CUM C) the teacher of mathematics SN The reported propositional content acts in a similar way to the complement of the nominal head, or a relative clause of non-restrictive type, but in an appositional structure equivalent to a propositional anaphora meant to explicit the referential content of a neutral term, such as ceea ce (WHAT): (8) De la categoria oapte v prezentm un mic comentariu: o fi oare adevrat ceea ce se zvonete, cum c n cercurile intime de prieteni dl general Bdlan se mndrete cu faptul c i-ar fi rezolvat problemele de imagine avnd suportul total al Cotrocenilor? (Mihai Antonescu, Iele Harris si regulile achizitiilor, Romnia liber, 2 iulie 2005) (literally) In the category whispers we introduce a short comment: could it be true, what is being rumoured, that (CUM C) in his intimate circle Gen, Bdlan boasts that The source of information may be hidden in contexts where the reporting act is expressed metaphorically: (9) Si aceeasi pasarea ciripea cum ca Executivul pune la cale mai multe acte normative prin care se urmareste restrangrea prerogativelor Presedintelui! Oops, pazea Traiane! (http://blog.gardianul.ro/2007/10/07/o-pasarea-ciripeste-cum-ca-executivul-se-pregateste-sa-irestranga-prerogativele-presedintelui/) (literally) And the same bird chirped that (CUM C) The conditional mood is often used as a clausal verbal mood, as a means to reinforce the unproved truthfulness of the utterance, and, at the same time, to point to the speakers noncommitment or indefinite or neutral position to the reported propositional content. It hypothesizes the truthfulness of the content and underlines the status of unconfirmed information. See examples (2), (3), (5), (8) above. However, the Romanian present tense can be used, such as in (5), (6), or the

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compound perfect or the future (2), depending on when the action making the object of the report is supposed to take (have taken) place. When the indicative is used, the value of uncertified information is slightly attenuated; the prevalent meaning is that of speaker commitment to the reported content. In the example below, the reported content is a claim belonging to some unidentified source. (4) Circula o vorba prin targ cum ca romanii se pricep fara exceptie la trei lucruri: politica, fotbal si vedete. Nu neaparat in aceasta ordine. (http://www.hotcity.ro/tags/barfa) (literally) The word goes in town that (CUM C) Romanians with no exception are good at three things: politics, football, and stars. Not necessarily in this order. However, with the Indicative future, the predictive semantism increases the epistemic uncertainty. 3. Argumentative Role of the cum c Assertive in Discourse As previously analysed (Ganea & G, 2008), we are questioning the hypothesis of cum c as endowed with argumetative potential. In doing so, we assume that the cum c assertive can play two argumentative roles: a) advancing a standing point (thesis) b) supporting a standing point (substantiating arguments as proof or example) a) As a thesis, the assertive can give place to argumentation either for or against the standing point put forward. In either case, the argumentator plays on the virtues of the cum c assertive, more precisely on the indefiniteness displayed by the speaker through his/her utterance. It is the idefinite, vague locutorial attitude that blocks any predictibility of the utterance argumentative orientation and allows for its polyvalent argumentative function. In the following excerpt, the cum c sentence informs on an alleged takeover of AMD, a company producing computer processors, by a more powerful company, which is an implicite sign of financial drawback, not overtly claimed though. The further argumentation asserts the financial problems the company is confronted to, not without granting credit to the small, yet promising company which face problems similar o those other big or famous companies (authoruty fallacy) had to cope with. (10) Umbla vorba ca AMD ar putea fi achizitionata de un fond de investitii, similar tranzactiilor care au avut ca obiect preluarea Philips, respectiv Freescale, anul trecut. Chiar daca AMD are perspective destul de bune in 2007, cand este asteptata lansarea noii microarhitecturi K8L, ca si a controversatului (si indelung amanatului) chip grafic R600, in prezent compania se confrunta cu o criza acuta de lichiditati. In plus, pierde teren in fata Intel - pe piata microprocesoarelor si, respectiv, NVIDIA - pe piata chipurilor grafice. (http://itshit.wordpress.com/2007/02/19/umbla-vorba/) (literally) The rumour goes that AMD could be bought by Although AMD has pretty favourable perspectives in 2007 the company currently confronts itself with a severe liquidities crisis. Moreover, it loses foot in front of When taking interrogative form, the cum c sentence is prone to introducing counter argumentations since the act of questioning the content discloses the speakers attitude of rejection or, at least, disbelieving of the claim advanced. In the excerpt below, the thesis takes the form of a cum c interrogative comprising an opinion verb meant to question the interlocutors view on the advanced point.

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(11) Si totusi,este nevoie stringenta de o"stanga" moderna, alternativa a unei drepte care fara concurenta,uita de constructii pentru tara si construiesc numai pentru ei. S-au crede cineva cum ca dreapta e perfecta!V-O spune un liberal: NU ESTE! (http://www.ziua.ro/f.php?thread=236435&data=2008-04-22) (literally) Or does anyone believe that (CUM C) the right wing is perfect? Generally, the act of questioning communicates the speakers lack of information with respect to the propositional content. Yet, faking lack of information on its veridicity, the question allows for a rethoric reading and orients its interpreation towards a corresponding negative assertive, disclosing the speakers rejection. The response openly given to this apparent question reinforces this analysis. However, the same type of structure may still display the speakers neutrality, the interrogative form being apparently preferred for suggesting a higher degree of non-assumption. (12) Crede cineva cum ca asasinarea lui Bhutto are vre-o legatura cu scumpirea petrolului? Parerea mea e ca afirmatia de mai sus e o supozitie si nu o certitudine. Speculatiile cu petrolul si materiile prime de prima categorie le fac detinatorii acestor bogatii si in special statele pentru a-si mari marja de venituri in favoarea tuturor celor ce sunt implicati ca detinatori a unor astfel de materii prime, avind in vedere explozia dezvoltarii consumatorilor. Personal consider ca Statele dezvoltate sunt respnsabile pentru astfel de situatie deoarece nu fac nimic in a stopa cresterea preturilor, in special a petrolului care constituie axul central al functionarii tuturor rotitelor unor economii dintr-o tara sau alta, a vietii insa-si daca va ganditi mai bine. Asasinarea lui Bhutto face parte dintr-o politica de putere interioara sustinuta de factori externi asa cum sa intimplat si continua sa se intimple in lume. (http://www.wall-street.ro/comentarii/Petrolul-s-a-scumpit-pe-pietele-internationale-dupaasasinarea-lui-Benazir-Bhutto/1754/CREDE-CINEVA-CUM-CA-ASASINAREA-LUIBHUTTO-ARE-VRE-O-LEGATURA-CU-SCUMPIREA-PETROLULUI.html) (literally) Does anyone believe that (CUM C) Bhuttos assassination has anything to do with the raise in the petrols price? The character of unverified information is emphasized by the qualification the speaker makes in the first sentence of the fragment : supozitie / certitudine (supposition / certainty). However, although apaprently orienting the interpretation towards rejecting the veridicity of the claim, as announced in the beginning, the speaker ends by sustaining his/her initial claim: the assasination of the Pakistan People's Partys leader, Benazir Bhutto, is seen as part of a general international policy triggerring mutiple objectives, among which the price of the petrol. b) As a segment fundamenting argumentation, the assertive may have several functions. It may serve as proof brought by the speaker after introducing a point he/she needs to substantiate. The proof is therefore needed as validating the truthfulness of his/her claim. (13) Ieri am primit fluturasul cum ca mi-a venit un pachet din SUA si sa ma duc sa il ridic de la oficiul postal 3 ( eu apartinand de 72 ) din Pantelimon. Auzisem mai demult cum ca orice colet ce depaseste 2,5kg este trimis la un oficiu postal cu vama, iar cum 72 nu are asa ceva, cel mai apropiat ( cred ) era 3. Am fost putin mirat pentru ca pe fluturas scria Reaviz si mai sus era data de 16 aprilie, eu primid acest fluturas, dupa cum am zis, pe 4 Mai. Nu am fost deloc mirat cand am aflat ca da, el sosise pe 16 aprilie insa eu am fost instiintat de venirea lui abia pe 4 Mai. Tipa care manuia coletele a zis pe un ton suprem ca nu e vina ei ca eu nu am primit avizul pe 16 dar ca ei l-au trimis. Am injurat-o in gand si am platit cei 7 ron ( 3 taxe + 4 magazinaj ) pe care mi-i cerea. (http://www.spadez.jubjub.ro/?p=1019)

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(literally) I had heard long time before that (CUM C) any parcel exceeding 2.5 kilos is sent to the post office through the customs service The status of the cum c assertive is slightly opposite to its usual interpretation as introducing non-verified information. It changes its status due to the type of propositional content cum c introduces: overheard information taking the form of rule, regulation, general / scientific truth, objective statement which is supposdly assessable at any moment (14) Am auzit cum ca apa supusa luminii printr-o prisma ar avea calitati excelente. Ma intereseaza cumul de energie pentru ca lucrez foarte mult. As dori sa aflu amanunte despre aceasta si modul practic cum o pot obtine. Stefan (http://www.121.ro/intreaba_specialistul/detalii.php3?i=1557&cat_id=21) (literally) I heard that (CUM C) the water exposed to light through a prism would have excellent qualities The cum c assertive may also function as an example that illustrates a claim: (15) Fericirea se plateste cand nu esti satul de ea. Cand vrei mai multa si mai multa, cand nu-ti ajunge portia pe care o ai, cand nici macar nu stiai ca o ai si o asteptai mult si bine. Cand iti vine sa explodezi in ea. Cand te apuci sa dai din ea celui care a aruncat-o in viata ta. Cand dai azi o bucata, maine alta, pana cand ajungi sa o dai pe toata celui care ti-a dat putin din ea. Fericirea ti se ia de-a gata putinul cu putinul, pana cand ramai fara. Atunci te tii cel mai bine si incerci sa lupti cel mai crancen pentru ea. Atunci sa vezi cat este de relativa, cum crezi in ea, cum nu mai crezi in nimic. Cum ca-i alba, cum ca-i neagra. Cum ca e. Cum ca nu exista deloc. Cum toti cei din jurul tau de vina. Cum nu esti capabil tu sa o mai gasesti. (http://www.garbo.ro/articol/Lifestyle/2182/Fericirease-plateste-dupa.html) (literally) That (CUM C) it is white, that (CUM C) it is black. That (CUM C) it exists. That (CUM C) it doesnt exist at all... In this case, the cum c assertive illustrates a claim made by the speaker, not in order to validate it and to impose it as a claim, but to illustrate its veridicity and applicability in further cases which, in fact, reinforces its status of pertinent argument in the speakers discourse. Cum sa tai investitiile publice? Citesc o declaratie a secretarului de stat Gherghina, de la Finante, care spune ca e posibil ca Guvernul sa taie din investitii in perioada urmatoare. O masura mai debila nici ca se putea. Pai tocmai investitiile publice sunt recomandate in perioade de criza. Nu trebuie sa fii Keynes sa iti dai seama de asta, ci doar sa deschizi un curs de economie, scrie Dan Popa. (...) Nu exista nicio strategie de iesire, nu exista un plan coerent, iar declaratiile la limita tampeniei, cum ca lumea isi inchide firmele nu din cauza crizei, ci pentru ca asa e viata, acopera un gol intelectual pe masura. (...) (http://www.hotnews.ro/stiri-opinii-5654656-cum-tai-investitiile-publice.htm) In the same way, in the excerpt above cum c assertive introduces an example meant to illustrate the unsuitable and destructive measures taken by the economic ministry cabinet in time of world financial crisis. Conclusion The conjunctional locution cum c displays preference for specific combinations where the character of non-verified information is reinforced by the type of the main sentence subject and

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verbal and by the conditional mood used in the clause. Used in discourse, the sentence may serve as introducing a claim (standing point) in a diffuse and neutral form, or as supporting one, as proof or example. In all the cases, the speaker plays on the reserve effects implied by using the cum c sentence as strategic means to induce opinions without overtly assuming them.
Bibliography: Aikhenvald, Alexandra, Evidentiality, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2004. Chafe, Wallace & Johanna Nichols (eds.), Evidentiality: The Linguistic Coding of Epistemology, Ablex, New Jersey, 1986. Dendale, Patrick, Le Conditionnel de linformation incertaine: Marqueur Modal Ou Marqueur videntiel?, in Hilty Gerold (ed.). Actes du XXe Congrs de Linguistique et Philologie Romanes, Francke, Tbingen, 1993, pp : 165-176. Dendale, Patrick & Liliane Tasmowski (ds), Langue Franaise, no. 103, Larousse, Paris, 1994 Ganea, Alina & Anca G, On the use of Evidential Strategies in Romanian. The case of cum c, in Proceedings of the International Conference Semne particulare. Limba, discurs, societate, 21-23 noiembrie 2008, Bacu, Romania, pp : 50-60. Myong Soon, Kim, Une description des marqueurs videntiels on dit que et on dirait que [*], in Travaux de linguistique, no. 48/1. De Boeck Universit, 2004, pp: 41-52. Zafiu, Rodica, Modalitatea epistemic, in Gramatica limbii romne II. Enunul, Tiraj nou, revizuit, Bucureti: Editura Academiei Romne, 2008, pp: 707-718.

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Terminologie si ideologie terminologia economiei socialiste

Lect. dr. Teodora Ghivirig Universitatea Alexandru Ioan Cuza din Iai Summary: Styling itself a science, socialist economics or scientific socialism, based on the Marxian theory of value, produced (under the influence of Russian models mainly) in Romanian an ample set of linguistic units (both simple and complex/syntagmatic) that were along the nearly five decades in which the socialist regime held in Romania recorded in specialised dictionaries as terms. Of this set, some belonged to the initial Marxian theory (plusvaloare, plusprodus, timp de munc socialmente necesar etc.) as defined by the creator itself, while others were coined by his followers (deosebiri eseniale dintre ora i sat n capitalism). The present papers analyses the discourse of definitions of the latter excerpted from specialised dictionaries in order to disqualify some of them as terms since they do not meet the requirements of a coherent scientific terminology and to present such definitions as samples of ideological discourse that display instances of polarized thought (based on the categories US and THEM) and relying on group representations in relations to other groups (centering round issues such as Who are we? What is good or bad? and How we relate to other groups? Although the discourse of socialist economics along with socialist propaganda has been analysed from a rhetorical point of view (to quote only Franoise Thom, 2005, Limba de lemn, Humanitas, Bucureti), an analysis from the terminological point of view has not been performed yet. The present study may contribute to establishing more accurately the relationship between the current terminology of economics and the pretense of the socialist version. Key words: scientific terminology, ideological discourse, group representations

Preliminarii: terminologie i economie n variatele sale forme, cunoaterea mai ales cunoaterea tiinific se bazeaz pe limbaj pentru a se constitui, pentru a se exprima i pentru a se difuza n vederea extinderii. Calitatea cunoaterii tiinifice nsi depinde de calitatea limbajului folosit de flexibilitatea, acurateea, bogia acestuia; n al su Mmoir sur les Dnominations chymiques din 1782, Guyton de Morveau, autor al primei nomenclaturi chimice i colaborator la lEncyclopdie Mthodique, i explica astfel interesul pentru crearea unui set coerent de denumiri ale substanelor chimice: Ltat de perfection de la langue annonce ltat de perfection de la science mme. Caracterul din ce n ce mai specializat al cunoaterii tiinifice (i al dezvoltrii tehnice) actuale a determinat n mod necesar expansiunea (fr precedent) a limbajelor speciale, mai exact a componentei celei mai puternic individualizate, terminologiile. Msura acestei expansiuni poate fi doar intuit din valori aproximative: n domeniul chimiei de sintez, de exemplu, se consider ca zilnic apare un nou temen (Manea & Manea, 2006:105), iar numrul termenilor tiinifici i tehnici este estimat la 2,5 milioane (Manea & Manea, 2006:105, nota 12). Cunoaterea i utilizarea corect n discursul tiinific a acestor segmente ale codului lingvistic a devenit o competen vital pentru oricare specialist, indiferent de domeniul n care funcioneaz. Aflat la intersecia tiinelor exacte cu cele sociale, economia i-a vzut pus sub semnul ntrebrii, uneori chiar contestat att statutul su epistemologic ca tiin, ct i poziia sa n cadrul tiinelor. Dificultatea de a-i definit obiectul (cu propuneri mergnd de la economie neleas ca activitate economic, oricum ar fi ea vzut sau definit pna la comportamentul economic aa cum este el modelat prin homo oeconomicus, individ abstract, adesea remodelat dup nevoile momentului sau ale cauzei (Brilean, 2004:9), trecnd prin forma mai abstract a ideii de administrare a unor resurse limitate) a fost dublat de faptul c, n ciuda unei constante aspiraii ctre precizie, chiar formalizare, legile economice nu au aceeai capacitate de predictibilitate precum cele din tiinele naturii sau din tiinele exacte, cu att mai mult cu ct, n plus, experimentul ca metod de cercetare i este interzis din motive etice. n aceste condiii, economia penduleaz indefinit ntre tiinele exacte fizica, de exemplu la al cror statut aspir (economistul neoclasic Leo Walras o compara cu mecanica newtonian, prin aplicare principiului monismului metodologic conform cruia economia este o tiin exact, asemeni fizicii (Baciu, 157:2005) i ale cror instrumente le folosete n econometrie, matematic economic sau statistic, mai recent n informatica/cibernetica economic i tiinele sociale ntre care se regsete,

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fie prin relaia sa genetic cu filosofia, fie prin studiul raporturilor generale ce se nasc ntre membrii societii n cadrul activittii economice ce o pune n relaie cu sociologia. Aceste clarificri de natur epistemoplogic au rolul, pe de o parte, de a sublinia caracterul dual al tiinei economice i, pe de alt parte, de a configura particularitile sistemului su conceptual. Acest caracter dual se evideniaz cel mai bine n existena unei sintaxe mixte, n coexisten codului lingvistic i a codurilor non-lingvistice n discursul economic. n general, n discursul economic, proporia de mijloace iconice folosite este superioar celei din textul aparinnd altor tiine sociale, putnd ajunge pn la 30% (Predescu, 2003: 20-24), ceea ce l apropie de subvariantele tiinelor exacte mai degrab dect de cele ale tiinelor sociale, caracterizate cu anumite excepii de discursul ce face uz preponderent de codul lingvistic. Trebuie totui menionat c, ntre colile de gndire economic, se pot identifica variante datorate unei opoziii declarat programatice ca cea ntre coala austriac i alte coli, mai apropiate pozitivismului. n scrierile reprezentanilor acestui curent (Ludwig von Mises, von Bjm-Bawwerk) sunt respinse instrumentele econometriei (matematic economic i statistic), care pot lipsi aproape n totalitate; demonstraiei matematice argument al obiectivitii fiindu-i preferate diferite strategii retorice27. Unii termeni economici pot fi definii prin expresii matematice adugate variantei n limbaj natural; totui, majoritatea definiiilor n economie recurg n principal la limbajul natural i doar puine n paralel i la elementul simbolic sau iconic28. Raportul ntre cele dou elemente este relevant n msura n care, aa cum se va vedea din analiza termenilor, o formalizare/matematizare mai accentuat n paralel cu restrngerea expresiei ntr-o limb natural pare s reduc posibilitatea de ideologizare a discursului, n vreme ce preponderena codului lingvistic pare sa o favorizeze. Totui, sistemul conceptual al tiinei economice o apropie de tiinele sociale prin coexistena i varietatea / divergena teoriilor i modelelor economice, ceea ce implic dac nu chiar impune posibilitatea descrierii unui concept printr-un set de trsturi diferite. Aceste diferene sunt recunoscute nu doar de lingviti sau retoricieni, dar chiar de economitii nii: economistul englez Alfred Marshall a fost primul care a subliniat c o aceeai economie din lumea real este descris de grupuri diferite n mod diferit i folosind un vocabular diferit. Ca i n alte tiine din sfera tiinelor sociale, un concept economic prezent n mai multe teorii / doctrine poate fi definit n mod diferit (variabilitate la nivel conceptual i definiional) n condiiile n care se folosete totui acelai termen pentru desemnarea sa. Astfel, un concept fundamental ca valoarea poate ataa coninuturi diferite aceluiai termen n funcie de teorie / doctrin, fiind pus n relaie cu seturi distincte de trsturi. La Adam Smith i la David Ricardo, valoarea este pus n relaie cu munca investit i este vzut ca un rezultat al costului de producie. i la Marx ea este pus n relaie cu munca, dar nu n sens individual (nu munca n sine creeaz valoare), ci ea este determinat de variabile societale (timpul de munc socialmente necesar). n teoria sa, Marx propune dou concepte noi valoare de schimb i valoare de ntrebuinare. n marginalism, valoarea este determinat de utilitatea marginal termen creat de economistul austriac Friedrich von Wieser aceasta fiind o funcie subiectiv de necesitatea ultim marginal a individului: pentru a avea valoare, un obiect trebuie s fie util i rar. Exemple sunt, cred, relevante, dar i altele pot fi extrase i din teoriile obiectivist, teoria valorii intrinseci etc. Acestei variaii la nivel conceptual care nu este dublat de nici un alt semnal la nivelul desemnrii (ci doar de context lingvistic sau extralingvistic) i poate corespunde o dedublare a terminologiei n afara unei variabiliti la nivel conceptual: astfel, un concept descris prin trsturi identice (sau aproape) va fi desemnat prin termeni diferii, diferenierea fcndu-se (cel mai adesea explicit, prin sigle, uneori doar prin intermediul contextului extralingvistic) prin asocierea cu un anumit sistem economic sau coal de gndire. Aadar, crearea de noi termeni, fenomen ce nsoete n mod justificat apariia unor concepte noi, poate fi determinat i de criterii altele dect necesitatea desemnrii. Cu amuzament (amar) au fost remarcate n englez variaii terminologice
27

Aceast nencredere n faa utilizrii excesive a matematicii n analiza economic a fost, de altfel, justificat dup aproape un secol de economistul D. McCloskey, care citeaz cazuri n care statisticieni i econometriti au folosit aceleai date att pentru a demonstra, ct i pentru a combate aplicabilitatea unui model economic. 28 Analiznd definiiile termenilor economici dintr-unul din dicionarele economice canonice actuale (Ni Dobrot (coord.), Dicionar de economie, Editura Economic, Bucureti, 1999), la litera A, 13 din cei 166 de termeni conin simboluri, formule matematice, grafice etc., ceea ce reprezint mai puin de 10%.

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(motivabile n parte i prin fenomenul political correctness) n virtutea crora, n teoria firmei, de exemplu, dup o perioad de promovare a principiului firma mic e eficient a fost produs compusul downsizing (micorare); ulterior acelai fenomen de restructurare a firmei a fost desemnat de re-engineering, pentru ca mai apoi schimbarea modei de la anorexic la normal s determine nlocuirea lui down-size (al crui sens a evoluat pn la nsemna a concedia) cu right-size (aducerea la mrimea potrivit), pe considerentul c elementul down (n termenul englez) are un potenial depresiv. Pe acelai principiu, termenul stagnating (stagnare) (cu sensul de a bloca promovarea unui angajat) din domeniul resurselor umane a fost nlocuit cu plateauing (a rmne n platou) (Resche, 2000:623). Un fenomen comparabil n limba romn poate fi abandonarea n anii 90 a titulaturii director, termenul fiind nlocuit de un altul de origine englez care a cucerit din ce n ce mai mult teren, fiind pe cale de a se impune: manager, mai recent i executiv. Aa cum se poate vedea din aceste exemple, proliferarea terminologic n funcie de criterii altele dect necesitatea desemnrii n cazul apariiei unor concepte noi are, de obicei, motive ideologice. n cazul tiinei economice ca tiin fundamental, mai mult dect n cazul altor tiine, asocierea cu ideologia pare s aib un caracter inerent, n primul rnd datorit relaiei sale cu politica, relaie pus n eviden chiar de denumirea sa alternativ economie politic. Conceput de unii metodologi i epistemologi n sensul su restrns de tiin a secolului al XIX-lea, este de asemeni interpretat ca disciplin prioritar politico-ideologic (Albu, 1974, s.v. economie politic), adugndu-i-se aadar o dimensiune normativ, bazat pe cultivarea unui set de valori de elecie, a unor principii sau interdicii necesare pentru a asigura respectarea valorilor sau principiilor respective. (Brilean, 2004:19) Chiar dac unii economiti opereaz o distincie ntre abordarea empiric, cea abstract i cea normativ n cadrul economiei (politice), totui elementul ideologic nu poate fi considerat ca fiind total absent n nici una din aceste abordri: mai mult chiar, unii economiti au dus aceast idee pn la extrem, considernd c economia este ideologie (Heilbronner, 1990:101), ceea ce ar pune n ntregime sub semnul ndoielii caracterul faptic pe care se bazeaz studiul economic, dar explicnd i faptul c i economia, ca toate sistemele de gndire care i propun s examineze sau/i s descrie societatea, are, n mod inevitabil, i un caracter politic, fie n mod contient i explicit, fie n mod incontient i disimulat (Heilbroner, 1990:109); economistul american avertizeaz totui c este mai mult n interesul economitilor s accepte i s recunoasc coninutul ideologic inextricabil al economiei dect s-l nege (Heilbroner, 1990:113), pentru a putea identifica i/sau contracara elementul ideologic rezidual. Totui, chiar privit din aceast perspectiv extrem, ca sistem de convingeri mai degrab dect ca tiin, i economia, ca i orice alt prezentare a unor convingeri, credine i ideologii trebuie s recurg ntr-o anumit msur la logic pentru a-i constitui un grad de coeren (Freeden, 1998:36). Aceast msur variabil de coeren intern poate fi pus n eviden n structura conceptual a acelei sfere a activitii umane (fie ea cunoatere tiinific, activitate tehnic sau politic) i este prezent n terminologii (tiinifice, tehnice, politice) care reflect n bun msur caracterul coerent, sistematic sau dimpotriv al sistemului ale crui concepte le desemneaz. De acea am abordat evaluarea economiei socialiste prin perspectiva terminologiei sale, recurgnd pentru aceasta la documentele cele mai reprezentative, dicionarele explicative de termeni. Acestea ofer un set de termeni care se presupune c este validat de ntreaga comunitate epistemologic, avnd caracter stabil, oficial, relaia ntre termen i concept fiind clarificat i fixat prin intermediul definiiei. n domenii precum tiinele sociale, economice i juridice, definiia / definiiile unui concept dat variaz foarte mult, depinznd de contextul istoric, cultural sau legal, de instituia sau ara n care conceptul respectiv este recunoscut (Rey 1996: 99, n Pavel, s.a.). De aici varietatea textului definiional conceput pentru delimitarea aceluiai concept, a trsturilor selectate pentru a-l defini etc.; aa cum s-a vzut dintr-un exemplu anterior, un concept fundamental ca valoarea poate ataa coninuturi diferite aceluiai termen n funcie de teorie / doctrin (marxism, marginalism), fiind pus n relaie cu seturi distincte de trsturi. Acelai fenomen apare n filosofie, unde pentru numeroi termeni, definiia este dependent de teoria filozofic, de o anumit doctrin (de exemplu realitate) (Bidu-Vrnceanu, 2001, cap. Definiiile). Se poate afirma deci c aceste tipuri de termeni i definiiile lor sunt dependeni de context, unde prin context se nelege inclusiv autorul, epoca, curentul, doctrina etc. Mai mult dect att, n limbajul economic chiar prin contextul definiional termenul poate fi folosit pentru a introduce, adesea n mod insidios, un element de ideologie: [metafora ascuns n termen] ... (metaphors)...evoke attitudes that are better kept in the

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open and under the control of reasoning...the invisible hand is so very discreet, so soothing, that we might be inclined to accept its touch without protest, the contradictions of capitalism are so ....scientifically precise that we might be inclined to accept their existence without inquiry)29 (McCloskey, 1986:82). Definiia terminologic trebuie s aib un caracter riguros, non-ambiguu, convenional, prescriptiv sau stipulatoriu (Bidu-Vrnceanu, 2001, cap. Definiiile). Actul definiional las, ns, prin complexitatea sa, loc erorii, variabilitii, ambiguitii. Exist mai multe cauze ale neconformrii la aceste recomandri. Prima dintre ele este chiar faptul c raportul ntre obiect i concept este mediat de limb prin intermediul definiiei: aceasta folosete (n principal) o limb natural pentru a transmite informaia. Dei este, prin natura obiectului definit conceptul o operaiune logic, ea este n acelai timp i o operaiune de limbaj (Rey, 1979:39) i, ca urmare, poart cu sine ambiguitile, polisemia, conotaiile caracteristice limbajului natural (Rey, 1979:43). Limba, ca sistem cultural, nu reflect lumea n mod exact i obiectiv, ci o interpreteaz (Cabr, 1999:42); avnd n vedere c elementele unite prin definiie termenul, obiectul i conceptul aparin unor planuri diferite, nu se va putea realiza o identitate perfect a celor trei. Uneori nivelul lingvistic i cel logic se ntlnesc, existnd o asemnare ntre repartiia trsturilor conceptului i a semelor cuvntului (Setti, 2000:68 69), ceea e faciliteaz operaia de definire30. n cazul definiiei terminologice, conceptul generic proxim pune probleme nu numai la nivelul identificrii sale n plan logic, ci i la nivelul expresiei (Setti, 2000: 25), fapt detectabil i n ezitrile de formulare din exemplele de definiii economice date. Se poate afirma, deci, c adesea diferitele trsturi ale unui concept sunt reproduse n mod imperfect de semnul lingvistic; la rndul su, semnul lingvistic poate depi trsturile conceptului (Depecker, 2002:55). De altfel, unii economiti sunt i ei contieni de impactul elementului lingvistic: conform afirmaiei lui Henderson (1993:1), it may be impossible to separate the content of knowledge-claims from the language in which they are expressed31. Chiar n lucrri de economie, se aduce n discuie o anume incoeren conceptual i lipsa de unitate terminologic; tiina economic este acuzat c sistemul ei noional i categorial nu este universalizat; c economia, chiar din aceeai ar, ofer acoperire diferit acelorai noiuni (Pohoa, 1996: 160), iar unii economiti au simit nevoia s afirme necesitatea unui proces de unificare a terminologiei tiinelor economice (Postolache, 1988:84). Actul definiional este iniiat prin indicarea domeniului, operaiune prim n sensul importanei, dar i cronologic, ce permite plasarea conceptului ntr-o structur ce i precede i la care se raporteaz. Trebuie ns subliniat i variabilitatea structurii i coninutului definiiei n funcie de acest factor. Dincolo de dezvoltarea tiinei i deci de dinamica conceptelor, structurile cunoaterii nu sunt absolute, reflectnd i propunnd o anumit interpretare a realitii (Bess, 1997:67). Conceptul nu este reflectarea perfect a obiectului (Setti, 2000:27): dei teoria terminologic l propune ca element de baz al unui sistem ideal desemnat de termeni ideali i definit cu o formulare ideal, majoritatea conceptelor nu au limite de demarcaie att de rigide, ci mai degrab aproximative, difuze (Cabr, 1999:43); limitele precise, fixe, stabile rezult din procesul de standardizare prin care acestea sunt stabilite n mod artificial. Structurile sau ansamblurile conceptuale sunt labile (Rey, 1979:46), iar definiiile variaz n funcie de acestea. Astfel, n matematic, majoritatea termenilor din limbajul natural sunt dublai prin exprimri cu ajutorul semnelor i simbolurilor (Toma, 2006:140), ceea ce i face independeni de nivelul lingvistic; din acelai motiv, definiiile matematice sunt comparabile la nivel interlingvistic. Terminologia filozofic, de exemplu, se exprim mai ales prin limbile naturale nefiind, cu excepia ctorva domenii, formalizat (sau formalizabil), ceea ce permite marcarea ideologic a definiiilor (Bidu-Vrnceanu, 2001, cap. Definiiile).
Evoc atitudini care ar trebui mai degrab prezentate n mod deschis i inute sub control raional...mna invizibil a pieii este [n definiie] att de discret, att de mngietoare nct putem fi nclinai s o acceptm fr a protesta, s acceptm c toate contradiciile capitalismului sunt att de exacte din punct de vedere tiinific nct le putem accepta fr a le pune n vreun fel sub semnul ntrebrii 30 Exist ns situaii n care aceast suprapunere este aproape imposibil, cum ar fi unele definiii stipulative n limbajul juridic (Bess, 1997:70), n care complexitatea formulei rezultate o face aproape incomprehensibil, iar o formulare mai simpl ar face-o inutilizabil. 31 este imposibil s se separe coninutul asumpiilor tiinifice de limbajul n care acestea sunt formulate
29

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Inadvertenele i dificultile inerente definirii unor concepte cu un grad mare de complexitate i abstractizare atrag dup sine pericolul ca definiia s nu poat atinge scopul su fundamental, acela de transmitere a informaiei; dar poate c acest pericol apare mai puin important dac este pus n comparaie cu pericolul ideologizrii definiiei i, prin extensie, a termenului, cci acesta nu afecteaz doar succesul comunicrii (ceea ce se poate remedia prin consultarea unei alte surse, a unei alte autoriti), ci autoritatea nsi ce se bazeaz pe caracterul obiectiv al cunoaterii. Referindu-se la terminologia filozofic, dar fcnd trimitere i la terminologia economic, Bidu-Vrnceanu (2001, cap. Definiiile), afirm: Marcarea ideologic a definiiilor termenilor filozofici (care se mai regsete numai la termeni economici) este un factor suplimentar de ambiguitate n interpretarea sensului de ctre nespecialiti, mai ales atunci cnd acetia nu tiu c exist i definiii alternative. Ideologicul deturneaz tiina de la scopul su epistemic: privit n sensul larg de sistem de credine care orienteaz aciunile, ideologia poate determina crearea de termeni noi sau utilizarea unora existeni pentru a sugera o idee care determin o aciune idee care nu este (i nu poate fi) argumentat tiinific. n englez, n limbajul specializat al tranzaciilor bursiere, aflat la intersecia limbajului tiinific cu cel tehnic, ne-am atepta ca termenul volatile (schimbtor, n englez characterized by or subject to rapid or unexpected change; ex. a volatile market) s desemneze caracterul variabil / fluctuant al preurilor aciunilor. Totui, n mod surprinztor i contrar ateptrilor, doar preurile n scdere ale aciunilor sunt descrise n rapoartele de burs cu termenul volatile; de ndat ce ncep s creasc, nu mai sunt descrise ca volatile, ci ca stabilised (stabilizate), inducnd ideea c stagnarea sau revenirea la un nivel anterior ar nsemna instabilitate, dar i c o cretere, chiar nejustificat, este stabil, deci normal i sustenabil (Resche, 2000:168). Pentru a completa aceast imagine, s mai adugm c o reducere cu 10% a tranzaciilor pe piaa bursier este numit n mod surprinztor correction (corecie), cu un cuvnt care poate produce confuzie i care d cu siguran natere la interpretri. Este adevrat c esena operaiunii terminologice de definire este atribuirea unui concept unui termen, dar tocmai datorit interveniei organizate a specialistului n urma reflexiei epistemice asupra domeniului termenii rezultai n urma acestui proces voluntar, contient i organizat au (sau ar trebui s aib) un caracter mai puin arbitrar, mai transparent dect cuvintele limbii comune. Marcarea ideologic a discursului economiei socialiste poate fi identificat n dou forme: - la nivelul ntregului document lexicografic / terminografic prin selecia termenilor / cuvintelor-titlu, selecie care d seam, ntre altele, de structura conceptual specific domeniului, avnd n vedere c sistematicitatea terminologiei unui domeniu va reproduce (cu mai mult sau mai puin acuratee) caracterul sistematic la nivel conceptual al domeniului respectiv, ierarhia i relaiile dintre concepte; - la nivelul microdiscursului definiional, fie sub aspect cognitiv prin selecia trsturilor cu ajutorul crora este definit conceptul (i prin selecia termenului generic imediat supraordonat), dar i sub aspect lingvistic prin selecia vocabularului utilizat pentru exprimarea acestor trsturi. a. Ipostaze ale marcrii ideologice la nivelul ntregului document terminologic Operaiunea de selecie a termenilor-titlu pare s fie o problem n cazul multor dicionare specializate din domeniul economiei i nu doar pentru terminologia economiei socialiste. ntr-un dicionar explicativ monolingv de termeni din 1959, (al crui titlu, Mic dicionar de economie, nu indic nici o aparten doctrinar), unul din aspectele ce surprinde n selecia termenilor (i care elimin, cred, ipoteza existenei unui criteriu tiintific n operarea acestei selecii) este prezena unor termeni aflai la nivelul cel mai nalt de generalitate, adesea cuvinte aparinnd limbii comune, n absena specificrii domeniului (ex. condiii: condiiile stabilite cu privire la nsuirea produselor (calitatea, dimensiunile, procentul de umiditate, abaterile admise de la norm) care se stabilesc ori direct de prile contractante, ori pe baz de normative (de pild prin standardele de stat) sau conjunctur, definit ca starea de fapt a procesului capitalist de producie i circulaie n fiecare moment dat al ciclului economic. Un dicionar mai recent (Albu, 1974) i, evident, mai aproape de tiinificitatea ateptat a unui astfel de document lexicografic, propune un set de termeni mai numeros, (datorit, firete, i dimensiunilor sale mai extinse) i o selecie mai elaborat a termenilor-titlu. Merit n primul rnd remarcat prezena constant a termenilor-cheie ai economiei de pia/capitaliste, cel mai adesea marcai corespunztor n text prin referire la acest sistem i opui sistemului curent la acea dat:

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capital i termeni prezeni n cmpul su terminologic (capitalism, capitalism de stat, circuitul capitalului, compoziia organic a capitalului), la fel pentru aciune (acionar, curs al aciunilor, dividend), ciclu de afaceri si termenii asociai (expansiune, boom, depresiune), burs etc., atunci cnd nu exist articole distincte pentru acelai termen, indicat corepunztor: cretere economic (teorii burgheze) i cretere economic n socialism, ntr-o polarizare care trimite la viziunea maniheist de tipul noi i ceilali. Aceeai polarizare apare, de altfel, ntr-o form mai brut (i mai brutal) i n dicionarul din 1959, n perechi ce indic un singur pol valabil URSS, cellat fiind desfiinat prin ignorare de tipul ceeea ce nu numesc nu exist: exist piaa i piaa mondial socialist, dar nu *piaa mondial capitalist, exist piaa interna, dar nu cea *extern, exist doar dou concepte, cel supraordonat, pre cu amnuntul i cel subordonat, pre cu amnuntul n URSS, pre cu cu ridicata i pre cu cu ridicata n URSS, izolai ns n cadrul sistemului n absena unor ali termeni cohiponimi: nimic altceva nu exist cu adevrat n afara URSS! Asemenea limitri arbitrare construiesc imaginea unei sistematiciti ndoielnice, lacunare care ndeprteaz de tiinificitate economia socialist aa cum este ea reflectat de terminologie. Un alt set care surprinde (cel puin prin comparaia cu indexul unor dicionare specializate curente din Romnia sau din alte arii lingvistice) este cel care include termeni care apartin mai degrab sociologiei i/sau istoriei. Includerea acestora ar putea fi, pn la un punct, justificat de faptul c economia, n varianta sa marxist, studiaz fenomenul economic din perspectiva relaiilor de producie, relaii descrise i cu ajutorul acestor termeni. Totui, relevana lor poate fi adesea pus sub semnul ndoielii, iar setul final este o curioas asociere de arhaisme, unele de-a dreptul obscure, cuvinte din vocabularul comun i termeni tiinifici: argat, arvun, bazar, breasl, chiaburime (plasat la trei termeni distan de cibernetic economic!), clac, ghild etc. b. Ipostaze ale marcrii ideologice la nivel microdiscursiv Din punct de vedere terminologic, datorit preeminenei conceptului asupra termenului, validarea calitii de termen a unui semn depinde de criterii interne (sau lingvistice, legate de integrarea sa n sintagmatica i pradigmatica limbii, de recuren i frecven) i de criterii externe (sau extralingvistice i anume de pertinena desemnatului, altfel spus de existena unui concept relativ stabil care s fie veritabil: Depecker vorbete de lexistence dun vritable concept, 2002:66 i de la pertinence du concept, 2002:67). ntr-o afirmaie ca Termenul este atribuit n mod deliberat unui concept dup ce se constat dac termenul corespunde conceptului respectiv. (Ciobanu, 1998: 24) se pornete de la premisa c acel concept exist. Poate s apar ns i situaia paradoxal n care un dicionar de specialitate gloseaz termeni i produce definiii pentru entiti care, dei sunt asociate unei teorii, nu rspund exigenelor: nu sunt ncadrabile unui cmp conceptual i nu stabilesc relaii bine definite cu celelalte concepte aceasta este situaia unor termeni din sfera economiei socialiste. Astfel, sintagma (pe care ezitm s o calificm drept termen) deosebiri eseniale dintre ora i sat n socialim este definit ca diferene dintre ora i sat, motenite de la vechea ornduire, care se menin i n socialism, dar care nu duc la antagonism, ci se anuleaz odat cu trecerea la comunism. ...Cu toate acestea mai exist o serie de deosebiri pentru a cror lichidare este nevoie de timp.... Conceptul astfel definit nu poate fi asociat altor concepte de acelai rang de tipul *deosebiri eseniale dintre ora i sat n capitalism (existena unui astfel de co-hiponim ar justifica i determinantul n socialism, dar dicionarul nu-l include printre cuvintele-articol), dar nici unui concept supraordonat deosebiri dintre ora i sat sau chiar deosebiri dintre ora i sat n socialism, care la rndul su s se organizeze n *diferene eseniale ... i *diferene neeseniale .... Actul de delimitare a unui astfel de presupus concept este marcat de utilizarea sinonimiei n definiie (deosebiri eseniale dintre ora i sat n socialim...[sunt] ... diferene dintre ora i sat), de absena ncadrrii ntr-o clas generic subscris sistemului economic (categoria economic diferene?), nu poate fi privit deci nici ca definiie intensional, dar nici extensional, lipsind o list complet a acestor entiti numite diferene. Cu aceste argumente, se poate pune deci la ndoial existen unui ipotetic concept (n sensul terminologic), n ciuda prezenei sale n aceast calitate ntr-o lucrare lexicografic de specialitate. La nivelul discursului, economia socialist a nsemnat instaurarea tendinei ideologizante ce presupunea prezentarea critic n fapt (parial) deformat a gndirii economice numite (cu un determinant avnd o conotaie puternic negativ) burghez. Clieele aparinnd limbii de lemn ideologizante precum racile ale capitalismului, caracterul reacionar (al capitalismului, al burgheziei, al unor teorii), inevitabila prbuire a capitalismului, substratul de clas etc. introduc

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un set de sintagme ale cror cuvinte-cheie aparin adesea fondului vechi, arhaizant (capitalismul prezint racile, el este condamnat de istorie la o inevitabil pieire, consumul neproductiv este proslvit, Keynes economist burghez ncearc s ia aprarea rnduielilor capitaliste etc.), n contrast cu fondul terminologic al economiei, puternic marcat de neologizare. Clieele menionate apar n asociere cu comentarii directe asupra teoriei sau fenomenului economic prezentat, cci apartenena la discursul ideologic i implicit, devierea de la cel tiinific este indicat i de o marcat axiologizare, de faptul c fiecare afirmaie implic o judecat de valoare (Thom, 2005:76), sustrgndu-se astfel opoziiei adevrat-fals n jurul creia se organizeaz, prin definiie, cunoaterea tiinific. n discursul actual, aceste formulri dispar32, fiind nlocuite de enunuri cu unngrad mai mare de obiectivitate fr ns ca particularitile doctrinare s dispar complet, ele reprezentnd un vector ce orienteaz n mod necesar discursul acelei tiine care i pune n aplicare rezultatele elaborrilor teoretice prin intemediul politicului. n intenia de a imita stilul tiinific cu scopul de a se mprti din autoritatea tiinei, discursul ideologizat al economiei socialiste preia unele din trsturile definitorii ale acestuia: nominalizarea accentuat, care este ns pervertit prin metaleps, pentru a nu da dect un exemplu (Thom, 2005:102). Din punct de vedere stilistic, existena unei sintaxe mixte caracteristice stilului tiinific n general i coexistena semnelor aparinnd codului lingvistic cu cele aparinnd altor coduri considerat cea mai relevant trstur a stilului tiinific (Irimia, 1986:128) este parial infirmat n cazul discursului economic din perioada socialist. n textele din perioada socialist luate spre analiz, ponderea codului lingvistic este remarcabil: ntr-o lucrare de economie politic de 624 pagini, numai 31 de pagini conineau simboluri matematice, formule de calculare a anumitor indicatori economici (proporia ar fi de aproximativ 5%), cu o tendin de a nlocui chiar formula matematic cu varianta sa exprimat cu ajutorul semnelor codului lingvistic (ex. Aceasta nseamn c indicele evoluiei retribuirii reale se afl n raport direct proporional cu indicele retribuiei nominale i invers proporional cu cel al preului i al tarifelor, N. N. Constantinescu, 1988:659). O asemenea (dis)proporie ntre semnele aparinnd codului lingvistic i cele iconice i poate gsi o explicaie n comentariile fcute de economistul austriac Ludwig von Mises asupra sistemului planificat: o comunitate socialist nu poate aplica calculul economic. Acolo unde nu exist preuri de pia pentru factorii de producie (...) este imposibil a se recurge la calcule pentru a face planuri de aciune viitoare i pentru a determina rezultatele aciunilor trecute. (n Pohoa, 2000:86). De aici, probabil, i reticena n folosirea extins a aparatului econometric n dicursul economic de orientare socialist. Perioada de dup 1989 nltur aceste reineri i necesitatea cunoaterii i evalurii obiective a fenomenelor economice readuce raportul lingvistic iconic la o proporie comparabil celei din textele autorilor occidentali contemporani, cu observaia c se poate vorbi totui de o variabilitate n funcie de diferitele subdomenii (sisteme economice, factori de producie, teoria cererii i a ofertei etc). Aceast revenire la discursul tiinific, recognoscibil n trsturile sale de baz, va rennoda legtura cu terminologia economic propriu-zis, aprut n perioada de pn n 1918, extins i consolidat n perioada interbelic.
Bibliografie: Albu, Ioan (coord.), Dicionar de economie politic, Editura Politic, Bucureti, 1974. Baciu, Livia, Discurs i comportament economic, Editura Economic, Bucureti, 2005. Bess, Bruno, Terminological definitions, n A Handbook of Terminology Management, compiled by Sue Ellen Wright, Gerhard Budin, John Benjamins, Amsterdam/Philadelphia, 1997, vol.1, p. 63-74. Bidu-Vranceanu, Angela, (coord.), Lexic tiinific interdisciplinar, Editura Universitii din Bucureti, 2001, la http://www.elibrarie.ro/carti/lexic.pdf Brilean, Tiberiu, Economie general, Institutul European, Iai, 2004. Cabr, Maria Teresa, Terminology. Theory, Methods and Applications, John Benjamins Publishing Company, Amsterdam/Philadelphia, 1999. Ciobanu, Georgeta, Elemente de terminologie, Editura Mirton, Timioara, 1998. Constantinescu, N. N. (coord.), Economie politic (ediia. a VI-a), Bucureti, 1988.

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Variaii apar chiar i ntre diferitele etape din perioada modelului socialist, textele din deceniul apte nregistrnd o reducere a frecvenei formulelor de acest tip i o tentativ de obiectivizare a discursului (comparnd, de exemplu, prezentarea doctrinei keynesiste n cursuri universitare de istoria doctrinelor din anii 1964 i 1978).

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Depecker, Los, Entre Signe Et Concept: elements De Terminologie Generale, Presses Sorbonne Nouvelle, Paris, 2002. Freeden, Michael, Ideologies and Political Theory, Oxford University Press, 1998. Heilbronner, Robert, Economics as Ideology, n W. J. Samuels (ed.), Economics as Discourse: An Analysis of the Language of Economics, Kluwer Academic Publishers, Boston, 1990, pp. 101 -115. Irimia, Dumitru, Structura stilistic a limbii romne contemporane, Editura tiinific i Enciclopedic, Bucuretim 1986. Kozlov, G. A., S.P. Pervuin, Mic dicionar de economie, Editura Politic, Bucureti, 1959. Manea, Constantin, Maria-Camelia Manea, Aspecte ale reromanizrii lexicului limbii romne contemporane prin afluxul neologic i de termeni tehnico-tiinifici, n Mariana Flaier (coord.), Direcii n cercetarea filologic romneasc, Casa Editorial Demiurg, Iai, 2006, p. 100-109. McCloskey, Donald, The Rhetoric of Economics, WHEATSHEAF BOOKS LTD, 1986. Mey, J.L., Economese, n The Encyclopedia of Language and Linguists, Pergamon Press, vol. 3, 1994, p. 1086-1087. Pavel, Eugeniu, Costin Rucreanu, Introducere n terminologie. Noiuni fundamentale, Editura Academiei Romne, Editura Agir, Bucureti, 2001. Pohoa, Ion, Paradigme de gndire. Introducere n epistemologia economic, Editura Universitii Al. I Cuza, Iai, 1994. Postolache, Tudorel, Capitalismul contemporan i categoriile economice, Editura Politic, Bucureti, 1988. Predescu, Elena, Vulgarizarea discursului tiinific economic: puncte de vedere, Ovidius University Press, Constana, 2003. Resche, Catherine, "Equivocal Economic Terms or Terminology Revisited" n Meta, vol. 44, nr. 4, 1999, p. 617-632. Rey, Alain, Terminologie noms et notions, Presses Universitaires de France, Paris, 1979. Setti, Skora, La rlation concept-objet autour des dfinitions des termes, TermNet, Wien 2000. Thom, Franoise, Limba de lemn, Humanitas, Bucureti, 2005. Toma, Alice, Lingvistic i matematic. De la terminologie lexical la terminologie discursiv, Editura Unversitii, Bucureti, 2006.

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Dicionarul limbii romne n format electronic (eDTLR) n perspectiva globalizrii

cercet. t. I dr. Gabriela HAJA, cercet. t. III dr. Elena DNIL Institutul de Filologie Romn A. Philippide Academia Romn Filiala Iai Rsum: Ce travail prsente le projet national eDTLR. Le Dictionnaire (Trsor) de la Langue Roumaine en format lectronique (2007-2010), les rsultats obtenus jusquau prsent, les problmes dordre linguistique et informatique, les solutions trouves. Celui-ci reprsente lun des plus importants projets de type collaboratif des dernires annes, qui entremle l'exprience des linguistes lexicographes et les recherches linguistiques applique, assistes par lordinateur. Les principaux objectifs du projet sont: l'acquisition en format lectronique du plus grand travail lexicographique roumain de type acadmique, Le Dictionnaire de la langue roumaine (comprenant les deux sries) et la ralisation des liaisons entre le dictionnaire et les sources bibliographiques du celui-ci, organises en tant que base de donnes. La base de donnes comprendra, d'une part, la version informatise du dictionnaire actuel, toutes les sources bibliographiques, en format lectronique, et, d'autre part, des programmes spcifiques, raliss dans le projet, des moteurs de recherche, etc. Les rsultats du projet ouvriront une nouvelle tape dans la recherche lexicographique roumaine, ce qui permet l'alignement de la recherche roumaine aux standards internationaux de ce domaine. La version informatise du dictionnaire facilitera l'accs des spcialistes en romanistique un instrument de travail indispensable, longtemps attendu, extrmement utile pour le dveloppement et la prservation de la langue roumaine du point de vue des (ds)avantages que la globalisation suppose. Mots clefs: travail lexicographique, format lectronique, globalisation linguistique

Comunicarea, factor esenial n era cibernetic Unul dintre elementele specifice procesului de globalizare pe care l parcurge societatea contemporan este reprezentat de posibilitatea comunicrii informaiilor, fr bariere spaiale i temporale. n aceste circumstane, singura limitare, depit doar parial, rmne aceea lingvistic. Un obiectiv actual al politicilor europene este conservarea i valorificarea identitii lingvistice naionale, n condiiile n care exist o tendin general de utilizare a unor limbi privilegiate de existena unor mijloace (informatice) de promovare. Drept urmare, ca un demers firesc, i n Romnia s-au luat msuri pentru crearea de instrumente i resurse electronice necesare susinerii limbii i culturii romne, la nivel transnaional, n contextul larg al informatizrii cercetrii academice fundamentale. Dicionarele n format electronic i corpusurile de texte, structurate ca baze de date, sunt importante din mai multe puncte de vedere: pe de o parte, ele permit cunoaterea, conservarea i meninerea identitii unei culturi manifestate n plan lingvistic, pe de alt parte, faciliteaz includerea unei limbi naionale n cmpul de interes al cercetrii informatizate a limbajelor naturale, la nivel global. Specialitii romni din domeniul lingvisticii i din acela al informaticii aplicate, respectiv al lingvisticii computaionale, au iniiat proiecte de cercetare prin care s se valorifice resursele existente prin achiziionarea lor n format electronic i, de asemenea, s se construiasc noi resurse i instrumente de prelucrare automat a limbii. Dicionarul limbii romne (DA-DLR) Cea mai complex lucrare lexicografic realizat sub egida Academiei Romne este Dicionarul limbii romne, seria veche (DA), tiprit n perioada 1907 1944, i seria nou (DLR), aprut n intervalul 1965 2009. Seria veche a Dicionarului a fost coordonat de Sextil Pucariu, iar seria nou a fost elaborat n trei centre de cercetare academic din Bucureti, Cluj-Napoca i Iai, sub coordonarea iniial a unor reputai lingviti precum acad. Iorgu Iordan, acad. Alexandru Graur, acad. Ion Coteanu i, din anul 2000, a acad. Marius Sala i acad. Gheorghe Mihil. nc nainte de finalizarea seriei noi a Dicionarului, s-au desfurat, n cadrul Institutului de Filologie Romn A. Philippide din Iai, o serie de proiecte menite s gseasc soluii de

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achiziionare n format electronic a variantei tiprite a DLR , s cerceteze, cu mijloace 34 informatizate, materialul lexical cuprins n DA i DLR , grupat dup anumite criterii i s 35 realizeze formatul electronic al unor resurse bibliografice ale Dicionarului . Aceste demersuri au pregtit lansarea proiectului complex eDTLR Dicionarul tezaur al limbii romne n format electronic. Specificul lexicografic al Dicionarului limbii romne, raportat la alte lucrri lexicografice editate sub egida Academiei, este determinat de caracterul su de tezaur, ceea ce presupune nregistrarea i tratarea lexicografic a tuturor cuvintelor limbii romne consemnate n scris, n cel puin dou stiluri funcionale, pe baza izvoarelor scrise, citate sub fiecare definiie. Marile culturi europene dein, de mai muli ani, dicionare tezaur i corpusuri de texte n format electronic. Pentru o mai bun nelegere a dimensiunii Dicionarului tezaur romnesc, prezentm cteva date statistice ale acestuia, comparate cu Deutsches Wrterbuch (DWB, http://germazope.uni-trier.de/Projects/DWB), Trsor de la Langue Franaise (TLF, 36 http://atilf.atilf.fr/) : Dicionarul Tezaur al Limbii Romne dou serii: DA (1907-1944), DLR (1965-2009) 33 volume 175.000 cuvinte i variante peste 1.300.000 citate elaborarea variantei electronice: 2007 2010. Deutsches Wrterbuch der Grimm (DWB) 1838-1961 32 volume 350.000 cuvinte i variante elaborarea variantei electronice: 1997 2004. Trsor de la Langue Franaise (TLF), sec. XIX-XX 1971-1994 (prima ediie tiprit) 16 volume 100.000 cuvinte 270.000 definiii 430.000 exemple Pornind de la datele de mai sus, observm c Dicionarul limbii romne se integreaz, prin concepie i realizare, n rndul lucrrilor similare europene i c informatizarea sa se impune cu att mai mult, ca o etap fireasc a evoluiei lexicografiei romneti. Dicionarul limbii romne n format electronic (eDTLR) n 18 septembrie 2007 a nceput procesul de achiziionare n format electronic a Dicionarului limbii romne, ntr-un proiect complex, finanat de MECT, prin CNMP, n cadrul
33 Dicionarul limbii romne (DLR) n format electronic. Studii privind achiziionarea (cod 1815), grant CNCSIS, 2003 2005. 34 DLRI. Baz lexical informatizat. Derivate. (cod 1609), grant CNCSIS, 20072008. 35 Resurse lingvistice n format electronic: Monumenta linguae dacoromanorum. Biblia 1688. Regum I, Regum II Ediie critic i corpus adnotat (cod 1454), grant CNCSIS, 20062007. Noul Atlas lingvistic romn, pe regiuni. Moldova i Bucovina tehnoredactare asistat integral de calculator proiect finalizat prin parteneriatul dintre Departamentul de Dialectologie al Institutului de Filologie Romn A. Philippide i Institutul de Informatic Teoretic, Academia Romn, Filiala Iai. 36 Lista poate fi completat cu alte dicionare importante, n format electronic: Oxford Advanced Learners Dictionary, Collins, Merriam-Webster, Tesoro della Lingua Italiana, Diccionario de la Lengua Espaola, Lngua Portuguesa OnLine. Pentru limba romn, exist dou dicionare n format electronic, dar aceste variante nu poart girul Academiei Romne: WebDEX i DEX on-line.

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programului naional II. Iniiatorul i coordonatorul este Facultatea de Informatic, Universitatea Alexandru Ioan Cuza din Iai; director dr. Dan Cristea. Fiind un proiect care presupune coroborarea experienei lingvitilor informaticieni i a lingvitilor lexicografi, cu o pondere nsemnat a cercetrilor informatice, n proiect s-au angajat, ca parteneri, pe lng cele trei institute academice care au participat la redactarea Dicionarului Institutul de Lingvistic Iorgu Iordan Al. Rosetti, Academia Romn, Bucureti; responsabil de proiect acad. Marius Sala (prin dr. Monica Busuioc); Institutul de Filologie Romn A. Philippide, Academia Romn, Iai; responsabil de proiect dr. Gabriela Haja; Institutul de Lingvistic i Istorie Literar Sextil Pucariu, Academia Romn, Cluj-Napoca; responsabil de proiect dr. Rodica Marian, alturi de Facultatea de Litere, Universitatea Alexandru Ioan Cuza din Iai; responsabil de proiect dr. Eugen Munteanu i dou institute academice specializate n prelucrarea limbajului natural Institutul de Cercetri pentru Inteligen Artificial, Academia Romn, Bucureti; responsabil de proiect acad. Dan Tufi; Institutul de Informatic Teoretic, Academia Romn, Iai; responsabil de proiect acad. Horia Neculai Teodorescu. De asemenea, n proiect s-au implicat, n calitate de voluntari, studeni, masteranzi i doctoranzi din domeniul filologiei i al informaticii, de la mai multe faculti de specialitate din ar. Obiective ale eDTLR Principalele obiective ale proiectului sunt: realizarea formatului electronic al Dicionarului limbii romne (DA + DLR), realizarea unui corpus de texte romneti cuprinznd totalitatea textele de referin care fac parte din Bibliografia DLR, crearea legturilor dintre referine i Dicionarul electronic, realizarea instrumentelor informatice care s permit consultarea complex a Dicionarului, devenit, astfel, deopotriv instrument i baz de date structurat inteligent, cu implicaii salutare n actualizarea mijloacelor de cercetare lexicografic n ara noastr. Etape ale realizrii proiectului Au fost stabilite dou etape principale de realizare a proiectului: 37 1. Scanarea, OCR -izarea, corectarea Dicionarului limbii romne (DA + DLR) (n total cca 15000 de pagini) i construirea formatului electronic al Dicionarului. 2. Scanarea, OCR-izarea, prelucrarea Bibliografiei DLR i crearea legturilor dintre Dicionar i sursele citatelor (cca 3000 de volume). n cadrul primei etape, cea mai problematic activitate este aceea a corectrii textului recunoscut automat n urma scanrii. Pentru a rezolva ct mai bine aceast problem s-a optat pentru corectura n cascad, operat, n prima faz, de corectori voluntari (studeni, masteranzi, doctoranzi .a.) i apoi de experii lexicografi angajai n proiect. Dup finalizarea corecturii textului din punct de vedere formal, experii lexicografi vor 38 verifica i corecta structurile semantice ale articolelor, generate n urma parsrii textului Dicionarului, ntr-un format care s permit prelucrarea textului cu mijloace informatice, precum i redactarea ediiilor viitoare ale DLR. Pn n prezent, au fost scanate i OCR-izate integral volumele tiprite ale DA i DLR. Pentru stocarea i prelucrarea imensei cantiti de informaii pe care o presupune realizarea i, la finele proiectului, formatul electronic al Dicionarului mpreun cu sursele bibliografice, a fost achiziionat un calculator cu o mare capacitate de memorare i procesare, care funcioneaz ca server i care permite, ntre altele, activitatea colaborativ mixt pe care o presupune corectura n cascad. eDTLR interfaa de corectur on-line pentru voluntari (captur de ecran 1)
Optical Character Recognition permite transformarea formatului imagine (.jpg, .tiff, .gif etc.) n format text (.doc, .rtf). n informatic, parsarea este parcurgerea i analizarea unui text, cu identificarea elementelor componente, pe baza unei gramatici formale. Un parser este o component a unui interpretor sau compilator, n cadrul crora identific structura textului de intrare i este adus ntr-o form potrivit pentru prelucrri ulterioare, cutndu-se erori de sintax n acest text.
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http://consilr.info.uaic.ro/edtlr/

eDTLR interfaa de corectur on-line pentru experii lexicografi (captur de ecran 2)

Stadiul actual al cercetrii n eDTLR

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Dup 18 luni de la iniierea proiectului, au fost finalizate o parte dintre activitile propuse. Dintre cele aferente primei etape de lucru, au fost finalizate scanarea i OCR-izarea volumelor tiprite din Dicionar. A nceput activitatea de corectura voluntar, la care au participat colaboratori din Romnia (Universitatea Alexandru Ioan Cuza din Iai, Universitatea Bacu, Universitatea de
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Informaii privitoare la proiect sunt publicate la adresa: https://consilr.info.uaic.ro/edtlr/wiki/index.php?title=Despre_proiect

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Nord din Baia Mare, Universitatea tefan cel Mare din Suceava...) i din Republica Moldova, acoperindu-se peste 75% din totalul de cca 15.000 de pagini de Dicionar. Din octombrie 2008, a nceput activitatea de corectur a experilor lexicografi angajai n proiect, ajungndu-se, n prezent, la corectarea definitiv a peste 20% din numrul total de pagini. Paralel, cercettorii informaticieni au realizat, pe lng interfeele de corectur on-line, i programul de parsare a DLR i, parial, programul de parsare a DA. De asemenea, se lucreaz la interfaa de validare i corectare a structurii semantice a articolelor generate automat prin parsare. n cadrul celei de a doua etape, au fost scanate integral sursele DLR existente la Institutul de Filologie Romn A. Philippide. Aceste surse au fost OCR-izate i arhivate ca baz de date. n prezent, se lucreaz la programul de recunoatere n sursele scanate a citatelor din DA, DLR i la programul de extragere de citate din sursele scanate. Ultima activitate s-a impus, n afara planului de lucru iniial, ca o necesitate n colaborarea interinstituional i n evoluia cercetrii interdisciplinare. Mai precis, dup finalizarea n acest an a primei ediii a Dicionarului limbii romne, Academia Romn a decis actualizarea primelor volume ale Dicionarului, editate sub coordonarea lui Sextil Pucariu (Literele A-C, F-J), ceea ce impune i o modernizare a mijloacelor de lucru, iar utilizarea unui program de fiare automat a tuturor surselor tiprite, incluse n Bibliografia DLR, reprezint o soluie indispensabil. Perspective n cercetarea lexicografic academic romneasc Rolul proiectului de informatizare a Dicionarului limbii romne n crearea de instrumente i resurse de prelucrare a limbajului natural este unul major, deoarece, pe de o parte, eDTLR va permite alinierea cercetrii romneti la standardele internaionale din domeniul lexicografiei, va facilita accesul specialitilor n romnistic / romanistic din ntreaga lume la un instrument de lucru indispensabil i, pe de alt parte, reprezint o etap foarte important n procesul de promovare i conservare a limbii romne, din perspectiva avantajelor / dezavantajelor pe care le presupune globalizarea.
Referine bibliografice: DA = Dicionarul limbii romne, tom I-II, Tipografia ziarului Universul, Imprimeria Naional, Bucureti, 1913-1937. DLR = Dicionarul limbii romne, Serie nou, tom VI-XIV, Editura Academiei, Bucureti, 1965-2009. DWB = Deutsches Wrterbuch der Grimm = http://germazope.uni-trier.de/Projects/DWB TLFi = Le Trsor de la Langue Franaise Informatis http://atilf.atilf.fr/ CRISTEA, Dan, RSCHIP, Marius, FORSCU, Corina, HAJA, Gabriela, FLORESCU, Cristina, ALDEA, Bogdan, DNIL, Elena (2007), The Digital Form of the Thesaurus Dictionary of the Romanian Language, n vol. Advances in Spoken Language Technology (editors Corneliu Burileanu, HoriaNicolai Teodorescu), Editura Academiei Romne, Bucureti, p. 195-206. DNIL, Elena (2007), Tradiie i inovaie n cercetarea lexicografic romneasc n volumul de la Colocviul Internaional de tiinele Limbajului Eugen Coeriu, ediia a IX-a, Suceava (partea I), Evoluia i funcionarea limbii perspective normative n noul context european, Editura Universitii Suceava, p. 213 215. HAJA, Gabriela, DNIL, Elena, FORSCU, Corina, ALDEA, Bogdan-Mihai (2005), Dicionarul limbii romne (DLR) n format electronic. Studii privind achiziionarea, Editura Alfa, Iai, publicat i electronic pe www.consilr.info.uaic.ro. HAJA, G., FORSCU, C., ALDEA, B. M., DNIL, E. (2006), The dictionary of Romanian Language: steps toward the electronic version. In Proceedings of EURALEX 2006, Torino, Italy, september 2006. HAJA, Gabriela (2007), Resurse electronice pentru cercetarea lexicografic romneasc, n vol. Limba romn azi, Actele celei de-a X-a Conferine Naionale Limba romn azi (Iai Chiinu, 3 7 noiembrie 2006), Editura Universitii Alexandru Ioan Cuza, Iai, p. 129-134.

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Quelques remarques sur la fonction phatique des figures rhtoriques dans le discours de presse
Asist. drd. Cristina Ilinca Universitatea din Piteti Abstract: This paper deals with one of the functional roles of the figures of speech. We shall analyse how the phatic function is put into practice by some figures of speech to render discourse more dynamic, to activate politeness and to create a better communicative relationship between the journalist and his readers. The study takes into consideration editorials published in five French newspapers (LHumanit, Libration, Le Monde, Le Figaro, Le Point) before the presidential election of 2007. Key-words: figures of speech, the phatic function, discourse, politeness, communicative relationship, editorials

Cette tude fait partie dun travail plus ample qui porte sur la fonctionnalit des figures du discours dans lditorial politique. On assigne gnralement aux figures cinq rles fonctionnels : un rle esthtique, un rle phatique, un rle pathmique, un rle cognitif et un rle argumentatif. Les tudes faites sur les figures sattachent gnralement inventorier ces figures, en donnant des exemples tirs le plus souvent de la littrature, ou si elles traitent de la fonctionnalit des figures, elles mettent laccent plutt sur le rle esthtique ou argumentatif de celles-ci. Notre dmarche gnrale consiste examiner comment ces rles fonctionnels se manifestent dans la matrialit textuelle de lditorial politique afin de proposer une classification des figures de ce genre journalistique. Nous avons t ainsi conduite regarder de plus prs la fonction phatique des figures dont trs peu douvrages traitent. Cela pourrait sexpliquer par le fait que certaines figures tmoignant de la dimension phatique ne sont pas toujours considres comme des figures : par exemple la subjection ou la linterrogation rhtorique sont souvent omises par les ouvrages de rhtorique, leur figuralit tenant plutt au caractre feint de la communication. Nous nous proposons de suivre la manifestation de ce rle fonctionnel des figures dans le corpus et de voir en mme temps limpact du genre de discours pris en compte ici sur leur mode de fonctionnement. Lobjet dtude sera constitu dditoriaux parus dans cinq journaux franais (LHumanit, Libration, Le Monde, Le Figaro, Le Point) pendant la campagne prsidentielle de 2007. Nous allons partir de la dfinition et du scnario pragmatique de la fonction phatique, tels quils sont proposs par Marc Bonhomme (2005) : la fonction phatique repose sur la capacit des figures intensifier la participation des acteurs de la communication au discours et son univers (p. 166). Cette fonction concerne la gestion de la relation interindividuelle locuteur-rcepteur. On peut avoir un scnario pragmatique comme celui qui suit : Porte illocutoire du discours figural : - stimulation du contact Effet perlocutoire : renforcement du contact entre locuteur et allocutaire

Cette fonctionnalit interactive repose sur trois types de porte illocutoire des noncs figuraux : la dynamisation du discours, lactivation de la politesse et la stimulation de la communion avec le savoir partag dun groupe (Ibidem). La dynamisation du discours Il y a des figures qui dynamisent le dveloppement du discours de manire susciter lintrt des rcepteurs et ainsi renforcer la communication entre le locuteur et les rcepteurs. Tel est le cas de linterrogation oratoire, laide de laquelle la communication se fait au moyen dune interrogation feinte. Par son orientation allocutive et par sa force interactive, linterrogation oratoire est susceptible dimpliquer davantage linterlocuteur. P. Fontanier (1977) en donne la dfinition suivante : Linterrogation consiste prendre le tour interrogatif non pas pour marquer un doute et provoquer une rponse mais pour indiquer, au contraire, la plus grande persuasion, et dfier

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ceux qui lon parle de pouvoir nier ou mme rpondre. Il ne faut donc pas la confondre avec linterrogation proprement dite, avec cette interrogation de doute, de lignorance ou de la curiosit par laquelle on cherche sinstruire ou sassurer dune chose () Or linterrogation figure est, quant la forme grammaticale, affirmative ou ngative: () Mais une singularit frappante, cest quavec la ngation elle affirme, et que sans ngation elle nie (p.369). Prenons quelques exemples de notre objet dtude: En effet, lultra-droitisation du discours de Nicolas Sarkozy pour russir son opration de captation, constitue-t-elle un prix trop lev et une promesse de clivage exacerb sil est lu, plutt que de rassemblement, comme le veut la formule consacre ? (Le Monde, le 24 avril 2007) Qui ne voit pas que la mcanique drgle dune loi dpasse nous rserve, aux lgislatives et aprs, des lendemains qui dchantent ? (Le Figaro, le 2 mars 2007) Royal et Sarkozy peuvent-ils renouer avec lesprit de leurs ruptures ? (Le Figaro, le 9 mars 2007) Dans lditorial, la question rhtorique semble tre un moyen par lequel le locuteur demande son destinataire la confirmation de son propos. Ce qui est intressant dans lusage de la question oratoire cest quelle feint de demander une rponse au lecteur ; il sagit plutt dune nonciation monologique, la rponse tant dj prsuppose dans linterrogation. Nous pouvons considrer qu laide de la question rhtorique on exprime le dsir dtre confort dans son opinion par le destinataire dont on sollicite thoriquement la rponse, dont on demande une confirmation. De mme, nous pouvons interprter lutilisation de la question rhtorique dans lditorial comme un dsir de partager la responsabilit de lassertion avec son lecteur. Alors que le locuteur de lnonc interrogatif fait comme si la rponse la question allait de soi, aussi bien pour lui que pour son destinataire, la question joue le rle dune assertion dune rponse, prsente comme une vrit admise (J.-C. Ascombre, O. Ducrot, 1983). Une autre figure proche de linterrogation rhtorique est la subjection, dfinie comme une assertion qui se transforme en un pseudo-dialogue : il sagit de prsenter une affirmation sous la forme de question-rponse, dans un simulacre de dialogue entirement pris en charge par lnonciateur (J.-J. Robrieux, 2005 :115). Imitant en quelque sorte la manire dont on dploie un raisonnement, la subjection invite le lecteur participer de manire active dans le dveloppement discursif de lditorial : A quoi tient leffet Bayrou? La journe d'hier en donne la cl. Il est le candidat antisystme. (Libration, le 5 avril 2007) Cest dans cette perspective dune France rconcilie avec lEurope quon apprciera cette droitisation de lopinion franaise que tous les indicateurs sondagiers mesurent. Pourquoi ? Parce que, aveugls par nos illres, nous ne voyons pas que lEurope est, selon nos critres, et depuis longtemps, plus droite que nous. (Le Point, le 19 avril 2007) Dans lexemple suivant nous avons une combinaison dinterrogation oratoire (la dernire phrase) et de subjection : Alors, que faire le 22 avril au premier tour de llection prsidentielle ? Baisser les bras et ouvrir le chemin du pouvoir Sarkozy ? Choisir Bayrou pour sen mordre les doigts trs fort plus tard ? Voter Sgolne Royal sans y croire, avec la peur au ventre que cette gauche mollassonne naille de nouveau dans le mur ? Tous ces calculs mnent dans limpasse. Une autre possibilit demeure pour tous ceux qui ne veulent pas mettre le 22 avril un mouchoir sur les exigences de changement. Faire mentir les sondages, et muscler la gauche en faisant monter le vote Buffet, dont le programme, beaucoup le reconnaissent, est la hauteur.

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Vous rvez , nous serine-t-on. Mais qui a une meilleure ide ? (LHumanit, le 20 mars 2007) Deux traits dfinitoires communs sont donc souligner dans le cas de linterrogation oratoire et de la subjection: viter la monotonie du discours et crer une sorte de complicit, de connivence avec le rcepteur. Cest une bonne occasion pour lditorialiste de transformer son opinion (une opinion plutt subjective) en opinion consensuelle. On pourrait dire que tant la question oratoire que la subjection aident lditorialiste dsubjectiviser ses assertions, au moins apparemment. Le retardement de linformation peut tre lui aussi un facteur illocutoire de la dynamisation du discours. Le locuteur peut jouer sur lorganisation de ses paragraphes et sur la distribution des syntagmes pour mettre en vidence lide principale quil veut transmettre et pour stimuler le contact avec le lecteur. Laposiopse (la rticence), par exemple, consiste en une interruption brusque dans un discours, marquant la volont de ne pas terminer une phrase que lnonciateur trouve trop violente ou trop charge dmotion, ou parce quil pense en avoir dit assez pour tre compris (J.-J.Robrieux, 2005 :113). Au PS, on sinterroge : peut-tre faudrait-il informer la candidate quelle a aussi des lecteurs gauche et que son adversaire se nomme Sarkozy ... (Le Figaro, le 26 avril 2007) D'ailleurs, la tentative faite en 1988 avec la nomination des ministres dits centristes est loquente. Lun deux, Soisson, se vautrant lamentablement dans lalliance avec lextrme droite. Et que dire de Tapie ... ? (LHumanit, le 16 mars 2007) On peut complter la dfinition donne par J.-J. Robrieux par le fait que laposiopse, par la pause quelle introduit, peut produire des effets de surprise, comme dans les exemples qui suivent : Cette vague, ce mascaret du changement, pour porter Bayrou au pinacle, il faudrait quil tourne au raz de mare. Bayrou y croit qui se souvient quun tel dferlement servit de Gaulle. Oui mais ctait de Gaulle. (Le Point, le 8 mars 2007) Mais Bayrou a beau vouloir sinviter dans un (et mme deux) dbats de second tour, la ralit est l, avec laquelle il faut bien composer: si le candidat UDF ne cache pas linquitude toute particulire que lui inspire Sarkozy, entre les deux finalistes il a dcid ... de ne pas trancher. (Le Figaro, le 26 avril 2007) Lactivation de la politesse Certaines figures pivot nonciatif renforcent le contact avec linterlocuteur. Elles contribuent la politesse, dont la fonction est de prserver le caractre harmonieux de la relation interpersonnelle. Il y a des figures qui peuvent tre mises en oeuvre par le locuteur dans sa stratgie de valoriser limage que son interlocuteur se fait de lui-mme. Si lhyperbole peut tre utilise dans une telle stratgie de politesse positive, une figure comme la litote rpond une stratgie de politesse ngative dont le rle peut tre de mnager la face de linterlocuteur dans des situations de rfutation ou de reproches (C. Kerbrat-Orecchioni, 1994). Ces figures se retrouvent normalement dans des dialogues. Notre corpus fait usage dhyperboles et de litotes mais elles ne sont pas mises au service de la politesse mais plutt au service de la dprciation, remplissant ainsi une fonction argumentative. La stimulation de la communion avec le savoir du lecteur Un autre moyen de renforcer la relation entre le locuteur et ses interlocuteurs cest de stimuler la communication par le savoir commun, partag. Les figures auraient dans ce cas une double fonction : une fonction phatique et en mme temps une fonction cognitive. Ces figures sont

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appeles aussi les figures de communion par Ch. Perelman et L. Olbrechts-Tytca, dans leur Trait de largumentation (1958). Lallusion, qui se fonde sur des sous-entendus, a le rle de crer une connivence entre le locuteur et le rcepteur : Il ne faudrait surtout pas quon en arrive un jour parler du 22 avril 2007 comme on le fait aujourd'hui du 21 avril 2002 : dun cataclysme qui aurait dvast la gauche . . . Le meilleur moyen dviter notre peuple les ravages dune prsidence Sarkozy, c'est dafficher une vritable ambition pour la gauche. Pas de l'effacer. (LHumanit, le 22 avril 2007) Dans lexemple pris plus haut, lditorialiste fait allusion aux dires dautrui, plus prcisment aux commentaires du monde politique franais concernant lchec du Parti Socialiste aux lections prsidentielles de 2002. Voici un exemple dironie fonde sur lallusion combine lhyperbole, renvoyant ici un fait politique: Aprs le tremblement de terre du 21 avril, la France politique devra-t-elle subir le tsunami du 16 mars ? Cest ce jour-l que les candidats doivent remettre au Conseil constitutionnel leurs fameuses signatures. Jean-Marie Le Pen peut ne pas les avoir. Une demi-douzaine de petits candidats sont dans le mme cas. (Le Figaro, le 2 mars 2007) Par tremblement de terre du 21 avril, lditorialiste du Figaro fait allusion ironiquement ce qui sest pass aux lections prsidentielles du 21 avril 2002 quand Lionel Jospin a t vaincu au premier tour par le candidat du Front National. Pour pouvoir saisir lironie, le lecteur doit faire appel ses connaissances extralinguistiques ( savoir, ce qui sest pass le 21 avril 2002). La citation, qui relve de lintertextualit, joue le mme rle de resserrer les liens entre les participants la situation de communication et en outre, dentretenir la mmoire commune dune communaut donne. Nous avons identifi beaucoup de cas de citation dans notre corpus : Il [Jacques Chirac] a inaugur son premier mandat en invitant les Franais mditer lexemple de Franois Mitterrand . Il a donc clos le second, hier soir, sur cette exaltation passionne de la France magnifique, qui na pas fini dtonner le monde . Entre les deux bornes du rgne, court la ligne brise dun principat riche en dfaites clatantes, en revanches inespres et en espoirs dus qui, entre lui et ses partisans, aura creus un grand malentendu. Au fond, la droite ntait pas son genre. (Le Figaro, le 12 mars 2007) Dans ce fragment, lditorialiste du Figaro reprend les paroles de Jacques Chirac pour pouvoir introduire son propre commentaire sur la gouvernance du prsident franais. Lemploi de la citation peut tre utilis par lditorialiste comme un argument dautorit: Gouverner, cest choisir , disait Pierre Mends France. Bayrou prfre le cardinal de Retz : On ne sort de lambigut qu son dtriment P. M. F. parlait en homme dEtat, le cardinal en aventurier de la Fronde. (Le Point, le 3 mai 2007) Il y a des cas o lditorialiste reprend les paroles de quelquun sous la forme de la citation pour pouvoir les critiquer, dvaloriser ou rfuter : Le directeur gnral dlgu d'Airbus, galement membre du directoire d' EADS, Fabrice Brgier, expliquait hier dans les colonnes de notre confrre la Dpche du Midi quil ne faudrait pas mlanger management et politique , mme si, ajoutait-il, nous souhaitons le soutien des autorits locales et de l'tat . Ce quil faudrait, en vrit, cest que les actionnaires privs reprsents par monsieur Fabrice Brgier, qui ont conduit lentreprise cette situation, sexpliquent enfin et sans dtour. (LHumanit, le 6 mars 2007)

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Il faut mentionner aussi la capacit de cette figure de se combiner dautres, donnant naissance ainsi des figures hybrides. Dans lexemple ci-dessous, nous avons affaire une citation combine lironie : Tout au long de ces deux mandats, quil [Jacques Chirac] avait entams en promettant de rduire la fracture sociale , cest au contraire faire entrer de force notre pays dans le moule des rformes nolibrales quil a consacr toutes ses nergies et celles des gouvernements qui lui taient acquis. (LHumanit, le 12 mars 2007) Dans lexemple tir de LHumanit, lditorialiste reproduit entre guillemets une partie du slogan lectoral de J. Chirac de manire ironique dune part pour ne pas prendre la responsabilit des dires, dautre part pour mettre en opposition la promission du prsident avant son mandat et ce qui sest rellement pass (selon lditorialiste). On pourrait dire que ces figures hybrides ironie+ allusion+ hyperbole, ironie+ citation jouent un double rle dans notre ditorial: dune part elle stimulent le savoir partag par les actants de la situation de communication (dans notre cas, lditorialiste et ses lecteurs), dautre part elles sont un moyen dattaquer ladversaire (le caractre offensif est donn ici par lironie). Lditorialiste tente donc de faire ses lecteurs adhrer son opinion, de faire avec ceux-ci une coalition contre ladversaire politique, ce qui devrait se matrialiser en un vote pour le candidat que le journal soutient. Une diffrence est pourtant noter: si la premire figure hybride se fonde sur limplicite, la deuxime est fonde sur lexplicite ; on retrouve ainsi les principaux cas de manifestation de lironie. Les rsultats de notre analyse en corpus nous amnent constater le fait que lditorial politique a un impact important sur linscription de la fonction phatique des figures dans la matrialit textuelle du genre quil reprsente : nous avons pu remarquer que cette fonction ne se manifeste dans notre corpus qu travers deux types de porte illocutoire des noncs figuraux, la dynamisation du discours et la cration dune connivence avec le lecteur, le troisime type (lactivation de la politesse) ntant pas favoris par lditorial politique. Il est intressant de noter aussi la manire dont certaines figures du discours peuvent sallier, combinant ainsi dautres fonctions figuratives : cest notamment le cas de la fonction argumentative qui vient accompagner celle phatique, comme nous avons pu voir dans le dernier exemple. Cette tude vient confirmer une fois de plus limportance de la prise en compte de la communication figurale dans lanalyse du discours qui, sans cet outil dinvestigation, serait moins efficace sans lapprhension de toutes les nuances de la pense.
Bibliographie : Ammosy, R., Largumentation dans le discours, Armand Colin, 2e d. Paris, 2006 Badir, S., Klinkenberg, J.-M., Figures de la figure. Smiotique et rhtorique gnrale, Limoges, PULIM, 2008 Bonhomme, M., Pragmatique des figures du discours, Champion, Paris, 2005 Bonhomme, M., Les figures cls du discours, Seuil, Paris, 1998 Ducrot, O., Ascombre, Cl., Largumentation dans la langue, Mardaga, Bruxelles, 1983 Fontanier, P., Les figures du discours, Flammarion, Paris, 1977 Fromilhague, C., Les figures de style, Armand Colin, Paris, 1995 Kerbrat-Orecchioni, C., Les interactions verbales, Armand Colin, Paris, 1992, Perelman, C., Olbrechts-Tyteca, L., Trait de largumentation, Editions de lUniversit de Bruxelles, Bruxelles, 1988 Plantin, C., Un lieu pour les figures dans la thorie de largumentation in Argumentation et analyse du discours. Rhtorique et Argumentation no. 2/2009 (http://aad.revues.org/index215.html) Reboul, O., Introduction la rhtorique, PUF, Paris, 1991 Ricalens-Pourchot, N., Lexique des figures de style, Armand Colin, Paris, 1998 Robrieux, J.-J., Rhtorique et argumentation, Armand Colin, Paris, 2000.

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Violena lingvistic n limba de lemn a ideologiei comuniste

Lect. dr. Gina Necula, Universitatea Dunrea de Josdin Galai Abstract: The so-called langue de bois is known to be one of the most efficient ways to manipulate people into assuming an artificial discourse meant to counteract reality. The present article aims at pointing out the strategies that use linguistic violence either to turning ideological discourse into a familiar one, easier to be recognized and accepted by common speakers, or to undermining the official discourse. These two directions that were traced by Rodica Zafiu, are to be sustained by literary texts in the attemp to recover something from the spirit of language around '60s. Key words: langue de bois, linguistic violence, ideological discourse, manipulation.

Preliminarii Termenul limbaj politic totalitar, introdus de Jean-Pierre Faye, n lucrarea Langages totalitaires. La raison critique de leconomie narrative (Jean-Pierre La Faye, Langages totalitaires, Critique de la raison / l'economie narrative, p.74), prin care se nelege limbajul pe baza cruia se construiete discursul unei Puteri care nu accept dialogul i care ncalc regulile fundamentale ale comunicrii prin limbaj pentru c i anuleaz destinatarul, falsific realitatea i nu transmite nici un mesaj clar (codul fiind mai puternic dect mesajul n sine), pare s nu-i fi satisfcut pe cercettorii fenomenului, ceea ce face ca lucrrile de specialitate s utilizeze diferii termeni, cel mai rspndit fiind ns limb de lemn. Limba de lemn este o sintagm care a cptat circulaie n cadrul lingvistic european n jurul anilor 60 (n limbile polon, rus, francez, mai puin englez), iar consacrarea ei are loc odat cu apariia lucrrii Le langue de bois a lui Franoise Thom, n anul 1987. Despre termenul n cauz, Stelian Dumistrcel afirm ntr-un articol dedicat ineriilor de limbaj: Dac avem n vedere faptul c, iniial, n rusete, sintagma numea turnuri specifice ale limbajului administrativ, recunoatem c limba de lemn s-a nscut spontan; anomalia a aprut pe terenul performativitii, al urmririi unei anumite eficiene prin transplantul n domeniul altor limbaje ale discursului public, n special cel al vieii politice( Stelian Dumistrcel, Campanie Suntem toti victimele inertiilor lingvistice, Jurnalul naional, 29 Martie 2006, p. 8-9). Conceptul pus n discuie poate fi ntlnit n literatura de specialitate cu accepii diferite. Unii lingviti vorbesc despre existena mai multor limbi de lemn, prin care iau n considerare fenomene discursive complexe ce se prezint ca versiuni corupte ale discursurilor politice de orice tendin, nelegnd prin limb de lemn orice demagogie, orice discurs politicianist. Alii restrng utilizarea sintagmei doar la cazul discursului comunist, situaie n care se manifest ca o limb incomplet, un limbaj al propagandei ce nu mai vizeaz comunicarea unor mesaje n scopul informrii, ci doar hipnotizarea maselor n vederea manipulrii lor. O definiie a limbii de lemn, n baza creia vom folosi conceptul n continuare, ntlnim la Dumistrcel: limba de lemn este un produs al folosirii, motivate politic, a unui limbaj construit dintr-o anumit atitudine a emitorului fa de realitate, pentru a manipula [...] n fond, ne confruntm cu un regim de folosire a limbajului ce refuz cunoaterea i comunicarea rezultatelor acesteia, ce urmrete exclusiv influenarea(Ibidem ). De fapt, oricare ar fi nelesul pe care l acordm sintagmei, se poate observa c limba de lemn este un fenomen care se sustrage de la respectarea uneia dintre cele mai importante funcii ale limbii, i anume cea referenial, centrat pe coninut. Limba de lemn ignor contextul deviind de la realitatea vorbirii, devenind n acest fel un instrument de disimulare, mascare i uzurpare a realitii. n aceast accepie, limba de lemn are ca trsturi distinctive repetitivitatea, redundana, fixitatea formelor, sintaxa prin acumulare nominal, srcia lexical, precum i coninutul referenial vid al enunurilor. Fie c folosim termenul limb de lemn sau oricare altul, istoria ne ofer ca material de studiu numeroase exemple de instaurare a unei Puteri totalitare cu ajutorul mecanismelor limbii, sau, mai exact, prin deturnarea limbii i uneori chiar prin modificarea radical a esenei ei n scopul dorit. Fenomenul se caracterizeaz, n mare, prin aceleai trsturi avnd ca scop manipularea prin cuvinte; diferenele apar doar la nivel de ideologie, regimul totalitar putnd fi deosebit de celelalte tipuri tradiionale de tiranie prin mobilizarea ntregii populaii n spijinul unei ideologii politice.

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Specific sistemelor totalitare este tendina de a instaura adevrate competiii pentru putere absolut i pentru supremaie n influenarea comportamentelor i modului de gndire al populaiei, intrnd n conflict cu ideea de libertate i manifestnd tendina de a se impune ca unice deintoare a adevrului. Astfel, unul dintre elementele cele mai des folosite pentru manipulare este, evident, limba. Controlndu-se informaia pe care o primete un individ, are loc restricionarea capacitii individului de a se exprima, pentru c, de fapt, fiind privat de informaie, acesta este privat de orizont. n realitate, inta ideologiei este ndoctrinarea membrilor att de puternic nct ei s ating performana de a se manipula singuri, de a-i limita singuri posibilitile de exprimare a gndurilor i sentimentelor. Ideologia ajunge s fie interiorizat ca fiind adevrul suprem, astfel nct informaia primit este filtrat prin credinele care o interpreteaz conform limitelor ideologiei. Grupul ideologic are limbajul propriu care pune o barier ntre adereni i ceilali care nu se afl n posesia aceluiai cod. Slama-Cazacu scoate n eviden faptul c limbajul-comunicare, derivat din necesitile contactului social, instrument apt s ntreasc relaiile sociale, poate sluji i la negarea finalitii sale specifice i s duc efectele negative pn la extrem, adic la disoluia veritabilului contact social, ca i la nencrederea n comunicare i deci n cuvinte, iar nu rareori la ntrirea unei Puteri sau n genere la distrugerea prin cuvinte (Tatiana Slama-Cazacu, Lecturi de psiholingvistic, p.580). Faptul c n majoritatea cazurilor sintagma limb de lemn a fost utilizat cu referire la discursul comunist este explicabil pentru c, n acest caz, fenomenul ia forme extreme, devenind o arm a manipulrii, a incitrii. Prin vorbirea nepenit n cliee, promovat de limba de lemn, se limiteaz experiena lingvistic a vorbitorilor i se ngreuneaz, astfel, accesul acestora la anumite idei care i-ar putea ajuta s aib o percepie corect a realitii. Limba de lemn comunist i oblig pe vorbitori la o competen lingvistic de tip epidictic n situaii de contact cu oficialitatea, dar ceea ce e mult mai periculos, este faptul c, prin utilizare foarte frecvent, tiparele limbii de lemn trec tot mai natural i n conversaiiile obinuite din viaa public, parazitnd toate situaiile de comunicare. Limba de lemn propune soluia sintagmelor gata create i gndite n locul inveniei personale i a cuvintelor cu statut de unicat1 (cuvinte fr context, ex. Putere, Partid), nclcnd n acest fel relaia pe care Eugen Coeriu o stabilea ntre vorbitor i limb: pe de o parte vorbitorul creeaz limba n mod continuu ca tradiie, prin faptul c o adopt i o continu, iar pe de alt parte o modific ntotdeauna ntr-o oarecare msur, datorit faptului c o realizeaz n vorbire n circumstane particulare (Coeriu, Prelegeri, p. 57). Se poate observa nclinaia ctre obscurizarea discursului prin transmiterea a ct mai puin informaie despre realitatea social cu ct mai multe cuvinte. n acest sens, Rodica Zafiu consider c: S-a consolidat astfel un model al performanei discursive bazat, n cel mai bun caz, pe ingeniozitate stilistic Cteva dintre manifestrile sale indic mai ales incapacitatea autorilor de a-i domina discursul, de a-l construi ca pe un ntreg coerent: prile scap de sub control, constituindu-se cel mai adesea ntr-o suit divergent i chiar contradictorie de metafore. Cuvintele, folosite doar pentru sensul lor figurat, pentru semnificaia lor schematic, abstract, se rzbun actualizndu-i sensul prim, denotativ, concret (Zafiu, Diversitate stilistic ..., p. 54). Din sfera strategiilor prin care se impune limba de lemn pot fi evideniate: - repetarea monoton de cliee, ceea ce creeaz un efect hipnotic, dnd limbii de lemn un aspect incantatoriu; lipsa de circulaie a informaiei i nfierarea a tot ce este strin sistemului politic; cultivarea temerii de a nu devia de la linia de partid, ceea ce genereaz mimetismul ca unic form de manifestare; inserarea unor cuvinte necunoscute maselor; eliminri strategice de cuvinte care genereaz o gam foarte larg de tabuuri lingvistice (n acest fel limba de lemn devine un mijloc de tergere a diferenelor prin limbaj, de uniformizare a diferenelor prin exploatarea la maxim a nclinaiei nnscute a limbii spre automatism), crend surogate de comunicare, reducndu-se astfel relaia dintre vorbitor i interlocutor la cel care comand i cel care execut (nu mai exist dialog, ci doar monolog); agresivitatea, determinat pe de o parte de terminologia militar utilizat (lupt, revoluie, fore n lupt, etc.), pe de alt parte de intenia de a transforma n familiar un discurs anost i strin comunicrii obinuite.

Dup cum le numete Tatiana Slama-Cazacu, n Stratatege comunicaionale i manipularea, p. 63.

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Am prezentat aici doar cteva dintre trsturile specifice limbii de lemn din perioada comunist, considernd c, pentru o analiz detaliat a fenomenului, se poate vedea o alt lucrare, mai ampl, pe care am realizat-o, intitulat Reflectarea limbii de lemn n proza romneasc din deceniile al VI-lea i al VII-lea. Violena lingvistic Una dintre formele de manifestare a limbii de lemn este violena lingvistic. Tema apare frecvent n reprezentri diferite i concurente ale violenei verbale constituind un punct important al controverselor politice i culturale. Violena nu este un concept teoretic prefabricat-psihologic, sociologic, filozofic etc. - ci doar un produs discursiv: ceea ce locutorii nii identific, eticheteaz ca violent ntr-un moment istoric i cultural dat. Cei mai muli lingviti vd comunicarea politic ca o violen simbolic, pentru c este trucat dinainte, iar emitorul este nsui codul pe cnd receptorul acestui cod nu are dect iluzia de comunicare. n aceast idee, Cristiana Nicola Teodorescu face apel la unele concepte lansate de Eliseo Veron: discursul politic nu i anuleaz/anihileaz numai receptorul, ci el merge mai departe pn la negarea altor tipuri de discursuri politice. Astfel pentru Eliseo Vron tendina cea mai profund a discursului politic este de a anula discursul celuilalt (Teodorescu, Patologia limbajului totalitar, p.62). Prin aceasta vrnd s arate c discursul politic are vocaie ctre totalitarism. Modalitatea de a-i anihila adversarul pe care o prefer discursul politic este violena i cruditatea lingvistic. Politica este un caz de angajare lingvistic astfel nct discursul este vzut ca o arm de dominaie, iar funcia sa este aceea de a structura cmpul de lupt poziionnd discursiv forele, atribuind unora sau altora locuri discursive precise. Discursul creeaz astfel un spaiu omogen specializat: spaiul politicului, al luptei ideologice (Ibidem ). Analiza pragmatic a ideologiei urmrete s analizeze modul n care expresia reflect atitudinea vorbitorului sau asculttorului fa de coninutul exprimat. Relaia pragmatic ntre limb i utilizatorii ei include aspecte sociale, psihologice i ideologice. Astfel, vom identifica, de fiecare dat, cteva toposuri sacre ale ideologiei, cum ar fi termenii prin care sunt desemnai, pe de o parte, adepii ideologiei de partid, i, pe de alt parte, opozanii. Pentru cei din prima categorie sunt selectate expresii metaforice de genul: inginerii sufletului omenesc (scriitorii), otile nebiruite (ranii), truditorii / proletariatul din fabrici (muncitorii). Proletar devine un determinant pentru orice substantiv care trebuie s-i delimiteze pe cei din interiorul sistemului de cei din afara lui: doctorul proletar, profesorul proletar, etc. Toi acetia trebuie s se susin sau s aplice: dictatura proletariatului, ascuirea luptei de clas, munca de lmurire, construirea socialismului, executarea planului, etc. Din cealalt categorie fac parte, pe principiul Cine nu-i cu noi e mpotriva noastr!: elemente declasate, mbuibaii de ieri, asupritorii, ciocoii, reacionari, burghezimea, dumanii (de clas nrii ai) poporului, etc. Acetia sunt acuzai de uneltiri dumnoase, ciocoism, sau c sug sngele poporului. Aceast cruditate lingvistic, manifestat prin nclinaia ctre slogan i agresivitate, apare n mod deosebit n folosirea metaforelor i a tiparelor lingvistice. Se creeaz n felul acesta o galerie ntreag de metafore i metonimii pentru desemnarea opozanilor, care se constituie obligatoriu n simboluri negative, impresionante prin violen i prin putere lor instigatoare Asupra problemei violenei prin limbaj se oprete mai atent Rodica Zafiu, apreciind c n totalitarism disursul transgresiv actul de limbaj violent, de tip injurie, interzis n sfera public a fost perceput de majoritatea locutorilor obinuii (fr acces la cuvntul public) ca o subversiune sau ca o umanizare a sistemului: subversiune cnd era emis din afara aparatului de putere, umanizare cnd era emis de reprezentanii i funcionarii ideologiei dominante. []. Transgresiunea prin limbaj violent a realizat, ca i transgresiunea prin umor, un act de complicitate prin participare la sfera comunicrii non-oficiale - i, prin aceasta, un aliaj specific de opoziie i compromis (Zafiu, Limbaj i politic, cap. Violena limbajului politic, pp. 216-217). Aadar, apelul la violen se argumenteaz fie prin nevoia ideologiei de partid de a de impune cu orice pre, fie ca form de subminare a acestei ideologii. n cele ce urmeaz, intenionm s ilustrm aceste dou ipostaze n care limba de lemn se intersecteaz cu violena lingvistic. Ne vom susine afirmaiile prin apelul la citate din opere literare aprute n perioada comunist, neavnd la ndemn un corpus de limb vorbit prin care s ilustrm aspectul subversiv,

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stenogramele edinelor de Partid, care pot fi uor consultate, susinnd doar aspectul ce vizeaz umanizarea discursului ideologic. Alegerea discursului literar ca obiect de analiz a reprezentat o provocare deoarece limba de lemn, din zona politicului, devine subversiv pernicioas atunci cnd invadeaz literatura, prin faptul c autoritatea cuvntului scris n acest domeniu, prin modelul general de proiectare a discursului, tinde s anuleze diferenele reale existente ntre discursul politic i cel literar. 1. Umanizarea limbii de lemn prin limbajul violent O prim perspectiv asupra violenei nglobate de mesajul ideologic este aceea a utilizrii ei n scopul umanizrii limbii de lemn, plecnd de la premisa c expresia trivial, agresiv sau invectiva pot crea senzaia unei familiariti care s dea vorbitorului un sentiment de siguran. Exemple de vorbire lozincard impregnat cu formule agresive sau care incit la agresivitate ntlnim la scriitori prolifici din perioada comunist. Unul dintre acetia este Petre Slcudeanu care, n Biblioteca din Alexandria, introduce un personaj, Morscu, exemplu edificator de torionar, al crui discurs poate fi analizat ca exemplu de violen expres sau doar sugerat.
Este fals ideea c n sanatoriu, datorit bolii, lupta de clas a ncetat, dimpotriv, ea se ascute i aici []. Cine nu-i cu noi e mpotriva noastr, asta e clar, or boala i face pe oameni s-i piard busola, s uite de criteriile revoluiei, abdic de la ele (Slcudeanu Biblioteca,160).

Citatul demonstreaz faptul c utilizarea clieelor ideologice presupune un proces de deprindere a ceremonialului exprimrii n limba de lemn. Discursul este aici destinat s obin adeziunea celorlali (chiar i prin teroare) pentru c uzeaz de formule cheie, verbe mobilizatoare i lozinci. Alementul care sporete aici violena mesajului este atitudinea afectat, patetismul. Patosul suspend judecata pentru c irupia lui mpiedic verificarea soliditii argumentelor ns autorul arunc o privire complice cititorului astfel nct acesta s neleag c invazia agresiv a limbii de lemn nu poate fi privit i acceptat cu resemnare de ctre mnuitorii ateni ai limbii.

n lucrarea amintit, Rodica Zafiu propune ca n analiza fenomenului de violen lingvistic s se ia n discuie: relaiile de putere dintre protagoniti, natura protagonitilor, natura aciunii, contextul. Privind astfel lucrurile, constatm c sintagmele limbii de lemn (care conin cuvinte ce instig la violen) sunt manevrate de ctre membrii de Partid n discursurile publice. Literatura creeaz cadrul pentru semnalizarea pericolului pe care l
reprezint faptul c vorbitorilor li se creeaz un anumit statut prin care sunt silii s foloseasc un surogat de limb natural i limbaj ideologic. Marea majoritate a vorbitorilor nu sunt capabili s sesizeze c, n felul acesta, comunicarea nu mai are o baz real att timp ct intervin o serie ntreag de abstraciuni a cror semnificare nu poate fi identificat. Un personaj al lui Marin Preda, Arghirescu, de la sfat, cel care ncaseaz impozitele folosete clieele limbii de lemn, fr s neleag implicaiile lor.
l-au chemat la raion s-l ia la rost i sta, ce s zic, zice i el, tovari, chiaburii saboteaz. Se luda cum a ieit el din ncurctur cu vorba asta, spuse alde Geac i Dnlache, c tia umbl pe-acolo, m ntlnii cu ei. Cic i-a plcut foarte mult preedintelui de raion cnd a auzit vorba asta i zice, pi m, tovare, dac chiaburii saboteaz, noi ce mama dracului pzim aici, ordin scris s li se ia declaraii c ntr-o lun vor achita impozitele i dac nu, pe ei! (Preda, Moromeii II, 147).

Reacia preedintelui de raion este departe de un discurs public la nlimea funciei pe care o deine vorbitorul. El combin clieele limbii de lemn cu cele ale comunicrii private, iar sintagma ce mama dracului are rolul de a umple un gol n comunicare. Dificultatea este dat de faptul c ideologia comunist s-a strduit s i transforme n oratori pe toti reprezentanii puterii de Partid, lucru, evident, imposibil i sortit eecului, iar discursul literar accentueaz tocmai acest eec. Diferenele de tip ierarhic, existente ntre interlocutori n anumite contexte formale (socioculturale i politice) de comunicare, sunt terse cu bun tiin, prin eliminarea voit a formelor protocolare de adresare i introducerea expresiilor violente. Obiectivele nivelrii sociolingvistice (instaurrii egalitarismului), practicate n discursul politic n general fiind: ptrunderea virtual n intimitatea actorilor sociali, autoatribuirea de ctre autori a dreptului la judecat a acestora, ctigarea simpatiei sau antipatiei maselor - zdrobirea prin dispre a oponenilor.

edinele de la sfatul popular, instituite ad-hoc i provocate de conflicte minore, sunt ocazii de inoculare a clieelor, multe dintre ele fr un referent precis n mintea vorbitorilor, dar cu putere de sugestie:
Trebuia, tovari, n legtur cu atitudinea nempciuitorist a lui Nae Marinescu, chemat de la nceput plutonierul Moise Ion i mai cu vorb bun, mai aplicndu-i dictatura proletariatului i aici se rsese n sal,

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ca de un lucru ndeobte cunoscut prin veselia lui, cum era dictatura aceasta cnd intervenea (Preda, Moromeii II,, p. 305).

Analiza limbii de lemn art modul n care se pierd progresiv obinuinele limbii naturale. Vorbitorii sunt silii s foloseasc n locul expresiilor cunoscute o combinaie de sloganuri i trivialiti cu coninut referenial vid. Astfel de cliee nu gsesc nici o reprezentare n mintea celor care le folosesc, motiv pentru care se genereaz un mod mecanic de organizare a discursului. n cele mai multe cazuri propaganda dezumanizeaz i alimenteaz ura fa de un presupus duman (intern sau extern, n realitate, fictiv):
Parc mai tiai de ce? se mir Moromete. Te pomeneai la miliie i cnd ajungeai acolo mai gseai i pe alii, i mai venea inima la locDare n judecat, fcu-v i dregu-v, pentru ascuirea luptei de clas contra regimului. naintarea lor sub stare de arest la raion, s se nvee minte! (Preda, Moromeii II, 208).

i de data aceasta violena este arma torionarului, a celui care se tie la adpostul puterii politice. Ceea ce se dovedete a fi mai grav este faptul c tiparele ptrund i n exprimarea copiilor dovad a faptului c ndoctrinarea era realizat metodic, uznd de toate mijloacele posibile ncepnd din coal. Fiul lui Isosic din Moromeii numete o btrn bestie chiabureasc, iar cnd tatl ncearc s-l pedepseasc pentru acest fapt, constat c formularea era oficial.
[] aoleo c aa ne-a citit i nvtorul la coal din cartea de citire. Fcu-i i dregu-i i nvtorului acela, zice Isosic, dar pe urm nu l-a mai btut c a vzut i el c aa era trecut n carte, nu minea biatul (Preda, Moromeii II, p. 209).

ntlnim aici dou atitudini lingvistic agresive: pe de o parte, atitudinea copilului care i nsuete foarte repede clieul datorit tentaiei pe care o reprezint lucrul interzis de familie (dar, paradoxal, cultivat de societate, care nu numai c nu respinge formula agresiv, ba chiar o cultiv n coal), de cealalt parte, atitudinea printelui care nu are replic i atunci apeleaz i el la violen lingvistic pentru a contracara violena ideologiei. Copii folosesc limba de lemn n mod firesc i i asum chiar atitudini agresive ca dovad a unui ceremonial intens exersat i n Scrinul negru. Atunci cnd se joac, pentru a da importan mesajului, Pducel, fiu al unui activist de partid, folosete clieele i tonul imperativ al limbii de lemn.
Tu eti moiereas i te plimbi cu trsura, fr s te ocupi de repararea drumurilor. Hai la tribunalul poporului. Nu sunt moiereas, prostule, sunt numai vizitiu cu simbrie. De ce m dai n judecat? Dac e aa, mine venim n numele poporului, vesti Pducel, s reparm oseaua cu tvlugul mecanic. Tovare crua, porunci el lui Filip, pn mine s presari pe tot drumul pietri i nisip. (G. Clinescu, Scrinul, 223).

Specific limbii de lemn este, dup cum reiese i din exemplul de mai sus, faptul c nu se pot depista formule individualizatoare, ci un tip de comportament lingvistic cu funcionarea n gol a mecanismelor sintactico-semantice. Dovad a faptului c limba de lemn c nu este un discurs reflexiv, care s permit celui care l folosete s se transpun pe sine prin mesaj, sunt astfel de exemple care nu arat dect dorina de a nu face not discordant, de a nu iei din tipare. Din aceast cauz toate discursurile comuniste nu sunt dect abloane care nu-i trdeaz autorul, i nici nu se adapteaz la situaia de comunicare. Indiferent de circumstane, se emit, pe un ton ceremonios i oficial, efluvii verbale, surogate de comunicare, cuvinte cu statut de unicat, inteligibile pentru iniiai, cuvinte fr context (Partid), sloganuri nelese fr s se fac adaosuri contextuale. 2. Subminarea limbii de lemn prin limbajul violent Cea de-a doua perspectiv asupra relaiei dintre violena lingvistic i limba de lemn, este aceea subversiv prin care se ncearc dinamitarea clieelor care paraziteaz comunicarea i care migreaz din spaiul public n cel privat. Atitudinea de sistematic i natural dedublare prin disurs are reflexe literare. Un loc comun destul de rspndit e cel al ndrznelilor de limbaj din Moromeii lui Marin Preda. Limbajul violent acioneaz, de multe ori, n direcii subversive subliniind complicitatea autorului i cooperarea cititorului, ca instrument de captare a ateniei, satisfcnd dorina cititorilor de a iei din abloanele oficiale.
Bine, continu Moromete adresndu-se prietenilor lui liberali, dat fiind c statul are nevoie de parale fiindc nu mai suntem ca pe vremea regimului burghez al moierului de moieri, cu smna lor, de unde i-au mai scos i pe-tia, care tii i voi alde Costache i alde Matei c se lu moia a mare a coanei Marica ndat dup

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llalt rzboi, i nu acuma, dar dat fiind c numai ei au nevoie de bani, noi n-avem, s zicem c fonciirea trebuie achitat (Preda, Moromeii II, 126)

De cele mai multe ori limba de lemn folosete cuvinte fr context crora nu li se precizeaz sensul. Astfel de cuvinte sunt, de cele mai multe ori, folosite articulat hotrt, articolul oferindu-le greutatea necesar pentru a se impune n mintea vorbitorilor ca adevruri generale ce nu mai necesit un context anume, ele pot fi utilizate oricnd pentru a da greutate mesajului.
Dar am dus munca i am avut rbdare, i au nceput s vin, i nu era reaciunea ca acum, era organizat cu btui peneiti i dracu s-i ia care mai erau, c erau attea partide de te zpceai la cap, nu tiai pe care s mai dematiAa, tovare! Acuma masele au alt perspectiv, au posibilitatea s-i aud bine pe comuniti. Acuma e mur n gur, tovare, s faci agitaie n mase (Preda, Ferestre, 8).

Reacia fa de asemenea cliee este, bineneles, una violent,din partea vorbitorului care le utilizeaz cu greutate neavnd o reprezentare clar a lor. Astfel se subliniaz ideea c limba de lemn este ntotdeauna expresia unei atitudini ostile fa de tot ce poate fi superior gndirii lozincarde. Combinaia ciudat dintre argou i jargonul ideologiei face ca limba de lemn s se discrediteze singur nainte de a fi discreditat de ctre alii. Subminat de argou, discursul comunist se trdeaz ca fiind lipsit de substan, singurul atribut evident care i rmne fiind tehnicismul. Limba devine astfel instrumentul prin intermediul cruia politica se manifest i se impune. Disputele politice se nasc prin discurs pentru c puterile politice democratice se vd forate s obin adeziunea maselor n scopul realizrii scopurilor electorale sau ale intereselor de partid. Acest proces creeaz necesitatea unei politici lingvistice care s permit i s faciliteze ndoctrinarea ideologic. Concluzii n concluzie putem spune c asistm la transformarea discursului ideologic din discurs public n discurs privat, un discurs care se submineaz singur prin violen i prin lipsa de substan care oscileaz ntre violena limbajului politic i violena reaciei de rezisten. Astfel, se evideniaz eecul pe care l reprezint promovarea, n literatur, a exprimrii lozincarde, dominat de cliee ideologice. Problema care se pune este aceea de a defini relaia dintre ideologie i limb ca interaciune dialectic. Prin ideologia regimurilor totalitare se tinde la tergerea barierelor sociale pentru c, pe acest teren, toi vorbesc la fel, fapt ce este contrazis att de perspectiva sociolingvisticii, ct i psiholingvisticii, ambele discipline studiind procesul de codare i decodare a mesajelor verbale n situaii de comunicare variate, ca operaiuni logice i de selecie a registrelor etc.
Bibliografie: CESEREANU, Ruxandra, Imaginarul violent al romnilor, Bucureti, Editura Humanitas, 2003. COERIU, Eugen, Lecii de lingvistic general, traducere din spaniol de Eugenia Bojoga, cuvnt nainte de Mircea Borcil; Chiinu, Editura Arc, 2000. COERIU, Eugen, Limbaj i politic, n Identitatea limbii i literaturii romne n perspectiva globalizrii, Iai, Editura Trinitas, 2002. DUMISTRCEL, Stelian, Campanie Suntem toti victimele inertiilor lingvistice, Jurnalul naional, 29 Martie 2006, p. 8-9. FISHMAN, Joshua A., The Sociology of Language, n Sociolinguistics a Reader and Coursebook, London, Edited by Nickolas Coupland and Adam Jaworski, 1997. LA FAYE, Jean-Pierre, Langages totalitaires, Critique de la raison / l'economie narrative. Heramnn, Paris, 1972. SLAMA-CAZACU, Tatiana, n Stratatege comunicaionale i manipularea, Iai, Editura Polirom, 2000. SLAMA-CAZACU, Tatiana, Lecturi de psiholingvistic, Bucureti, Editura Didactica i Pedagogic, 1980. TEODORESCU, Cristiana-Nicola, Patologia limbajului totalitar, , Craiova, Editura Scrisul Romnesc, 2000. ZAFIU, Rodica, Diversitate stilistic n romna actual; Bucureti, Editura Universitii, 2001. ZAFIU, Rodica, Limbaj i politic, cap. Violena limbajului politic, Bucureti, Editura Universitii din Bucureti, 2007.

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Surse : Clinescu, Scrinul Preda, Moromeii II Preda, Ferestre Slcudeanu, Biblioteca

= George Clinescu, Scrinul negru, Bucureti, ESPLA, 1960. = id., Moromeii, vol. II, Bucureti, ESPLA, 1967. = id., Ferestre ntunecate, Bucureti, Editura Tineretului, 1976 = Petre Slcudeanu, Biblioteca din Alexandria, Bucureti, Editura Cartea romneasc, 1970.

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Deprecierea mesajului politic prin violena de limbaj

drd. Amalia-Florina Popescu Colegiul Tehnic Samuil Isopescu, Suceava

Abstract: The violence of the language is a reflex of the phisical and psichological violence in the actual Romanian society. Perhaps, we are the people with the biggest number of swears, hideaous words and machiavelic expressions in the world. This type of violence worries us. Violence is everywhere as the civilization, the inteligence, the art of conversation and the rationality are completely gone. The violence of the language gets new forms of manifestation in the cultural society. It isnt only swears, obscene words and expressions, but this is a maximum form. We can be as violent as that by simply using humour or irony. The violence of language isnt unfortunately only a therapeutical form, eventhough, apparently, it can shape such an impression. Violence evoques in our minds death, torture, wars, criminality and terorism. In a less dramatic register, we can think at the lack of civilization, insults and outrages, unpoliteness and bad attitudes. Eventhough it is such a known phenomena, it isnt easy at all to attribute a consensual and satisfying definition. It is very known the fact that the press and the audiovisual became the fourth power in the state after the anticomuniste Revolution. The TV violence may activate and create a violent behaviour. It has the absolute supremacy when talking about violent scenes. Violence becomes a political issue and more than that, a theme for the political campain, and we are living in a society where the communication is very important, as the human being has never chattered as much as now. The politicians are more and more subdue to the pressure of the events in the mass-media. They are forced to respond to the challenges of the jurnalists and the also have to construct their own image. The President himself expressed his opinion regarding some jurnalists and some events at many interviews. The press is more greedy of show than the politicians, Your shainelessness has no limits; I am off duty . Always annoyed by the cameras, the president has the same rood language regarding the jurnalists. C. V. Tudor is violent in his oficial speeches, too. He has a violent behaviour and language thinking that this is the only way he can impose himself. He sustained the comunist system, having violent articles in the Romania Mare magazine. It is possible that this type of discourse deviates from the reality of speaking and even generates new types of discourses. Key words: violence of the language, politeness, oficial speeches

Violena de limbaj este un reflex al violenei fizice i psihice din societatea romneasc actual. Probabil suntem ara cu bagajul cel mai mare de njurturi, cuvinte hidoase i expresii machiavelice din lume. Acest tip de violen a ajuns, poate, s ne ngrijoreze. njurturile, strigtele cu nuan rasist, scuipatul, obscenitile sunt doar cteva dintre situaiile care se pot ntlni, n fiecare zi i la fiecare pauz sau pe holurile i n curtea unitilor de nvmnt. Violena este peste tot, cci a disprut complet civilizaia, bunul sim, raiunea, codul bunelor maniere, inteligena, arta conversaiei, fineea. Violena de limbaj capt forme de manifestare n societatea actual. Violena de limbaj nu se rezum numai la njurturi, cuvinte i expresii obscene, dar aceasta este o form maxim. Putem fi la fel de agresivi verbal ironiznd, sau folosind umorul. Uneori aceste forme sunt cu mult mai dureros primite dect formele violenei fizice. Violena de orice fel nu este n definitiv altceva dect un puternic sentiment de neputin i de copleire de ctre propriile noastre afecte crora n momente tensionate nu gsim alt soluie pentru a le face fa, dect printr-un limbaj violent. Violena de limbaj nu este din pcate o form terapeutic dei poate contura o astfel de impresie n aparen. n momentul n care ne manifestm violent, de fapt, artm c tensiunea este aa de mare n interiorul nostru nct nu mai putem simi la nivelul gndirii i s o exprimm n cuvinte. Violena ne evoc n minte moarte, tortur, masacre, rzboaie, oprimare, criminalitate sau terorism. ntr-un registru mai puin dramatic, ne gndim la lipsa de civilizaie, insulte i injurii, nepolitee i atitudini nerespectuoase. Cu toate c este un fenomen att de cunoscut, nu este uor s ajungem la o definiie satisfctoare i n acelai timp consensual. Este de notorietate faptul c presa i audiovizualul au devenit a patra putere n stat dup Revoluia anticomunist. Este adevrat c expresia limbii romne n presa romneasc este colorat, chiar prea colorat uneori. Fenomenul se explic nu numai prin anumite trsturi de

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limbaj, dar i prin formaia jurnalitilor, cei mai muli cu studii umaniste, dar fr studii propriuzise de jurnalism, iar Stelian Dumistrcel consider c ,,nu este de mirare c lingvitii i jurnalitii de calitate nu pot accepta indiferentismul organizaional i sunt, justificat, ngrijorai de perspectiva instaurrii, i prin mass-media a unei subculturi lingvistice de mas; ,,...liberalismul lingvistic excesiv nu este n realiate liberalism, ci este mai curnd libertinaj, fiindc nu recunoate existena unor norme care intereseaz pe toi vorbitorii. Acest liberalism nu provoac, n realitate, libertatea limbajului, care este ntotdeauna o libertate motivat..., arbitrariul nu e n realitate o atitudine progresist, tolerant i democratic, ci dimpotriv e o atitudine reacionar i antidemocratic...2. Violena limbajului reflect violena realului, fiind o form de translare a acestuia n pagina ziarelor. Cu ct o societate este mai ,,aezat, mai statornic, mai sedimentar, cu att limbajul panic este prezent n paginile presei sale. Persoanele care urmresc portretizrile situaiilor violente nva cum s se implice n aciuni violente i sunt dispuse s pun n aplicare ce au nvat din massmedia3. Violena TV poate s ,,activeze, ct s i ,,creeze un comportament violent. Televiziunea deine supremaia absolut la apariia de scene violente. Violena devine o problem predominant politic, chiar i o tem de campanie ectoral, iar noi trim ntr-o epoc de comunicare intens, cci omenirea ,,n-a trncnit niciodat mai mult ca n zilele noastre. Unele studii recente sugeeaz c mecanismele fiziologice ale violenei variaz de la un individ la altul, de la o cultur la alta. Alteori, se consider despre violen c este ,,iraional4. Odat trezit dorina de violen antreneaz anumite schimbri corporale sau verbale, care i conduc pe oameni la rzbunare fizic sau verbal. Spre deosebire de o gndire modern, gndirea primitiv reprezint asimilarea violenei i a nediferenii devenind o eviden imediat care poate duce la obsesii sau jigniri. Studiul relaiilor dintre mass-media i viaa politic ne determin n mod firesc s ne ntrebm care este legtura dintre evoluia spectaculoas a mijloacelor de comunicare n mas i formarea opiniilor. n cursul ultimilor ani, viaa politic a suferit, desigur, numeroase transformri, iar unele dintre acestea in de recrutarea personalului politic. Politica nu se limiteaz la arta de a comunica i la efectul mediatic, dar este mai puin adevrat c multe dintre deciziile luate de guvernani sunt astzi tributare modului n care acestea vor fi comentate de mijloacele de comunicare n mas, adic de pres. Relaia dintre mass-media i viaa politic este un factor important pentru nelegerea mizelor legate de evoluia democraiilor contemporane. Politicienii sunt din ce n ce mai supui presiunii evenimentelor din mass-media. Ei sunt ,,obligai s rspund solicitrilor jurnalitilor i s-i construiasc imaginea. Discursul politic este o component esenial a limbajului nceputului secolului al XX-lea. Democratizarea nregistrat n majoritatea statelor europene n ultimul deceniu a fcut ca limbajul s devin principala arm de atac al adversarului politic. De exemplu, Traian Bsescu s-a adresat unei ziariste: ,,Sigur, vin direct n birou la tine s o facem!. Traian Basescu i-a manifestat explicit dispretul fa de ziariti, nc de la nceputul mandatului su. ,,iganc mpuit, ,,Psric, ,,Suntei de o nesimire incredibil, au fost cteva din calificativele acordate ziaritilor. La acestea se adaug declaraiile preedintelui care aflat la Brneti, a fost ntrebat de o ziarist dac va face o declaraie la Bucureti despre rezultatul moiunii de cenzur, el rspunznd: ,,Sigur, vin direct n birou la tine s o facem! Preedintele i-a exprimat prerea despre jurnaliti, la modul general, n diferite emisiuni i interviuri. ,,Presa este mai avid de spectacol dect politicienii.; ,,Suntei de o nesimire incredibil. Sunt n timpul meu liber. Deranjat mereu de camerele de luat vederi, preedintele se menine cu acelai limbaj grosier, la adresa jurnalitilor. Aflat la Mamaia i luat prin surprindere de turitii dornici de a se fotografia cu preedintele, jurnalitii aflai de fa au nregistrat fiecare pas al acestuia. ,,Mi psric, tu nu ai treab azi?, este o alt valen la adresa unei jurnaliste cu ocazia suspendrii preedintelui. Iritat, preedintele, i-a luat acesteia telefonul din mn, l-a introdus n buzunar, uitnd a-l nchide, spunnd: ,,Ct era de agresiv, iganca asta mpuit. Dup asemenea afirmaii jignitoare adresate jurnalitilor, senatorul PNL, Puiu Hasotti, l acuz pe Traian Bsescu numindu-l ,,Prost crescut i c are unele lacune de educaie, din cauza voiajelor pe mare pe care le-a fcut de-a lungul timpului. ,,Una este s fii spiritual sau ironic, care este apanajul oamenilor inteligeni, i alta este s fii prost
2 3

Dumistrcel, Limbajul publicistic, p. 11. Vezi Dobrescu, Brgoanu, Mass media i societatea, p. 235. 4 Vezi Girard, Violena i sacrul, p. 8.

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crescut. Senatorul Kelemen Hunor, deputat UDMR, nu pare surprins de declaraiile preedintelui Bsescu, afirmnd: ,,Este o declaraie de tip macho, dar este regretabil c nu reuete s se comporte ca primul om n stat. Este un segment din societate, cruia i place un asemenea tip de comportament. Afirmaia Lavinei andru, deputat PIN, vine ca o completare la toate atacurile preedintelui la aresa femeilor: ,,Nu se dezice de cine este de fapt. Este clar c a pierdut sprijinul femeilor prin astfel de declaraii. Nu ar fi ru ca CNCD s se sesizeze dup aceast nou afirmaie a lui Traian Bsescu. Dup aceste ieiri spectaculoase, eful statului se decide a contesta sancionarea cu avertisment, primit de la Consiliul Naional pentru Combaterea Discriminrii (CNCD) pentru folosirea expresiei ,,iganc mpuit cu referire la o jurnalist. ,,Colegiul a acordat avertisment deoarece, potrivit ncadrrii pe care am dat-o, se putea aplica doar avertisment, legea nu prevede aplicarea de amend pe ncadrarea juridic pe care am dat-o, respectiv articolul 2 alineatul 4 din Ordonana de Guvern 137/2000, a afirmat preedintele CNCD, Csaba Ferenc Asztalos. El a menionat c avertismentul este o condamnare public i constituie una dintre posibilitile de sanciune prevzut de Ordonana 2/2002, care reglementeaz regimul general al contraveniilor, dar a admis c nu exist o sanciune mai uoar. Preedintele Traian Bsescu a respins categoric decizia CNCD, considernd inacceptabil ca o discuie n intimitate s fie analizat de o instituie a statului romn i a apreciat c trustul ,,intact este cel care trebuie s i asume efectele publice ale deciziei de a face public o discuie privat. El a anunat atunci c va ataca la Curtea de Apel Bucureti decizia CNCD. Procesul n care Traian Bsescu a contestat decizia prin care Consiliul National pentru Combaterea Discriminarii (CNCD) l-a sancionat pentru folosirea expresiei ,,iganc mpuit referitoare la o jurnalist de televiziune s-a amnat pn la 26 octombrie 2007. Avocatul preedintelui Traian Bsescu, Robert Rou, a depus la dosar o cerere prin care solicit analizarea actelor i nregistrarea video depus la dosar de membri ai CNCD. Prezentm, n continuare, cteva preri din ziarul ,,Ziua (5.10.2007) n legtur cu limbajul agresiv folosit de Traian Bsescu : Stelian Tnase, politolog, l consider pe preedinte, drept un ,,camionagiu, cu un ,,stil de camionagiu, iar ,,Declaraia preedintelui Traian Bsescu, fcut la adresa jurnalistei care a ncercat s l ntrebe cnd va face o declaraie despre votul de la moiunea de cenzur, poate avea dou explicaii. Una ine de temperamentul su i amintete de tinereea lui zbuciumat. O a doua explicaie poate fi faptul c stilul su frust, de camionagiu, care este pe placul oamenilor, face parte dintr-un calcul electoral. Trimite mesaje anticapitaliste i mpotriva pturii educate, dar n acelai timp oamenii spun las, c bine i-a fcut. Oamenii nu sunt ateni la astfel de discursuri i se las impresia c este normal ca jurnalitii i oamenii educai s fie bruscai, chiar i verbal. Zoe Petre, profesor universitar, condamn comportamentul preedintelui, afirmnd : ,,Ca profesor i femeie m nfioar acest gen de vocabular. Chiar dac nu este singurul care a vorbit aa, mcar domnul Vadim Tudor nu este preedinte. Este umilitor s fii reprezentat la cel mai nalt nivel n felul acesta. Societatea civil s-a obinuit s-i treac cu vederea tot felul de lucruri i pe lng vulgariti i accept i minciunile. Dup ce n campania electoral din 2004 se spunea despre Traian Bsescu c reprezint rul cel mai mic, s-a ajuns acum s se spun c reprezint binele cel mai mare. Este de neiertat faptul c nu este sancionat de societatea civil. Pe copiii notri nu i lsm s vorbeasc aa, dar pe preedinte da. Dan Pavel, politolog, consider c ,,Declaraia preedintelui Traian Bsescu nu reprezint o surpriz pentru mine. Rmne consecvent cu nclcarea etichetelor, pentru c are n el o smn de scandal la care nu a putut s renune. Probabil i se pare c este amuzant, iar cei care sunt lng el nu au curajul s l trag de mnec. Preedintele ar trebui s se gndeasc c este un exemplu i c nu trebuie s mizeze pe faptul c oamenilor le place s aud acest gen de declaraii. Mai avem i noi copii care ne ntreab ce spune preedintele. A devenit un loc comun faptul c programele partidelor politice prezentate n timpul campaniei electorale pentru a atrage ct mai multe voturi, de exemplu, campania alegerilor la Primria din Suceava n iunie 2008, simt nevoia ieirii n public a diferiilor reprezentani ai partidelor politice poart cu sine dorina de cucerire a electoratului. Uneori politica devine o competiie i un conflict, iar referenialul acestora devine puterea. Violena simbolic a puterii politice asupra lumii sociale include i o violen a societii moderne actuale. Apogeul violenei de limbaj n presa din Romnia postcomunist l reprezint revista ,,Romnia Mare, avndu-i ca lideri pe Eugen Barbu ntr-o prim faz i C.V. Tudor, ambii foti susintori ai regimului comunist, cu articole infame sau chiar injurioase. n 1990, Eugen Barbu

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justific limbajul violent i defimtor folosit de revist prin faptul c ,,Romnia Mare rspunde la insulte n stilul literar al pamfletului. Barbu afirmase c el nsui accept ideea de a fi insultat doar dac acest lucru este fcut cu talent: ,,Nu m sperie nici invectivele, nici blasfemiile, nici aruncarea peste gard a insultelor! Cu o condiie: s fie scrise cu talent!5. Eugen Barbu i C.V. Tudor fuseser scriitorii ,,de curte ai celor doi dictatori comuniti din Romnia. Persoanele atacate i umilite n paginile acestei reviste sunt considerate ca fcnd parte din ,,specia subuman6, demn de dispreuire. Grupul de injuriatori ai revistei sfideaz personalitile politice i culturale ale vremii, amuzndu-se vulgar pe seama acestora prin cultivarea unui stil calomnios, denat. Diferite persoane sunt numite: ,,piticanie, ,,pipiric, ,,mameluci, ,,neica-nimeni, ,,guai, ,,handicapai, ,,Ggu, ,,creiera de coacz uscat, ,,puradel, ,,nichipercea, ,,oligrofen, ,,cocoai, ,,fonfit, ,,foanf etc. Categoria vizat de ,,Romnia Mare este cea a elitei scriitorilor, ziaritilor, intelectualilor, a oamenilor politici. Interesant este c Ion Iliescu ori Petre Roman nu sunt atacai, ntruct revista a aprut cu binecuvntarea acestora. Intelectualii care se ocupau cu scrisul erau considerai ,,plcintari, ,,scribli, iar eseistul Octavian Paler7 este ,,domnul zero, Ana Blandiana este Ana ,,Bzdcoasa, criticul Alex. tefnescu este ,,Ardei Umplut, Doina Cornea este ,,Muma Pdurii, criticul Al. Piru este ,,btrna Godzilla, Ion Cristoiu este ,,bacil, Nicolae Manolescu este un ,,flcu tomnatic din mahalaua preafericiilor Crcnel i Mia Baston, iar Mircea Crtrescu este un ,,manglitor nrit de prin poezia americneasc, uclar al lui Nicolae Manolescu etc.8 Pe de alt parte, pe motivul satanizrii, pastorul Lszlo Tkes este numit ,,Aghiu, sau ,,diavol cu fustanel9. Vocabularul lui C.V. Tudor eman violen, iar limbajul folosit de acesta funcioneaz ca o concluzie a incitrii la un gest obscen, abject ori la o injurie. De altfel, concluzia este evident, deoarece revista va apela cu exaltare batjocoritoare la o lingvistic animalizant care i permite bestializarea inamicilor. Persoanele criticate sunt situate n ,,subuman, fie amuzndu-i pe cititori, fie manipulndu-i pe acetia n sensul c cei atacai pot fi desconsiderai n mod legitim. De la un anumit punct, revista va fi doar pe ,,placul pungailor preuii de Barbu, iar argotica ei nu mai are niciun punct comun cu pamfletul, deoarece lipsete valoarea estetic. Limba romn este preschimbat ntr-o materie greu de ndurat din cauza impuritilor pe care pedaleaz scriitorii ,,de curte ai celor doi dictatori comuniti din Romnia. Revista urmeaz modul de calomniere practicat de comunitii romni la nceputul anilor 50. Eugen Barbu i C.V. Tudor apeleaz la aceast tehnic a ,,spurcrii pentru a-i satisface n mod aparte pe colaboratorii i redactorii de la revist. La un moment dat ,,Romnia Mare i gsete ,,naul, fiind numit de o alt revist naional c ar fi o ,,defecie, rspunsul, ,,poft bun. Autoironia aceasta confer revistei statutul de gazet scatologic. Limbajul ,,pungresc, pe care cei doi l admirau, a fost utilizat cu o voluptate injuriatoare. Nimic nu a prisosit n tiina infamiei, limba romn devenind, sub pana celor doi gazetari o materie de defecie. n campania electoral din anul 2000, C. V. Tudor a fost denumit de Mdlin Voicu, ,,Ciordelius Vagin Tulburel. Porecla a fcut, n campania electoral, furori, fiind mediatizat, considerat ,,picant. Voicu a utilizat una dintre tehnicile injuriatoare ale revistei ,,Romnia Mare, avnd o miz politic, ironic. ,,Ciordelius deriv de la argoticul ignesc ,,a ciordi, (=,,a fura), iar ,,Vagin vizeaz o implicaie libidinoas a senatorului PRM, autoconsiderndu-se un reprezentant al virilitii i un ,,macho iar de ,,Academia Caavencu C.V.Tudor este poreclit ,,VeCe10. Se poate observa c C.V. Tudor i structureaz discursurile n jurul unor teme negative, teme care vor fi ilustrate n cele ce urmeaz prin citate. ara Real e pntecul femeii care a nceput s-i vnd pruncii, nc nainte de a-i nate // pe cnd copiii astfel comercializai se duc la o moarte sigur, n bncile de organe ale bogtailor lumii. ,,Adevrul 30.10.2000 Asta nu nseamn c nu se moare n Romnia! Ba se moare // n cele mai ngrozitoare feluri. Am n vedere // crimele i sinuciderile. Niciodat n istoria Romniei, nu s-au produs att de
5 6

Apud Cesereanu, Imaginarul violent, p. 104. Vezi ibidem, p. 105. 7 Apud Cesereanu, op. cit., p. 107. 8 Ibidem. 9 Ibidem. 10 Apud Cesereanu, op. cit., p. 138.

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multe omoruri pe an i nu i-au pus capt zilelor atia semeni de-ai notri! ,,Adevrul 23.10.2000 // buruienile care le fac romnilor viaa insuportabil: srcia, mizeria, anarhia mafia. ,,Adevrul 28.10.2000 Actuala campanie politic ncepe cu mortul pe mas. Acesta nu este altul dect <cadavrul politic> Emil Constantinescu, principalul vinovat de dezastru rii, mercenarul care a fost sftuit, nu demult, s-i fac harakiri. Romnia este condus, pe fa, de femeia-komisar Zoe Petre. ,,Adevrul 29.10.2000 Cnd acuz, o face ntr-un mod impersonal, atacurile sale fiind ndreptate mpotriva celor aflai la putere i a contracandidatului su, C.V. Tudor, ns numele acestuia nu apare niciodat n discursurile analizate. C.V. Tudor folosete un adevrat arsenal negativ, sinonimia negativ fiind excesiv. Este adevrat c este un excelent orator, dar i folosete calitile ntr-o direcie proast. Persuasiunea poate fi atins prin folosirea unui limbaj negativ referitor la contracandidai, dar utilizarea exclusiv a acestuia, a unor cuvinte de multe ori morbide (cadavrul politic Emil Constantinescu), imensul paragraf despre traficul ilicit de organe cu care i deschide discursul de acceptare a candidaturii sunt destul de nspimnttoare, fiind pe placul unui numr redus de alegtori. n plus, temele pozitive sunt doar pretexte pentru a reintroduce dimensiunea negativ a discursurilor sale. Atacurile lui directe subliniaz faptul c programul su electoral este inexistent. Cu toate astea, puterea lui oratoric i-a fcut pe civa s-l urmeze. De asemenea, utilizeaz digresiuni, exemple, astfel nct ideea de baz pare c se pierde printre rnduri. Discursurile politice ncorporeaz mesaje ideologice, politice, economice i sociale. Candidaii i structureaz discursurile pentru a-i accentua propriile ideologii. Toate nivelele discursului sunt implicate n atingerea persuasiunii. Van Dijk consider c discursul poate lua forma unei analize a ideologiei, i delimiteaz apte nivele de analiz: structurile de suprafa, sintaxa, lexicul, semantica local, semantica global, structurile schematice i structurile retorice. n discursurile analizate, cele mai importante nivele sunt cel sintactic, cel lexical i cel retoric i de aceea m voi opri aici numai asupra acestora. Topica, pasivul, negaia sunt instrumente sintactice care pot contribui la atingerea persuasiunii. Lungimea propoziiilor este i ea important: frazele lungi, cu multe subordonate pot duce la o diminuare a ateniei asculttorului care se poate plictisi, creznd c vorbind prea mult, un candidat nu spune de fapt nimic. Propoziiile scurte, coordonate capteaz atenia auditoriului, mesajul fiind uor de detectat i astfel relevant. i la acest nivel se observ o diferen ntre discursurile celor doi candidai romni: C.V.Tudor folosete fraze lungi, pline de paralelisme, cu numeroase digresiuni. ncercnd s-i demonstreze vastele cunotinele, mesajul lui este lipsit de claritate, pentru c discursul su este prea greoi, coninnd prea mult informaie, deseori irelevant pentru asculttor. De vreme ce discursurile sale sunt structurate pe teme negative, negaia are i ea un rol decisiv. n discursurile lui C.V. Tudor, urmtoarele cuvinte sau expresii negative au o frecven foarte mare: mafia, jaf, crim organizat, venetici, Jos Mafia, hoi, fraud electoral, spirit malefic. Alte cuvinte i sintagme din aceeai sfer lexical sunt: criminali, ,,matrapazlcuri, ,,vinovai de dezastrul rii, ,,mafioi care au ticloit Romnia, ,,canalii, ,,rufctori, ,,complot extrem, ,,unealt a trdrii, ,,boicot mrav, (T.V.R.), ,,cadavru politic, ,,mercenari, ,,faliment de partid i de stat, ,,mari gangsteri etc. Apelnd la un asemenea arsenal negativ, C.V.Tudor nu persuadeaz. Limbajul lui este adesea abuziv, atacurile lui sunt prea directe i pot fi considerate calomnioase iar acest lucru arat c, pentru a-i atinge scopurile, s-ar putea folosi de orice mijloace, ndeprtnd astfel o parte din alegtori. Limba este ,,lichidul vital al politicii, iar luptele i certurile politicii iau natere cu ajutorul discursului. Limba devine martorul cel mai fidel al contradiciilor ideologice menite s se insinueze n subincontientul colectiv. n opinia lui Constantin Slvstru, discursurile politice: ,,sunt supuse constrngerilor de a nu trda doctrinele de la care se revendic propuntorii lor, de a fi credibile i de a rspunde intereselor majore ale celor crora le sunt destinate11. Eugen Coeriu, referitor la limbajul politicii afirma c: ,,limbajul politicii poate fi neles cel puin n trei sensuri diferite: (a) ca lexic politic; (b) ca mod de a folosi semnele lingvistice n politic; (c) ca ansamblu de procedee
11

Slvstru, p. 58.

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specifice discursurilor politice12. n primul caz se prezint terminologia specific ideologiei politice n cauz. n al doilea caz, se prezint uzul lingvistic determinat de valorile, atitudinile i ideologiile politice, dar i multe nuane ale cuvintelor dobndite n cadrul unei terminologii. n a treia situaie, este vorba despre folosirea limbajului n ,,discursuri sau ,,texte politice i de trsturile lingvistice proprii unor asemenea ,,discursuri. George Orwell afirma c printr-o exprimare mecanic ,,limba se urete datorit degradrii gndirii, iar gndirea se degradeaz datorit uririi i impreciziei crescnde a limbii i consider c ,,discursul politic e destinat a face minciunile s sune verosimil i crima respectabil13. n aceast carte Orwell i arat atitudinea sa fa de regimurile totalitariste, prezentnd subiecte tratate perodic. Limba unic a lui Orwell se erijeaz n purttorul unui solid sistem de valori monolitice, reflectnd universul lumii politice. Roman Jakobson consider c limbajul trebuie cercetat n toat varietatea funciunilor lui. O schiare a acestor funciuni necesit o prezentare a factorilor constitutivi n orice act de vorbire, n orice act de comunicare verbal. Persoana care se adreseaz (,,transmitorul) emite un mesaj destinatarului, (,,receptorul). Pentru ca mesajul s-i ndeplineasc funcia el are nevoie de un ,,context la care se refer (s-au, ntr-o circumstan mai echivoc, de un ,,referent), pe care destinatarul s-l poat pricepe i care s fie ori verbal ori capabil de a verbalizat; de un cod ntru totul, sau cel puin parial comun expeditorului i destinatarului; i are nevoie de contact conducta material sau legtura psihologic dintre cei doi care ofer posibilitatea s stabileasc i s menin comunicarea. Discursul politic reduce funciile particulare ale limbii la funcia fatic, centrat pe contact, cu rol n meninerea coerenei textului, i la cea metalingvistic, centrat pe cod, iar cea referenial, centrat pe context care stabilete legtura ntre limbaj i lumea care se prezint fiind cel mai adesea ignorat. Este posibil ca acest tip de discurs s devieze de la realitatea vorbirii i s genereze noi tipuri de comunicare.
Bibliografie: Cesereanu, Ruxandra, Imaginarul violent al romnilor, Humanitas, Bucureti, 2003 Coeriu, Eugen, Limbaj i politic, n vol. Identitatea limbii i literaturii romne n perspectiva globalizrii, Iai, Editura Tritonic, 2002, Iai, p. 17-40 Dobrescu, Paul, Brgoanu, Alina, Mass media i societatea, Ediia a doua, revzut i adugit, Editura Comunicare.ro, Bucureti, 2003 Dumistrcel, Stelian, Limbajul publicistic romnesc din perspectiva stilurilor funcionale, Institutul European, Iai, 2006 Girard, Ren, Violena i sacrul, Traducere de Mona Antohi, Editura Nemira, 1995 Orwell, George, O mie nou sute optzeci i patru, Editura Univers, Bucureti, 1991 Petcu, Marian, Tipologia presei romneti, Iai, Institutul European, 2000 Pop, Doru, Introducere n teoria media, Cluj-Napoca, Editura Dacia, 2002 Pop, Doru, Mass-media i democraia, Iai, Collegium Polirom, 2001 Rad, Ilie, Stilistic i mass-media. Aspecte ale experienei jurnalistice. Prefa de prof. univ. dr. G. Grui, Cluj-Napoca, Editura Excelsior, 1999 Randall, David, Jurnalistul universal. Ghid practic pentru presa scris, Prefa de Mihai Coman, Traducere de Alexandru Brdu Ulmanu, Iai, Editura Polirom 1998 Slvstru, Constantin, Discursul puterii: ncercare de retoric aplicat, Institutul European, Iai, 1999 Ziare: ,,Academia Caavencu ,,Adevrul ,,Gndul ,,Romnia Liber ,,Romnia Mare ,,Ziua

12 13

Coeriu, Limbaj i politic, p. 17-40. Orwell, O mie nou sute optzeci i patru, p. 3.

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Approche pragmatique des indicateurs miratifs

Lect. dr. Gabriela Scripnic Universitatea Dunrea de Jos din Galati Rezumat: Lucrearea exploateaz conceptul de mirativitate din perspectiv pragmatic, mai precis prin intermediul noiunii de act de limbaj. Ipoteza care constituie punctul de plecare al analizei este c indicatorii mirativi au rolul: 1) de a exprima emoiile spontane ale locutorului i 2) de a contribui la rezolvarea pe cale dialectic a unei dispute, a unei divergene de opinii. Aceast lucrare are la baz studii recente din domeniul mirativitii precum: Dickinson, 2000; DeLancey, 2001; Montaut, 2004; Molochieva, 2007. Studiul face parte din cercetarea efectuat n cadrul Proiectului SMADEM IDEI 1209 / 2007 finanat de Ministerul Romn al Educaiei, Cercetrii i Tineretului. Cuvinte-cheie: mirativitate, indicatori mirativi, act de limbaj

1. Sur le concept de mirativit / admirativit L(ad)mirativit est dfinie dans la littrature comme la catgorie grammaticale qui comporte des lments (les miratifs ou les admiratifs) dont le rle est dindiquer le fait que linformation transmise linterlocuteur est nouvelle et inattendue (DeLancey 2001: 370). L(ad)mirativit sest grammaticalise dans des langues non-europennes, particulirement les langues balkaniques et du Moyen Orient. Le miratif / ladmiratif renvoie des structures linguistiques gnralement intgres la catgorie des evidentials, utilises pour indiquer quun vnement est peru comme inattendu mme au moment de la production de lnonc (Lazard 2001: 361). Les marqueurs (ad)miratifs indiquent que linformation comprise dans lnonc ne correspond pas au savoir gnral du sujet parlant ou quelle a du mal sy intgrer. (Dickinson 2000: 389) Il en rsulte que la mirativit pourrait sexpliquer par le concept des attentes du sujet parlant. Dans un systme miratif, les vnements et les tats qui ne peuvent pas tre facilement assimils sont encods diffremment par rapport ceux qui correspondent aux attentes de lnonciateur (Dickinson 2000: 379). En dautres mots, si la situation envisage ne correspond pas aux attentes du sujet parlant, lnonc produit est susceptible de recevoir un marquage spcial de type miratif. Dans la littrature de spcialit, deux tendances se manifestent quant la place occupe par l(ad)mirativit par rapport lvidentialit considre en gnral comme la catgorie linguistique ayant le rle dillustrer la manire dont la source de linformation est marque au niveau de lnonc. Dans ce contexte, la mirativit est considre soit comme un sous-domaine de lvidentialit (Lazard 2001, Dendale et Tasmowski 2001), soit comme un phnomne indpendant, distinct de lvidentialit (bien quon ne puisse pas nier compltement une liaison entre les deux) (cf. DeLancey 2001, Plungian 2001, Montaut 2004). 1.1. Mirativit sous-domaine de lvidentialit Selon Lazard (2001: 361), les evidentiels ont trois usages fondamentaux: ou-dire, infrence et miratif ou admiratif. Les points communs de ces trois valeurs seraient: 1) quelles introduisent une information nouvelle et non assimile et, en me temps, suggrent que le sujet parlant prend de distance par rapport la situation quil est en train de dcrire (Slobin and Aksu 1982: 198) ; 2) quelles font rfrence la source du savoir sans la spcifier (Lazard, 2001 : 362). Lemploi miratif indique le fait que le savoir transmis par lnonc est bas sur la perception personnelle immdiate que lnonciateur a des vnements. Lazard tire ses exemples du Persan parl en Asie Centrale: Pul-am na-bud-ay Money-CLIT: 1SG NEG-be-EV: 3SG I have no money (as I see) En employant un marqueur de type miratif, le sujet parlant semble divis en deux personnes: une qui parle et lautre qui vient de percevoir. Par consquent, cest par perception

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visuelle (as I see), que lnonciateur devient conscient des faits transmis par la suite son interlocuteur. (Ibidem) La mirativit est galement vue comme sous-domaine de lvidentialit situ mme la priphrie de la sphre conceptuelle de lvidentialit (Dendale et Tasmowski, 2001: 341). La mirativit est donc situe entre lvidentialit (la source directe du savoir) et la modalit (lattitude du sujet parlant: la surprise). 1.2. Mirativit phnomne distinct de lvidentialit Avec son analyse sur le hare, une langue athapascane parle dans les territoires nord-ouest de lAmrique, DeLancey (2001) dmontre lexistence de la mirativit en tant que catgorie indpendante du paradigme videntiel. Aussi dcouvre-t-il lexistence de la particule l qui est susceptible dtre employe dans toute situation o il sagit de la perception directe dun fait inattendu, surtout si elle est accompagne de laspect imperfectif. Cette valeur na aucun point commun avec le savoir obtenu par infrence ou par ou-dire. En dautres mots, la particule l est utilise chaque fois que lnonciateur aboutit un fait par exprience directe et ce fait parvient bouleverser ses attentes, tellement il est nouveau et inattendu: Mary ew ghlayeda l Work/3s subj/IMPF Mary is working on hides. Cet nonc sera prononc par lnonciateur qui, sans avoir le moindre soupon de la situation, vient darriver chez Marie et de la trouver travaillant aux peaux. (Delancey, 2001: 376) Chez Plungian (2001: 355), la valeur (ad)mirative nest non plus videntielle du point de vue logique. Pourtant, elle est sans-doute une valeur modale, car elle repose sur un type particulier de raisonnement, savoir un raisonnement qui implique les attentes de lnonciateur. Il en rsulte que ladmiratif nest pas li lvidentielle puisquil ne se rfre pas la manire dont lnonciateur a eu accs au savoir, mais la faon dont lnonciateur est prt percevoir le savoir en tant que raisonnement expectatif et non pas comme un raisonnement pistmique. Lauteur ajoute galement que ladmirativit serait peut-tre mieux tudie dans le contexte plus large des marqueurs de lattente et de la contre-attente. Bien quau dbut de son article Montaut (2004: 111) rappelle la classification en trois volets selon laquelle les valeurs mdiatives servent en effet 1) rapporter des faits connus indirectement (par ou-dire, par un tiers, par la rumeur), 2) infrer des faits, partir dindices observables, 3) exprimer la surprise, lauteur, aprs avoir analys les emplois miratifs en hindi, aboutit lobservation que la mirativit devrait tre traite comme catgorie centrale plutt que drive dans la constellation mdiative, propre exprimer linformation nouvelle non-assimile, ce quoi lesprit nest pas prpar, voire comme catgorie spcifique voisine du mdiatif. (2004: 118) En hindi, par exemple, on observe une distinction nette entre linfrence rationnelle [] et les valeurs miratives qui sassocient laoriste, temps par ailleurs du pass narratif et des procs non-lis au temps de lnonciation (Montaut, 2004: 114). Il en rsulte que laoriste (forme simple identique au participe accompli) exprime la surprise, tandis que le parfait (participe accompli + prsent de lauxiliaire tre) ne pourrait exprimer quun constat non-marqu: kitna baR ho gay ! (*ho gay hai) combien grand tre aller[devenir]-aor / (*est devenu-pft) quest-ce quil a grandi / mais cest quil a grandi ! (ibidem) 1.3. Le fonctionnement des marqueurs (ad)miratifs Bien que la mirativit, en tant que catgorie conceptuelle, soit universelle (puisque toute langue a ses propres moyens dillustrer quun vnement dpasse les attentes de lnonciateur), un morphme miratif na t dcouvert que dans des langues non-indo-europennes, parmi lesquelles: le hare, le tchchne, le tsafiki, le turc, le japonais, le coren, diverses langues tibto-birmanes. Pourtant, dans ces langues, le morphme miratif fonctionne diffremment, cest--dire il peut englober galement une valeur infrentielle ou bien il peut surgir indpendamment de toute marque videntielle. En turc, par exemple, le suffixe verbal mi fonctionne la fois comme marqueur de lvidentialit de type infrentiel ou ou-dire et comme marqueur de la mirativit:

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Kemal gel-m Kemal come-m Kemal came. (Slobin et Aksu 1982: 187) Les auteurs envisagent trois interprtations pour lexemple ci-dessus: a) valeur infrentielle: lnonciateur voit un indice de la prsence de Kemal, son manteau accroch dans le hall, mais il ne voit pas Kemal; b) valeur dou-dire: on a dit lnonciateur que Kemal est arriv, mais lnonciateur ne le voit point; c) valeur mirative: lnonciateur entend quelquun approcher de sa maison, il ouvre la porte et voit Kemal, un visiteur compltement inattendu. Dautre part, en tchtchne (langue caucasienne du nord-est), la mirativit est une catgorie grammaticale distincte de lvidentialit. La valeur mirative peut tre exprime par le suffixe q ajout la racine du verbe ou bien lauxiliaire, sil sagit dun temps compos. (Molochieva 2007) Zara j-iena-q. Zara J-come.PRF-MIR Zara has come!(I didnt expect her to come). (Ibidem) 2. Sur la notion dindicateur miratif Dans les langues mentionnes sous 1, la mirativit existe en tant que catgorie grammaticale, superpose ou non lvidentialit. Nanmoins, lexistence dans les langues indoeuropennes doutils (dordre lexical ou bien suprasegmental) qui servent exprimer quune information et nouvelle et inattendue et quelle ne correspond pas aux attentes du sujet parlant, argumenterait en faveur dune approche largie du concept de mirativit. Nous avanons donc lhypothse de la mirativit vue comme un concept deux vises: a) mirativit proprement-dite / restreinte: il sagit des langues qui prsentent dans leur systme morphosyntaxique une particule / un suffixe appel(e) marqueur miratif (cf. supra); b) mirativit largie: prsente dans les langues indo-europennes et rendue par des indicateurs miratifs (par exemple, les lexmes valeur mirative). Nous distinguons donc entre marqueur miratif et indicateur miratif de la manire suivante: les marqueurs reprsentent des morphmes qui sassocient au verbe pour exprimer la surprise de lnonciateur devant un vnement peru la suite dune exprience visuelle / immdiate (ces morphmes sont les seuls moyens pour le faire); les indicateurs forment une catgorie plus large car ils englobent des lexmes, des lments suprasegmentaux dont le rle serait dindiquer le fait que linformation transmise est nouvelle et inattendue. Lanalyse de la mirativit au niveau de langlais faite par DeLancey (2001: 377-378) correspondrait ce que nous avons appel mirativit largie. Lauteur traite la mirativit comme une catgorie smantique voile qui se manifeste laide de lintonation mirative dfinie comme une version exagre de lintonation dclarative, avec une croissance tonique plus haute (ibidem). Par exemple, lorsque lnonciateur doit exprimer son opinion concernant la performance au piano de lenfant dun de ses amis, il fera un compliment du type Elle joue trs bien ! employant lintonation mirative et non pas le contour dclaratif. En roumain, nous pouvons identifier les classes suivantes dindicateurs miratifs: a) des phrasmes centrs autour dun verbe de perception visuelle valeur videntielle accompagn de linterjection ia: ia te uit, ia uite, iete, iete-te, iaca. b) des phrases interrogatives / exclamatives centres sur un verbe de perception visuelle: C nd colo ce s vezi? Cum aa? S vezi i s nu crezi! c) des interjections: ei drace, doamne dumnezeule. 3. Valeurs pragmatiques des indicateurs miratifs Puisque leur rle est dindiquer que linformation transmise linterlocuteur est nouvelle et inattendue, les indicateurs miratifs savrent des lments fonction pragmatique particulire. Premirement, au niveau pragmatique, les indicateurs miratifs constituent des actes de langage expressifs par lesquels le sujet parlant exprime ses motions spontanes:

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1) Ia uite frate, au trecut i premiile Oscar!!! Iaca treaba! Cica azi noapte pe la 3 (ora noastra) a fost decernarea Premiilor Oscar 2009, editia 81. Am imbatranit rau frate. Alta data eram si io parca mai pasionat si nu imi scapa. (http://artistu.ro/2009/02/ia-uite-frate-au-trecut-si-premiile-oscar/) Le premier indicateur miratif employ, savoir ia uite, met en vidence le fait que linformation contenue dans lnonc (les prix Oscar ont dj eu lieu) est inattendue et, en consquence, est difficilement assimile par le sujet parlant. Cet indicateur est renforc par un second, iaca treaba, qui ajoute la surprise dj exprime, lattitude du sujet parlant lgard de linformation transmise: le mcontentement quil ait pu manquer ce spectacle. Bien que les indicateurs miratifs, par lemploi du verbe uite, suggrent quil sagit dune perception immdiate de type visuel, lutilisation de lindicateur videntiel cic montre, en fait, que nous avons affaire une information provenue dun ou-dire (cic signifie se zice c). Il en rsulte que le sujet parlant exprime sa surprise par rapport une information obtenue indirectement (ou-dire) et non pas directement par perception visuelle. 2) Iete-te la ei ! Doamnelor i domnilor v prezint aici un dragu caz de rasism din partea unei organizaii sioniste, cu siguranta Herzl ar fi mandru. Ce i propun ei? Citii mai jos. (http://praguldisperarii.wordpress.com/2008/12/16/iete-te-la-ei/) Lexpression de lmotion spontane du sujet parlant face la dcouverte dun cas de racisme est double, voire surclasse, dans lexemple ci-dessus, par la force illocutoire que lnonc Iete-te la ei! semble acqurir: lnonc a une valeur expressive (surprise, indignation), mais il fonctionne galement comme une invitation voile adresse aux lecteurs agir contre tout cas de racisme. Certaines phrases interrogatives ou exclamatives centres autour dun verbe de perception visuelle sont susceptibles de fonctionner en tant quindicateurs miratifs et daccomplir, par cela, des actes de langage expressifs: 3) Mi-a rusine de ce am vazut in ultimele minute. Era ultimul meci in care trebuia sa tragem tare, cand colo, ce sa vezi? Ce sa cautam noi cu echipa asta in Europa? Am jucat ca o echipa care era blat, pe cuvantul meu!" - Adrian Mititelu, patron Craiova. (http://sport.hotnews.ro/stiri-fotbal-5758322-steaua-craiova-2-1-mititelu-parca-fost-blat.htm) Lindicateur miratif cnd colo ce s vezi? fonctionne diffremment par rapport aux autres indicateurs analyss dans les exemples prcdents. Si les structures ia uite, iete-te la ei ouvraient le discours du sujet parlant en prsentant linformation comme nouvelle et inattendue, lindicateur cnd colo ce s vezi ?, bien que gardant la mme fonction pragmatique, aura toujours le statut dun lment de passage entre la prsentation des attentes du sujet parlant (lquipe de football aurait d faire bien des efforts pour gagner le match) et la ralit contraire (lquipe a jou trs mal) qui engendre et justifie, en fait, lemploi de lindicateur miratif. 4) S vezi i s nu crezi! Surf agat de un rechin! Un tnr dornic de adrenalin a ales un mod inedit de a face surf: agat de un rechin! Curajosul a folosit o undi, de care a atrnat cteva buci de carne, pentru a ademeni rechinul, dup care s-a lsat tras de acesta, pe placa de surf. Mdlina Kadar (http://www.clujeanul.ro/ultima-ora/sa-vezi-si-sa-nu-crezi-surf-agatat-de-un-rechin-video3771343) Lindicateur miratif employ se laisse diviser en deux parties aussi importante lune que lautre pour leur valeurs la fois videntielles, miratives et pragmatiques. La premire partie, s vezi, met laccent sur une possible perception visuelle en tant que source de linformation, do sa valeur videntielle. La seconde partie, s nu crezi, indique le fait que linformation transmise est difficilement assimile par lunivers de croyance du sujet parlant, do sa valeur mirative. Tout

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lnonc pourtant peut tre compris comme une structure conditionnelle du type Si on voit quelquun faire du surf accroch un requin, on a du mal croire ses yeux! En outre, lindicateur miratif permet un possible interlocuteur de mettre en doute lexactitude de linformation prsente. Du point de vue videntiel, lindicateur ne dit rien sur la manire dont lnonciateur (Mdlina Kadar) a eu accs linformation: par exprience directe, car elle a t tmoin lacte du brave surfer ou par ou-dire (lorsquun tiers lui a expliqu et donn tous les dtails sur lexploit dcrit). (5) Unii pun akcent pe dragoste. Da nu-s multumiti de partenere, asa ca fac scandal. Cum adica, tu iti scoti dragostea la inchiriat? Ei, drace! Sa mai zica cineva ca numai femeile sint materialiste si ca numai saracii sint zgirciti. Adica ei, diramai vedetele cit de mult am cheltuit. Iaca n-ai inchiriat dragoste, monser, ai cumparat amor. Fraiere! Si ce-mi zici mie? Crezi ca o sa pling? (http://curatmurdar.ro/2005/06/29/greatest-shits/) Linterjection Ei,drace! traduit ltonnement du sujet parlant, tonnement doubl dune nuance dindignation lgard dune situation qui contredit ses attentes; le sujet parlant a accs la situation en question par exprience directe de type auditif (les chansons des vedettes en Roumanie); il fait la constatation que cette situation est en contradiction avec la doxa, conformment laquelle les femmes sont matrialistes et les pauvres sont avares. En roumain ont pntr des interjections puises de langlais, surtout dans le langage des jeunes: whoops, shit, cool! qui peuvent fonctionner comme des indicateurs miratifs: 6) Whoops! Uite ca la mine banii n-au ajuns decat pt un Celeron 320 cu viteza maxima de 2,43 Ghz. L-am cumarat anul trecut in toamna cu nici 700 RON, la inceput avea 128DDR, intre timp iam mai bagat ceva RAM si am 768, e drept ca de mult timp mi-am dorit un Pentium noudar in prezent sunt asa de multumit ce low-end-ul meu de la Intel incat nu-mi mai trebuie nimic decat, eventual un monitor LCD si un sub-woofer mai performant. (http://www.roportal.ro/discutii/index.php?act=Print&client=printer&f=12&t=5680) Linterjection whoops! exprime la surprise modre du sujet parlant qui stait cr des attentes la suite des interactions avec ses semblables et constate que la ralit ne convient pas ses attentes. 7) n ce ar trim, doamne dumnezeule? Romnia, minitrii i serviciile de informaii. Am o propunere: s procedeze toi precum ministrul justiiei, procuror Monica Luisa Macovei, de ce s mai atepte apariia legilor n cauz? S le nfiineze prin ordin ministerial. Este inimaginabil cum de toat lumea se face c nu tie despre renffinarea serviciului de informaii al Misiterului Justiiei (fosta SIPA, defuncta DGPA) cu dubl subordonare director general ANP i ministrul justiiei. n ce ar trim, doamne dumnezeule? Cine eti tu, Monica? Cine te iubete acolo sus? (http://forum.gds.ro/intreaba-comunitatea/1137-ce-tara-traim-doamne-dumnezeule.html) Les fonctions associes lindicateur miratif doamne dumnezeule sont: 1) lnonciateur exprime sa surprise devant lattitude du ministre de la justice (elle a cr des lois par ordre ministriel au lieu dattendre leur apparition), un vnement la fois nouveau et inattendu; 2) le point de vue de lnonciateur (son dsaccord quant cette attitude) est annonc par lindicateur miratif sans contribuer de faon vidente la rsolution dialectique de la dispute si un tel comportement est acceptable ou non dans notre pays; 3) lnonciateur essaie dimposer son point de vue sur lauditoire (dans ce cas, sur les lecteurs) et de le faire adhrer son dsaccord. Il semble que les indicateurs miratifs constituent des actes de langage sans fonction essentielle dans la rsolution par voie dialectique dune dispute; leur rle est dexprimer implicitement un point de vue auquel jusqu ce moment-l lnonciateur nadhrait pas (puisque la situation dcrite vient de lui tre rvle) et quil cherche imposer son audience. Conclusions Nous avons prsent un bref aperu historique du concept de mirativit, ce qui nous a permis de dboucher sur une approche pragmatique des indicateurs miratifs. Selon le critre

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morphosyntaxique, nous avons identifi trois classes dindicateurs miratifs, savoir 1) des phrasmes centrs autour dun verbe de perception visuelle accompagn de linterjection ia; 2) des phrases interrogatives / exclamatives centres sur un verbe de perception visuelle; 3) des interjections. Lapproche pragmatique a essay de mettre en vidence le fait que les indicateurs miratifs ont le rle dexprimer une motion soudaine (acte de langage expressif) et, sil sagit dune discussion critique, de prsenter un point de vue implicite que lnonciateur cherche imposer sur lauditoire sans parvenir pourtant rsoudre, par leur simple emploi dans le discours, la divergence dopinion.
Bibliographie: DeLancey, Scott, The mirative and evidentiality, in Journal of Pragmatics, no. 33, 2001, pp.369-382. Dendale, Patrick & Tasmowski, Liliane, Introduction: Evidentiality and related notions, in Journal of Pragmatics, no. 33, 2001, pp.339-348. Dickinson, Connie, Mirativity in Tsafiki, in Studies in Language, no. 24 / 2, 2000, pp.379-421. Guentchva, Zlatka, La notion de mdiation dans la diversit des langues, in Les Mdiations Langagires, vol. I, Des faits de langue aux discours. Actes du colloque international "La mdiation : marquages en langue et en discours", Publications de lUniversit de Rouen, 2004, pp.11-33. Lazard, Gilbert, On the grammaticalization of evidentiality, in Journal of Pragmatics, no. 33, 2001, pp. 359-367. Molochieva, Zarina, The category of evidentiality and mirativity in Chechen, 2007, http://www.eva.mpg.de/lingua/conference/07CaucasusConference/pdf/final%20abstracts%20english/MolochievaAbstract.pdf Montaut, Annie, Quotatif, mdiatif et miratif dans les langues dAsie du Sud: une ou plusieurs catgories?, in Les Mdiations Langagires, vol. I, Des faits de langue aux discours. Actes du colloque international "La mdiation : marquages en langue et en discours", Publications de lUniversit de Rouen, 2004, pp.111121. Plungian, Vladimir A., The place of evidentiality within the universal grammatical space, in Journal of Pragmatics, no. 33, 2001, pp.349-357. Slobin, Dan & Aksu, Ayhan, Tense, aspect, and modality in the use of the Turkish evidential, in Paul Hopper (ed.), TenseAspect: Between Semantics and Pragmatics, Amsterdam, Benjamins, 1982, pp.185200.

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Fundamente ale culturii romne:

influena cretinismului asupra limbii. Terminologia latin
Prof. Irina Stan Grupul colar de Transporturi Auto-Focani Resume: Dans notre approche, nous avons tenu compte des programmes scolaires pour le cycle suprieur de l'cole secondaire, discipline Langue et Littrature roumaine, approuv par MedC O. n . 3252 / 13.02.2006, programmes qui configurent le spcifique de ce segment de la scolarit sur le principe chronologique du phnomne littraire/culturel. En XIe classe les contenus du domaine de la langue et littrature roumaine visent la focalisation sur la formation des habitudes et des comptences de documentation des lves en fonction des modules suivants: Les fondements de la culture roumaine , Ancienne Priode et Priode moderne : A., le XIXe sicle - dbut du XXe sicle" B., Priode de l'entre-deux-guerres (roman). Notre intention a t de clarifier un certain nombre de questions concernant l'origine de la terminologie chrtienne en roumain, en vue des grandes difficults rencontres par les lves de la premire approche (voir, Latinit et lment lexical de la langue des Daces , Dimension religieuse de l'existence ), provoqus non seulement par l'obligation dintroduire l'tude de cas, en tant que mthode de l'assimilation des connaissances. Luvre est structure en deux chapitres: I. Nature de la terminologie chrtienne en roumain et II. La terminologie latine de la base du lexique chrtien roumain . Le premier chapitre tient compte de l'affirmation de I. Fischer le grec est la premire langue du christianisme ( Latinit Danubienne. Introduction dans l'histoire de la langue roumaine , Editura Stiintifica si Enciclopedica, 1985, pp.348-349), lassertion qui contredit l'ide que les Roumains auraient reu un christianisme d'origine uniquement latine. Afin de soutenir ci-dessus il y a des opinions, appartenant aux certains linguistes, de certains hommes de culture consacrs tels que Gh. Ivnescu, Micklosich, Lazar Saineanu, Haralambie Mihaescu, Vasile Arvinte, Constantin Frincu, etc. Mots cls : lexique, latinit, christianisme, culture

Programele colare pentru ciclul superior al liceului, disciplina limba i literatura romn, aprobate prin O. MEC nr. 3252 / 13.02.2006, configureaz specificul acestui segment de colaritate pe principiul cronologic al fenomenului literar/ cultural. n clasa a XI-a coninuturile din dome-niul limbii i literaturii romne vizeaz focalizarea pe formarea deprinderilor i competenelor de documentare ale elevilor, n funcie de urmtoarele module:,,Fundamentele culturii romne, ,,Pe-rioada veche i ,,Perioada modern: A. ,,Secolul al XIX-lea nceputul secolului al XX-lea; B. ,,Perioada interbelic(romanul). Dificultile majore ntmpinate de ctre elevi n abordarea pri-mului modul, cauzate nu numai de obligativitatea introducerii studiului de caz, ne-au determinat s realizm acest demers. I. Natura terminologiei cretine n limba romn: Ideea potrivit creia romnii ar fi primit un cretinism de origine latin nu este tocmai corect; dovezile acestei afirmaii sunt pe de o parte terminologia latin de la baza lexicului cretin romn i pe de alt parte faptul c obiectele de cult cretin care ne-au parvenit din aceast 1 peri-oad prezint analogii cu cele din Illyricum, n special din Pannonia i chiar din Italia . Totui, la Sucidava s-au gsit inscripii greceti; ele pot aparine unor cretini de origine oriental sau unor ceteni provenii din oraele pontice. ns folosirea unor simboluri cretine n limba greac nu nseamn cu necesitate c cei care le-au gravat vorbeau grecete. 2 ,,Greaca este prima limb a cretinismului . De aceea este firesc s se fi pstrat unele formule n limba de origine. Nu se poate vorbi de un cretinism latin sau de un cretinism grecesc, deoarece: ,, Cretinismul era nc acelai pe tot n-tinsul imperiului (Gh. Ivnescu). Mult mai trziu ,,vor apare deosebiri fa de barba-rii pgni locuitorii din aceast parte a Europei, fiind n secolul al IV-lea cretin i a-tt. Se poate vorbi despre caracterul latin al terminologiei cretine din limba romn, nu despre
1 2

Gh. Ivnescu, Istoria limbii romne, Iai , Junimea, 1980, p.92. I. Ficher, Latinitatea dunrean.Introducere n istoria limbii romne, Bucureti, Editura tiinific i Enciclopedic, 1985, p.348-349.

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caracterul latin al cultului respectiv. Acest argument lingvistic este de netgduit, chiar dac 3 Micklosich afirma ,, n treact voiu numai s observ c terminologia cretin a romnilor precum i nentrerupta ntrebuinare a crilor bisericeti slavone permite a conchide la o participare a slavilor la cretinarea cam trzie a poporului romn. Avem de-a face cu o influen bizatin mijlocit de slavi i nici pe departe de o cretinare a poporului romn fcut de acetia. Populaia romanizat a cunoscut cretinismul nc din seco-lul al II-lea (neoficial) i mai ales din secolul al IV-lea (oficial). Abia n veacul al IX-lea a avut loc n cretinarea oficial a slavilor dup cum urmeaz: bulgarii au primit cretinismul n anul 864, sub arul Boris-Mihail, srbii s-au cretinat n anul 879, iar Rusia s-a convertit n anul 988, sub prinul 4 Vladimir . n Apusul Europei cretinismul s-a rspndit prin intermediul latinei, iar n partea rsritean prin intermediul limbii greceti.Cele dou limbi au fost mult timp considerate sfinte i de aceea au rmas o perioad ndelungat singurele forme de manifestare a cultului cretin. n provinciile dunrene cretinismul s-a rspndit n limba latin deoarece era limb de stat. n Sudul Dunrii sunt pomenii n secolul al II-lea doi episcopi latini: Venantius pe la 270 i Dominio n anul 5 300 . Mai mult, n secolul al IV-lea a activat n nordul Dunrii episcopul Wulfia care vorbea i scria n trei limbi: greaca, latina i gota. Provinciile dunrene au constituit o adevrat punte de legtu-r intre lumea greac i Occidentul latin. Dup anul 330 civilizaia greac ncepe s 6 graviteze n jurul Bizanului , odat cu anul 395 limba latin continu s fie folosit n administraie i armat,n tribunale i biseric pn n pragul veacului al VII-lea cnd dispar textele juridice i titulatura mprailor este nlocuit din latina greac. A existat dup anul 397 o perioad n care cele dou limbi au fost considerate, fr prtinire oficiale: atunci s-a hotrt ca sentinele judectoreti s fie scrise fie n latinete, fie n grecete II.Terminologia latin de la baza lexicului cretin romn: Important este faptul c cei doi termeni care opun pe credincioii noii religii necredincioilor sunt de origine latin: lat. Christianus > rom. cretin; acesta ar fi trebuit s devin dup evoluia fonetic normal *crein; forma cu /-t/ s-ar putea explica printr-o apropriere contient de nu7 mele latin al lui Hristos, Christus. i aceasta deoarece titlul ,,Fiul Omului este lipsit de sens n grecete; de aceea este nlocuit cu ,,Fiul lui Dumnezeu sau ,,Domnul(Kyrios), termenul ,,Mesia find tradus n grecete ,,Christos i sfrete prin a deveni nume propriu: Isus Hristos Christ de-vine n grecete ,,Cel Uns, cel ales de Dumnezeu. Graie acestei mitologii i simboluri universale, limbajul religios al cretinismului a devenit accesibil dincolo de focarul su de origine8. Christia-nus apare n tirolez i n roman cu o ciudat lrgire de sens, el a devenit aproape sinonim cu Homo (avem n romnete expre-sii de genul: ,,un foarte cretin de altminterea). Italiana i dia-lectele istriene din Rovigno cunosc acest interes al lui Christianus,care pare s fie 8 mai rspndit n latin . 9 n secolul al IV-lea, nsui cuvntul romanus avea acest sens; profesorul Vasile Arvinte ne spune c ,,acest sens a fost n aceast perioad foarte rspndit i el trebuie s fi contribuit la abandonarea de ctre greci a vechiului lor nume elin, i la adoptarea noii denumiri romei. Aa se explic de ce elin(i adjectivele sau adverbele derivate de la el) a ajuns s nsemneze n grea-ca bizantin ,,pgn, idolatru iar noul nume romeu s aib accepia de ,,cretin.Aceast schim-bare semantic a avut loc ncepnd cu Constantin cel Mare: ,,cnd cretinismul a devenit religie de stat,
Lazr Sineanu, ncercare asupra semasiologiei limbii romne, studii istorice despre transiiunea sensurilor, Bucureti, Editura Academiei, 1887, n cap. ,,Terminologia cretin la romni l citeaz n aceeai ordine de idei, alturi de Miklosich i pe Jirecek: ,, terminologia cretin a romnilor d o mrturie nendoioas cum c au primit de la slavi doctrina lui Christ; Cihac nsui afirma: Le vieux slave nous a donn prsque la totalit de la nomenclature cclesiastique. Autorul aduce probe contrare, iar n final, afirm: ,, fondul cretinismului. 4 H. Mihescu, Influena greceasc a limbii romne pn n secolul al XV-lea, Bucureti, Editura Academiei, 1966, p.84. 5 Haralambie Mihescu, Limba latin n provinciile dunrene ale Imperiului Roman, Bucureti, Editura, Academiei 1960. 6 Ibidem. 7 I. Fischer; op.cit.,p.150-151. 8 Ovid Densuianu, Istoria limbii romne, ediie ngrijit de J.Byck, Editura tiinific, Bucureti, 1961,p.154. 9 V. Arvinte, Romn. Romnesc.Romnia, studiu filologic, Bucureti, Editura tiinific i Enciclopedic, 1983, p. 8586; estecitat Emil Petrovici (A.L.R., vol. I, harta 191).
3

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a fi cetean roman implic i calitatea de membru al bisericii cretine, [de aceea] neamu-rile din afara imperiului numite, ca i n perioada precretin, tot barbare, vor fi considerate de a-cum nainte ca pagne, necredincioase, adic necretine. Spre deosebire de acetia, cetenii ro-mani aparineau imperiului sfnt al bisericii cretine care se identifica cu statul roman. Lat. paganus > rom. pgn prin pierderea primitivului pagus ( ,,borne fiche en terre de unde avem ,,territoire rural delimite par des bornes, district) care nsemna iniial ,,ran (locuitor al pagusului)i ,,civil n limbajul militar.ncepnd cu sec. I ,,civil nsemna n limbajul Bisericii ,,p-gn(pagii erau cei care au rmas n afara cretinrii).n celelalte limbi romanice, avem ar. pingin, mgl. pangon, cu sensul de pgn; aa s-au format cuvintele ,, rufctor n aromn, i ,, ru n meglenoromn. Cu sensul de ,,pgn, ,,necredincios s-a pstrat i n it. pagano, fr. paen, prov. cat. paga, sp. pagano, port. pagado. Exist i derivate verbale ale acestui cuvnt : a pngri= a profana, a murdri; ar. pinginescu(pinginire) > a te face pgn, a renuna la religia cretin, a te mur-dri sufletete. Mult mai interesant este forma care s-a pstrat n meglenoromna :pgnes -,, a nclca postul mncnd de frupt, de dulce; lat. paganitas tatem < rom. pagntate 10 (,,pcat, ,,greeala de neiertat , ,,adept al altei religii dect cea cretin), fr. Paiennete . Credina nu este ca n alte limbi ,, fidelitatea, lat. fides > fr.foi, ci ansamblul 11 prescripiilor religioase, lat. lex > rom. lege . Lat. credere ,, a crede era la origine termen religios , utilizat ns destul de des i cu sensul profan n spaiul mediteranean. Sub influena cretinismului i re-capt sensul iniial credentia > rom. credina (derivat atestat n secolul al IX-lea), it. credenza, fr. creance, croyance, sp. creencia, port. Creal. n romnete sunt prezente derivatele verbale a crede, a ncredina. Exist i preri potrivit crora aceste forme ar proveni din lat. credo. Lat. lex, legem > rom. lege, fr. loi, croyance ; avem expresii de genul ,,legea cretineasc cu sensul de ,,norm impus de credin dar i de ,,fapt bun, omeneasc ; bineneles c se pstreaz i sensul juridic al cuvntului. Dintre diviniti i pstreaz numele latin Domine Deus (< Dominus Deus ,,Stpne Dumnezeu) > rom. Dumnzu, Dumnezu, ar. Dumnidz(u), fr. Dieu, it. Domineddio, v.fr. Damnedeu, Damledieu. lat. Deus > Zeus (vechi, cu sensul de Dumnezeu); n mitologie apare Zeus stpnitorul Olimpu-lui, mai marele peste zei; n credina cretin Dumnezeu este cel atotputernic, ,, creator al cerului i al pmntului, al tuturor celor vzute i al celor nevzute Derivate de la lat. Deus gsim i n it. Dio, cat. Deu, sp. Dios, port.Deus; termenul s-a conservat pn n zilele noastre prin interjecia zu (,,i jur pe Dumnezeul meu-, i jur pe credina mea ) Cuvntul draco,-onis, care desemna ,,dragonul, ,,arpele mitic a captat numai pe teritorul de limb latin din care se va dezvolta romna, albaneza i provensala, sensul ,,drac . Pe teritorul rom-nesc nu s-a putut impune termenul grec diabolus, ,,dragon ,,ar-pe, ,,steag; se pare c termenul grec a ptruns n limbile italian i francez n Evul Mediu ca termen de cult: it. 12 diabolo, fr. diable . Lat. sanctus > rom. snt (sin, sum), ar.simtu (samtu, sintu, sin, sum), mgl. somt (sam, san); sunt forme utilizate fie pentru denumirile srbtorilor , fie pentru cele ale sfinilor (ale cror nume provin mai ales din greac): rom. S()nta-Maria, S()ta-Marie, mgl. Sta-Maria, pentru Sfnta Marie srbtoarea de la 15 august (Sfnta Mrie Mic) Alte srbtori provenite din combinarea latinescului sanctus cu nume proprii latine sunt: rom. Snt-Gior(d)z(Singiordz)-Sf Gheorghe; srbtoarea de pe 23 aprilie(<lat.Sanctus Georgius ). Lat. Sanctus Ioannes > rom. Snziene, lat Sanctus Nicolas > rom. Sn(n)icoara, 6 decembrie; lat. Sanctus Petru > rom. Sn-toader. Sanctus s-a pstrat n majoritatea limbilor romanice sub urmtoarele forme: it. san(to), friul. sant, sent, fr. prov. saint, cat. sant, sp. port. santo, sp. san, port. sao. n romnete aceste forme se folosesc mai ales n vorbirea popular, regional. Forma

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Gh. Ivnescu, op. cit.p.92. I Fischer, op.cit.p 348-349. 12 Haralambie Mihescu, Influena greceasc a limbii romane pn n secolul al XV-lea, Bucureti, Editura Academiei, 1996, p. 84.

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literar sfnt a provenit din slavul sventu Lat. Diana(Zeia vntorii)>rom. zna (arh.reg. dzina), ar. dzina, mgl. zona, alb. zane, zere cu sensul de ,, muza zeia. Gsim derivate ale acestui cuvnt i n vechea toscan jana, n logudorez, yana (vrjitoare), v. prov. jana (cu sensul de ,, spirit ru, malefic); secolul al V-lea este atestat lat.dianaticus, care este, probabil, la originea rom. Znatic. Regsim aceeai situaie ca n derivrile: noapte, noptatec, varavratec, iarna- iernatec 114 soarta (arh. pop. soarte), ar. soarte, mgl. sort, soarte, alb. short (,,destin). n romnete exist sintagma,,a trage la sori, care apare i n meglenoromna cu acelai sens. Urme ale acestui cu-vnt gsim i n celelalte limbi romanice: it.log. sorte, cat. sort, sp. suerte, port. sorte. n romne-te (arhaic i popular) ca i n aromn, ,,soarta are i sensul de ,,natere, soroc. Opiniile sunt diferite. De exemplu, exist prerea potrivit creia avem de a face cu un derivat al latinescului 15 e-xorta (participiul feminin al verbului exoriri= a nate) . Latinescul sors, sorte i-a pstrat pn astzi semnificaia ,, ceea ce i este scris, druit de zei, de ctre Divinitate; soarta n romnete ca i n majoritatea limbilor romanice are i sensul de ,,cel, cea care i este hrzit() pentru csnicie. Romnescul cruce este de asemeni de origine latin: lat. crux, crucem > rom. cruce, ar. crute, mgl. cruti, alb. kryq, kryqe ; n celelalte limbi romanice a existat i varianta livresc: sp.port. cruz; variantele literare sunt urmtoarele: it croce, log. ruge, fr. croix, prov. crotz, cat. creu. Crucea este simbolul rstignirii lui Isus, al jertfei sfinte, al sacrificiului pentru omenire; a rmas n acelai timp, ca un fel de semn protector n faa rului. Lat. ecclisia s-a pstrat n fr.eglise, it. chiesa i n alb. kishe, klishe cu sensul de ,, lca de cult . n romnete ptrunde mai trziu adjectivul ecleziastic (neologism). Biserica provine la noi din greaca , mai nti cu sensul de ,, casa mpratului apoi ,, bazilica, edificiul la-ic, ,,loc de ntlnire i mai trziu ,,biserica, lca de cult, casa Domnului,atestat cu aceast semnificaie n anul 315, att n lumea occidental ct i n lumea oriental. Astzi cei doi termeni au ambele sensuri, de instituie religioas(Eglise, Biserica Roman) i edificiu, loc de rugciune i de ascultare a slujbei religioase (eglise, biseric). Terminologia ierarhiei i organizrii bisericeti, provenit din latin este cu mult mai srac, ceea ce nu dovedete ,,caracterul rudimentar al administraiei ecleziastice din perioada n discuie, deoarece vechii termeni au putut fi nlocuii de nsi ierarhia bisericeasc n momentul n 16 care slavona a aprut ca limb de cult . n interiorul bisericii se afl altarul, locul n care preotul inaugureaz tainele sfinte, unde se roag, unde se sfl mai aproape de Dumnezeu; de asemeni i locul n care se pregtete sfnta mprtanie, simbol al Trupului i al Sngelui Sfnt. Lat. altarium, altare > rom.altar, it. altare, fr.autel ; s-a folosit i cu sensul su pgn (loc de aducere a ofrandei n cinstea zeilor). Practic, aa s-a folosit nc dinainte de apariia religiei cretine, formantul oltar, provenit din slavul oltari i forma pristol din paleoslav (,, Din pristolul 17 de la Roma s dau calului ovz M. Eminescu) . Lat. inclinare (in+clinare) > rom inchina, ar.ncl in cu variant ncl inare, mgl. ancl in (cu sensul strict religios de ,,a-i face rugciunea, a se prosterna); in it. inchinare, v. fr. encliner, prov. cat. enclinat nu-i pstrez sensul religios. n romnete apar ambele sensuri. n limbile ro-manice occidentale, formanii latinescului nclinare au astzi sensul aa-zis ,,profan : ,,a saluta, a transmite cuiva complimente .n romnete exist i forme derivate de la verbul latin: nchinciu-ne, nchinare pstrate i n ar. ncl inaciune, i mgl. anac inaciune (arh. are sensul de ,, fidelitate, devoiune) Lat. peccatum cu sensul iniial ,,greeal, eroare n genere > rom. pcat, ar. picat, mgl. picat(i cu sensul de mil), it. pecat, alb. mekat. n romn alturi de sensul religios apare sensul de ,,vin (,, al meu s fie pcatul acesta = ,,mi asum eu vina aceasta , s fie din vina mea)

13

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Haralambie Mihescu, Limba latin n provinciile dunrene ale Imperiului Roman, Bucureti, Editura Academiei 1960. Ibidem. 15 I. Fischer; op.cit.,p.150-151. 16 C Tresmotant, La metaphisique du christianisme et la naissance de la psiholophiechretienne, Paris,1961Mircea Eliade Istoria credinelor i a ideilor religioase vol. 2 ,, De la Guatama-Budha pn la triumful cretinismului , Chiinu, Universitas, 1992, p.331. 17 Ovid Densusianu, op.cit.p.154;

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Lat. *aiunare (=ieiunare) > rom. ajuna, ar. agiun (agiunare), alb. agjeroj (cu sensul ,, a posti), fr. jeuner, sp. ayunar; fr s uitm de prerile potrivit crora latinescul * ajunare= 18 ejunare +jajunare . Din lat. fructus (,,produs al pmntului, fruct), avem n rom. frupt (,,a mnca de frupt, de dulce, a nu respecta postul),provenit de la ideea de lapte ca produs animal(interzis n timpul postului) . Sensul i forma acestui cuvnt se pstreaz n alb. frzt, it. frutto,log. fruit, prov. fruch. n timpul postului oamenii respect adesea aanumita ,,sptmna alb cnd au voie s mnnce lapte i ou, mai puin carne. Pentru aceast perioad din lat. carne (m)-liga(t) > rom. crneleaga (cf.it. carnevale > carne, levare, spre deosebire de antonimul su carne lasciare, carlassare, corespondentul romnescului ,,lsare de carne). Din lat. caseu (m)-liga(t) > rom. clegi (luna lui noiembrie), ar. cleag. n veacul al IV-lea cretinismul s-a generalizat i a ajuns n Dacia nord-dunrean: lat. quadragesimus,-a,-um ( ,,a patruzecea zi dinaintea Patelui, mai trziu i ,,a patruzecea zi de dup Pate) > rom. Presimi (arh. Preasim, Preasim); atunci, n secolul al IV lea, Biserica Cretin a selecionat forma de feminin, quadragesima (dies), form pstrat n majoritatea lim19 bilor romanice: alb. kreshme(post), it quaresima, prov. caresima, sp.cuaresima,port., quaresima . Din lat.*comminicare (=communicare) > rom. cummineca ,,Sfnta Cumminectur, ar. cumminic, alb.kungoj, v. fr.comengier, prov. comenegar, cat.combregar,sp. dial. comingara cumineca, cuminecare, cuminecciune; este atestat i n vechime sub formele cuminecciune, cuminectune. Lat. commendare cu sensul ,, de a ncredina cuiva ceva > rom. comnda,, a ndeplini ritualurile pentru mori. n secolul al XVI-lea acest verb este nregistrat cu sensul de ,, a sacrifica. Sensul actual este o reminescen a vechilor culte pgne potrivit crora cel care murea trebuia s fie recomandat zeilor prin intermediul sacrificiilor fcute de cel care tocmai s-a stins din via dar i de cei rmai (tot n favoarea lui). Forma rom. mormnt provine din lat.monumentum ( ,,monument funerar la autorii cla20 sici) . n limba popular el a fost identificat cu sepulcrum. Lat. monumentum, monimentum s-a meninut n romn i sub forma unor regionalisme : murmnt, mrmnt, ar. murmntum, (mar21 mntu, murmndu) mgl. murmnt . Dintre marile srbtori cretine amintim Srbtoarea Naterii DomnuluiCrciunul; lat. creatio, - onem ,, natere >rom. Crciun, ar. Crciun, mgl. Crciundin latin acest termen va trece i n vechea slav Krciun, Kerecun, Krecun, rusa Korocun, ,,solstiiul de iarn. Este posibil 22 ca din romnete forma s fi trecut i n ungureteEsztrenga (probabil sub influena dialectal) . Al Rosetti i Gh. Ivnescu susin posibila provenien n romn din slava meridional i aceasta deoarece latinescul creatione ar fi trebuit s dea n romn creciune; dar cuvntul slav-kracun a-re la baz un latin creatione care se justific prin aceea c se refer la crearea lumii. ,, Oricum a-cest termen constituie o abatere de la latina bisericeasc obinuitafirm Gh. Ivnescucaracte-rizat 23 prin Nativitate sau Natale ... La srbtorirea Crciunului se spun colinde; cuvntul provine din lat. calendae, ntrebuinat n limbajul cretinilor la singular* calenda. Dialectal avem n Criana forma corind, mai vechi, crind; slavii l-au preluat de la strmoii romnilor, koleda, pentru ca acetia s-l remprumute de la ei, colinda. A cincea zi dup Pati poart numele de Rusalii; lat. Rosalia (Rosa),, srbtoarea trandafirilor a florilor cu care se mpodobeau mormintele; n macedon. Rusale, mgl. Rusala, ar. Arusale. Cuvntul trece n v.sl. Rusalja, v. rus Rusalka. Romanii l remprumut de la ei sub for-m
V. Arvinte Romn. Romnesc.Romnia, studiu filologic, Bucureti, Editura tiinific i enciclopedic, 1983, p. 85-86; domnul profesor l citeaz i pe Emil Petro-vici (A.L.R., vol. I, harta 191) care spune despre cuvntul romn c ,,are i sensul cretin (ortodox), iar derivatul romnesc, romneasc nseamn i ,,cretinesc, cretineasc n expresia ,, lege romneasc.Aceste fapte sunt atestate n aisprezece puncte diseminate n toate provinciile romneti. p. 48. 19 Haralambie Mihescu, La langue latine dans le sudest de leurope Bucureti, Editura Academiei, 1978, p. 295-296. 20 I Fischer, op.cit.p. 150-151. 21 G. Giuglea, Cuvinte romneti i romanice, Bucureti, Editura academiei, p. 177-178. 22 Gh. Ivnescu,op.cit.p. 169-170, C Frncu,op.cit.p. 20, D Macrea, Probleme ale structurii i evoluiei limbii romne, Bucureti, Editura tiinific, 1982. 23 Haralambie Mihescu, Influena greceasc p. 58-65.
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de plural (cuvntul transferat de la srbtoarea pgn la cea cretin a trecut n cele din urm i asupra znelor din imaginaia popular). Acest cu-vnt era ntrebuinat n locul lat.Pentecosta ( provenit din greac unde semnifica ,,Srbtoarea Sfintei Treimi , ,, a cincizecea zi dup Pate) 24 pstrat n fr. Pentecote . Lat. callendarius,-a,-um>rom. calendar(arh. crindar), n alb. kallunar, kallnor, ,,ianuarie, nceputul primverii, fr.dial. calendie, prov. calendar, ,,ultima lun a anului; sub influena greac s-au format n latin denumirile populare ale lunilor anului. -lat. februarius mensis ,,luna purificrii,(ultima lun a vechiului an roman) > rom. furar (pop. faur), alb. fruar, fror (dar n it. februario, log. freardzu, fr.fevrier, prov.feurier, cat. febrer, sp. febrero, port. fevereiro) ; -martius mensis ,,luna zeului Marte >rom. marti(arh.), Mrior, ar. martu, alb. mars; -lat. aprilis ,,aprilie> rom. prier, ar. aprir, alb. prill, it. aprilie, log. aprile, fr. avril, prov. cat. sp.port.abril. La fel se ntmpl i cu celelalte denumiri:Florar, ,,luna florilor, Cirear, Cuptor, Gustar, Rpciune, Brumrel, Andrea sau Undrea, ndrea. Din greac, aceste nume, alturi de varian-tele lor literare s-au transmis, dup unii cercettori odat cu ptrunderea slavilor n zon. n de-cursul secolului al VII-lea comunitatea dunrean se afl n mijlocul slavilor, fiind nconjurat de ei (de unde i ruperea contactului direct cu lumea bizantin). Lat.luna se regsete numai n romn i n aromn sub forma luna (,,astru, dar i ,,perioad a anului); lat. mensis > fr. mois. Lat. septimana (=hebdomas) > rom. sptmna (arh. pop. stmn), ar. siptamna, mgl sptmona, fr. semaine, it settimana, sp. port. semana. Zilele sptmnii s-au pstrat astfel (iat cteva forme actuale): -(dies) dominica (numele apare odat cu Sinodul de la Niceea, Constantin Cel Mare a stabilit aceast zi de srbtoare pentru fiecare sptmn n parte)> rom. duminica, ar. duminica, mgl. duminica, istrorom, dumikeke, dumenega, fr. dimance, prov. Dimeneque. Forma cu dies se pstreaz n majoritatea limbilor romanice. -lat Lunis(dies), lunae dies>rom.luni, fr.lundi, it.lunedi, log.lunis, prov(di)luns, cat. dilluns, -lat.Martis(dies) ,,ziua lui Marte, zeul rzboiului>rom.marti, ar.marti(a), marti, mgl.marti, alb.e marte, it.martedi, log.martis, fr.mardi, prov.di martz, cat.di mars, sp.martes; -lat.Mercurii, mercuric(dies) ,,ziua lui Mercur>rom.miercuri (reg. mnercuri, nercuri) ar. nercuri, mgl.nercur, alb.e merkure, it.mercoledi, log. merkuris, fr.mercredi, sp.mercoles; -lat.Jovis(dies) ,,ziua lui Iov > rom.joi (reg. gioi), ar.gioi, mgl.joi, fr.jeudi, it.giovedi, prov. (di)jous, cat. dijous, sp.jueves; -lat.Veneris(dies) ,,ziua Venerei > rom.vineri, ar.viniri, mgl.viniri, fr.vendredi, prov. cat. divenres, sp.vienres. Ct privete ziua de smbt, prerile sunt mprite: Micklosich susine c acesta ar pro25 veni din ebraic . Cei mai muli lingviti sunt de acord c ar proveni din latina vulgar, din cel deal II-lea secol, sub influena limbii greceti: lat.vulg. smbt > rom. smbt fr. samedi , it. 26 sabatto, cat.dissapte, sp.sabado(sunt forme derivate fie de sabbatum, fie de la sambatum) . Noiunea de or (,,interval de aizeci de minute) provine din lat.hora>rom. oar, ar. oar, mgl.uara, alb.here (,,or, ,,anotimp, ,,epoc), it. log. ora, fr.heure, prov. cat. ora, sp. port. hora. Din latinescul *tardivus(tardus) avem n rom. trziu, ar. trziu, fr.tard, it. tardivo; latinescul tem-porius (< tempus, -oris) ,, la momentul potrivit >rom. ar. mgl.timpuriu ,,premature, 27 ,,devreme Lat.*manitia(de mane ,,de diminea)> rom.diminea (arh.demineaa) mgl.dimineatsa; exist i posibilitatea ca romnescul diminea s aib ca punct de plecare lat.de mane+ suf. ea; lat. manicare(<mane) n latina bisericeasc avea sensul de ,,a se trezi devreme rom. arh. mineca, mgl. manicat (utilizat numai ca adverb, devreme) alb. mengoj. Din lat. sera ,, trziu

24

Theodor Capidan Meglenoromanii III, Bucureti , Editura Academiei 1925 p. 340, Haralambie Mihescu, Limba latin p 309. 25 G Giuglea, op.cit p.37. 26 I. Fischer, op.cit.p. 151. 27 L. Saineanu, op.cit.

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> rom.seara (reg.sara), ar. mgl.seara; n limbile romanice occidentale s-au pstrat forme proveni-te din lat.sero > log. sero, f. soir, prov. ser. Aadar, caracterul latin al terminologiei cretine din limba romn se constituie ntr-o dovad incontestabil a latinitii, acestui popor. Alturi de celelalte dovezi de natur arheologic, faptele de limb mai sus-menionate ilustreaz un adevr de netgduit pentru civilizaia romneasc. Chiar termenii care opun pe credincioi necredincioilor sunt de origine latin: christianus /cretin, paganus/ pgn.n secolul al IV-lea este atestat forma romanus cu semnificaia cretin.Datorit evenimentelor ce au parvenit Sinodului de la Nicaea (anul 325) i n special, politicii lui Constantin cel Mare a fi cetean roman nsemna a fi cretin Ct privete practica studiului de caz n nsuirea cunotinelor de limb i literatur romn , iat c tema ,,Latinitii i a dacismului, rmne, dincolo de obieciile clasice ale pericolului generalizrii, un teritoriu demn de explorat din perspectiva colectrii, analizei i interpretrii datelor. Bibliografie:
Arvinte, V. Romn. Romnesc.Romnia, studiu filologic, Bucureti, Editura tiinific i Enciclopedic, 1983. Capidan, Theodor, Meglenoromanii III, Bucureti , Editura Academiei 1925 p. 340. Densusianu, Ovid, Istoria limbii romne, ediie ngrijit de J.Byck, Editura tiinific, Bucureti, 1961. Ficher, I. Latinitatea dunrean.Introducere n istoria limbii romne, Bucureti, Editura tiinific i Enciclopedic, 1985, p.348-349. Giuglea, G. Cuvinte romneti i romanice, Bucureti, Editura Academiei. Ivnescu, Gh. Istoria limbii romne, Iai , Junimea, 1980, p.92. Macrea, D. Probleme ale structurii i evoluiei limbii romne, Bucureti, Editura tiinific,1982. Mihescu, Haralambie, Influena greceasc a limbii romne pn n secolul al XV-lea, Bucureti, Editura Academiei, 1966. Mihescu, Haralambie, La langue latine dans le sudest de leurope Bucureti, Editura Academiei, 1978. Mihescu, Haralambie, Limba latin n provinciile dunrene ale Imperiului Roman, Bucureti, Editura, Academiei 1960. Sineanu, Lazr, ncercare asupra semasiologiei limbii romne, studii istorice despre transiiunea sensurilor, Bucureti, Editura Academiei, 1887. Tresmotant, C. La metaphisique du christianisme et la naissance de la psiholophie chretienne, Paris,1961;Mircea Eliade Istoria credinelor i a ideilor religioase vol. 2 ,,De la Guatama-Budha pn la triumful cretinismului, Chiinu, Universitas, 1992.

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Language Change Slang Updating

Asist. drd. Cristina-Silvia Vlcea Universitatea Transilvania, Braov Rezumat: Acest studiu i propune s investigheze mult discutata problem a vocabularului colocvial printrun studiu de caz care se concentreaz asupra felului n care tineri studeni i studente folosesc cuvintele colocviale. Pentru acest lucru am pornit de la consideraiile sociolingvisticii care emite ipoteza unei utilizri mai atente prestigioase din partea femeilor i o utilizare mai liber mai puin prestigioas a vocabularului de ctre brbai. Cuvinte-cheie: vocabularul colocvial, limbajul tinerilor, aspecte sociolingvistice

Language change is a phenomenon which manifested as early as the languages themselves which, as living organisms, suffer permanent changes. Yet, language change is not initiated from inside, it appears as a consequence of a languages speakers. In other words, one can speak more of speaker innovation rather than language change. Language change is in fact a consequence of speaker innovation. The innovations may become permanent elements of the language by either imposition or imitation which leads to the enrichment of the local language. Language change manifests there where an existing word is challenged by a new word, thus there is variation, which is very likely to be accepted by certain social categories more than others. An area where the change is obvious is the vocabulary of certain social groupings that manifest their intention of creating a vocabulary of their own which could not be understood by the others (Bonvillain, 2003). Such a category is that of teenagers who are very open to change as long as change serves their desire of uniqueness, of contesting the existing order of things and of demonstrating their nonconformism. Teenagers, cons, perpetrators develop a vocabulary as a means of creating a group where belonging is guaranteed by vocabulary familiarity. Slang, argot, colloquialisms are the categories which serve speakers demonstrate their non-conformism. Nevertheless, the limits between slang and argot can hardly be established and sometimes they completely disappear as slang and argot are defined as the same concept. Thus, to begin with, from an etymologic point of view, slang was given several definitions among which: special vocabulary of tramps and thieves, jargon for a particular profession, to abuse with words, and very informal language characterized by vividness and novelty. Macmillan Dictionary defines slang as words or expressions that are very informal and are not considered suitable for more formal situations. Some slang is used only by a particular group of people. The common element of most definitions seems to be the fact that slang is formulated and used by a specific group of people. Webster-Merriam dictionary defines slang as an informal nonstandard vocabulary composed typically of coinages, arbitrarily changed words, and extravagant, forced, or facetious figures of speech. WebsterMerriam dictionary emphasizes also the manner in which slang words are formed mentioning the process of coinage and the arbitrariness of some lexical changes or choices. The same dictionary tries to disambiguate the difference between slang and argot by stating that argot is: an often more or less secret vocabulary and idiom peculiar to a particular group. Apparently, argot preserves the same feature as slang in belonging to a certain group, the only difference being its secret character. Still, other dictionaries, such as Oxford Dictionary, equate argot to slang argot is the jargon or slang of a particular group. Another difficulty consists in the definition of slang and colloquialisms. For example, slang is considered to refer to informal lexical items used by certain social group, for instance teenagers, soldiers, prisoners and thieves. On the contrary, colloquial speech is informal, relaxed speech used on occasion by any speaker; this might include contractions such as 'youre'. It is also suggested that a method of distinguishing between slang words and colloquialisms which is that of checking whether most native speakers know the word and if they do, it is then a colloquialism. As pointed out in the definitions above, slang is about creating an informal language which shares the feature of being unique and familiar to a group of people. They create a vocabulary which refers to and consists of the activities they are involved in. Sharing a common activity, living in a common environment, having probably the same educational background make people have social relationships. Thus, the language they use is directly influenced by the activity, the

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environment, the educational background, and in this way can be explained peoples need of creating words that refer to their work environment. That also explains the fact that slang is so varied according to the job and environment of each social category. Buja (1999) illustrates the social determination of slang by identifying the social categories to which they are circumscribed: sports (blind-side to tackle or block from an unseen quarter; bonehead play an error, one caused by bad judgment); students language (blob a mistake; bone a diligent student; bogue cigarette). Initially used by the social group that created them these words are then transferred to other social groups to which the members of the initial group belong to and thus these words challenge the words belonging to the common vocabulary. The social elements identified above (environment, age, education, sex) definitely influence the way some speakers use language (Holmes, 12). Some studies (quoted in Coates, 2004, 47-69) have had as objective the identification of the manner in which these variables set up or influence the way the language is used. William Labovs study in New York, Peter Trudgills study in Norwich, Ronald Macaulays study of Glasgow English, Mark Newbrooks study of West Wirral and Penelope Eckerts study in Detroit are only some examples. To detail, Trudgill was interested in seeing whether (ng) is differently pronounced and he discovered that speakers gender, social class and contextual style influenced the pronunciation. He thus noticed that women tend to use fewer stigmatized forms than men and that women seem to be more sensitive to the prestige pattern than men. Similarly, Macaulays study for the pronunciation of (i) in Glasgow indicates that higher social position classes use tidier pronunciations than the lower classes. Newbrooks study focused on the use of the urban vernacular of Liverpool in the surounding area and how far this vernacular replaced other local forms. The findings were suggestive from mainly a gender point of view relying on three variables: (ing) as in jumping, (h) as in house, (k) as in kick which seem to confirm Trudgills conclusion that womens pronunciation is closer to the prestige standard than mens. All these studies intended to see whether people from different social and educational backgrounds, of different genders, and of different ages use certain components of language in a particular way and if they do, then researchers try to find possible explanations for their findings. If pronunciation differences necessitate recording, collecting data about vocabulary differences seems to be handier for the researcher. The questionnaire, despite its shortcomings which limit the subjects creativity and desire to develop personal ideas, is a research tool which facilities the immediate selection of the necessary data. In this research I intended to first obtain an illustrative number of slang words produced by my target audience, second I analyze the etymologic provenance of those particular words and third of all I want to identify possible differences given by the gender variable. To begin with, the method that I use for collecting my data is a questionnaire which contains four questions which refer to the words (nouns, adjectives, verbs + adjectives) that students use in situations familiar to them: when they like something very much, when they dislike something very much, when they are irritated, the way they call their friends. The questionnaire also contains two captions where respondents should provide their age and sex. The respondents are my students from non-philological faculties who were willing and who voluntarily accepted to respond to this questionnaire. The choice of these particular six questions can be justified by my intention of checking whether students use a common vocabulary, either created by themselves or taken from other languages, for some activities or situations they are familiar with. I need to state that I expect that the students will use borrowed words (especially from English) which is known to them only (not to adults), but also Romanian words which vacillate between slang words and colloquialisms (since their use is extended to other social age categories). As far as the gender variable is concerned, I expect that female students will be more sensitive to the prestige forms than male students. The number of respondents is fifteen of which twelve female students and three male students. The age of the respondents varies around nineteen twenty years old. Thus, for the question When you like something very much, what words do you use? the female respondents (13) offered a range of words or expressions to illustrate something they like very much. In order to have a clear representation of their responses, I decided to consider separate entities the situations when the same word was used with a determiner, e.g. (tare, super tare). It is clear that by using the determiner, the responded wanted to sublime an experience. What can be noticed at first sight is that three quarters of the answers provided by female respondents are of

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Romanian origin whereas the remaining quarter is of English provenance (Oh yes, Oh god, Yeeey, Nice, Awesome, Cool, OK). Equally, the words borrowed from English score lower than the Romanian words (Oh yes - 1, Oh god - 1, Yeeey - , Nice - 2, Awesome - 1, Cool - 2, OK - 1). Highest with female respondents score (frumos 5), (fain 5), (super 4). If frumos is an adjective which highlights the qualities of somebody or something, fain is a regionalism characteristic to Transylvania where German was spoken, fain comes from the German word fein, and super functioned initially as a prefix but then it lost its prefix value becoming an adjective pinpointing the extreme quality or effect of something being preferred by young persons mostly. To sum up, female respondents prefer mostly common vocabulary as in frumos, they show that they use regional vocabulary as in fain, former prefixes transformed into adjective and adverb used by adolescents to indicate the extreme quality of something as in super. An interesting case is the use by the female respondents of the adjective mito which is a gypsy word and which adolescents probably choose as a means of contesting the common language, showing their rebelliousness. Tare is another preference of the female respondents which used alone or in combination with determiners score very high. By transmutation of meaning tare which refers to the quality of some substances, or which refers to ones character tare got to mean something cool, great which is extensively used by adolescents. Other uses which attract attention is beton which by the same process of transmutation transferred the qualities of beton (concrete) which is strong and resistant to actions or objects from their universe. Belea is to attract our attention since belea means trouble as in (a da de belea) but it suffers positive connotation because by stating that something is belea, the transmitted message is that something is very good. Marf, although it scores low being used only once, it is used to show that something is extremely good by association to the noun marf which means goods. Female respondents Number of times it Respondents answers appears in the questionnaires Frumos 5 Fain 5 Super 4 Mito 3 Super tare 3 Foarte tare 2 Nice 2 Tare 2 Interesant 2 Foarte frumos 2 Beton 2 Cool 2 Oh, yes 1 Oh, god 1 Incredibil 1 M ncnt 1 Yeeey 1 Awesome 1 Drgu 1 Chiar mi place 1 Deosebit 1 Extraordinar 1 Nemaipomenit 1 Ce bun 1 OK 1 Bestial 1 Belea 1

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Number of times it appears in the questionnaires Super fain 1 Marf 1 Although the number of male respondents is reduced in comparison to female respondents, their answers are important since they reveal some essential differences between the words that male students and female students use. To begin with, it is important to notice that some of the words are common for both male and female students. Thus, mito, fain, frumos, beton, cool, frumos appear in both answers. Male respondents score highest mito followed by fain. Although traditionally men are thought to speak more informally than women who are more attracted to use prestige forms, this questionnaire shows that female student respondents prefer less prestigious forms in comparison to male student respondents. Some contributions that male student respondents bring are interesting under the aspect of provenance of the words. Thus, male student respondents contribute the English interjection wow and the Romanian trznet which illustrates another case of transmutation. Male respondents Number of times it Respondents appears in the answers questionnaires mito 2 fain 2 drgu 1 wow 1 foarte fain 1 frumos 1 superb 1 beton 1 ca lumea 1 trznet 1 cool 1 Super frumos 1 interesant 1 Respondents answers For the question When you dislike something very much, what words do you use? the female student respondents seem to be even more daring than they were in their responses for the first question. Thus, the first three positions are taken by Romanian words of which the first napa scored 7 and the last two scored both 5. napa is negatively connoted and it seems to encapsulate something that the speaker dislikes or even hates. Nasol scores second and, just like in the case of mito, is of gypsy origin. Interesting is the use by female student respondents of fuck which scores 4 and which contradicts the generally accepted idea that women prefer prestige forms. To strengthen this idea, and to illustrate that the use of fuck is not a mere happening, female student respondent use shit to show dissatisfaction with something. One special case is represented by the use of varz (messy) which is a vegetable that does not contain anything negative in it. In the slang Romanian vocabulary, varz means something messy which may be associated to the image of the cooked cabbage. Female respondents Number of times it Respondents appears in the answers questionnaires napa 7 nasol 5 urt 5 fuck 4

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Respondents answers aiurea varz scrbos bloody hell shit hidos yuck gross la naiba teribil

Number of times it appears in the questionnaires 4 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

Unlike women, men avoid delicate words for showing their dislike for certain things. Just as in the case of female student respondents, napa scores highest (3). Another noticeable information is that female student respondents use more foreign words (5) to show their dissatisfaction than male student respondents (1), which anyway is an interjection that invokes God as a help against that dissatisfaction. Male respondents Respondents answers napa aiurea urt disgraios god Number of times it appears in the questionnaires 3 1 1 1 1

For the question When you are very irritated, what words do you use? the students were very creative and it is noticeable that the responded using more Romanian words than English. Another new element is that the words the students provided are more verbs than nouns as in the other cases. Thus, highest scored an expression which cannot be translated by its non-equivalence (n) puii mei, but which can be equated to the interjection hell, although the element that is chosen in Romanian is quite inoffensive. Hell scores second (3), followed by another nontranslatable expression (ce) pana mea, which refers to ones feather. The contradiction in this expression is probably the element that illustrates that persons annoyance with whatever might happen, since people do not have feathers. Besides chicken and feathers, female student respondents mentioned also a rifle in another non-translatable expression n/ ce puca mea. Moreover, cats are also the means of showing ones dissatisfaction in the expression Du-te-n pisici/ pisici. Belea which was given as a word which illustrated ones satisfaction and happiness is also given a negative connotation by female student respondents. What can safely be said about the expressions which female student respondents use is that they are highly colorful, linguistically unjustifiable and definitely far from being prestigious. It is also easily observable that some expressions are borrowed from English unlike male respondents who use only Romanian words. Female respondents Respondents answers (n) puii mei Oh, la naiba (ce) Pana mea Number of times it appears in the questionnaires 5 3 3

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Respondents answers Du-te dracu n/ ce puca mea Du-te-n pisici/ pisici E culmea E prea de tot gosh ho fuck Scutete-m M lai Las-m n pace Las-o ncolo de treab S-mi trag malu E belea

Number of times it appears in the questionnaires 2 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

Just as in the case of other questions some of the male respondents overlap the ones of the female respondents such as (ce) Pana mea, n/ ce puca mea/ laso-n puca mea, (n) puii mei which shows that these expressions were not incidentally used, but for them that is the norm. The male respondents add only one new expression s-mi bag piciorul which expresses utter rejection of a certain situation or total disinterest. Just as in the case of the other questions, male respondents seem to be more attentive to their vocabulary avoiding using tougher irritation words. Male respondents Respondents answers n/ ce puca mea/ laso-n puca mea La dracu (ce) Pana mea (n) puii mei S-mi bag piciorul Number of times it appears in the questionnaires 2 2 1 1 1

For the question When you are with your friends, what words do you use to address them? the female students seem to master a richer pack where to choose from, especially when it is about addressing formulas for fellow female mates. Thus, Fato/ fat/ fetelor (you, girl) score highest showing and confirming previous sociolinguistic findings which stated that women tend to be more cooperative whereas men tend to be more competitive. Similarly they use other cuddly words such as ubita, iubi, mo, scumpo, maimu (darling) all being addressed to female recipients and not male recipients. Besides, other addressing formulas are used which seem to overlap the ones used by male respondents such as tu (you), m, bi, mi. Female respondents Respondents answers Fato/ fat/ fetelor tu m Number of times it appears in the questionnaires 5 4 2

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Respondents answers ubita mo bi maimu iubi scumpo mi

Number of times it appears in the questionnaires 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

Surprisingly, male student respondents show again a higher interest for prestigious forms of address since they choose matale (popular shortened form of the demonstrative pronoun) or bre (formula used in the country for addressing older people). Most of the other formulas repeat as in female respondents case. An interesting remark is that male student respondents do not seem to detain a number of address formulas to use among male adolescents unlike female respondents who have at least 5 such words. Male respondents Respondents answers m bre Fato mi bi matale omule tu Number of times it appears in the questionnaires 2 2 2 1 1 1 1 1

To conclude, this study wanted to discriminate slang from other forms of familiar language. Second of all, it tried to present the sociolinguistic background of the research in the field which is concerned with youth usage of languages in general and which seems to indicate a clear difference between the way men and women use the language. These finding postulate that women tend to be more caution when choosing their words whereas men seem to use less precious vocabulary. My study seems to contradict these findings since my female respondents seem more eager to surprise by choosing less prestigious formulas whereas male respondents choose elegant or at least more elegant versions in the same situations. One possible explanation for this might be that young women feel free and they challenge everybody around them with this new type of vocabulary unlike men who seem to adopt a kind of reserved attitude as if not being sure about what they can or are allowed to do. Nevertheless, a shortcoming of this study is the fact that the number of male and female respondents is not equal which might influence to certain extends the findings of this research.
Bibliography: Bonvillan, Nancy, Language, Culture and Communication. The Meaning of Messages, Longman, London, 2003 Buja, Elena, Lexicology, Transilvania Publishing House, Braov, 1999 Coates, Jennifer, Women, Men and Language, Longman, London, 2004 Holmes, Janet, An Introduction To Sociolinguistics, Longman, London, 1997 Simpson, Paul, Language, Ideology and Point of View, Routledge, New York, 1994

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Chestionar

Vrst: .. Sex: 1. Cnd ceva v place foarte mult ce, cuvinte folositi ? (adjective, substantive, verbe+adjective) ............................................................................................................................................................... ......................................................................................... 2. Cnd ceva v displace foarte mult, ce cuvinte folositi ? (adjective, substantive, verbe+adjective) ............................................................................................................................................................... ......................................................................................... 3. Cnd sunteti foarte iritati, ce cuvinte folositi ? (adjective, substantive, verbe+adjective) ............................................................................................................................................................... ......................................................................................... 4. Cnd sunteti mpreun cu prietenii/ prietenii care sunt formulele de adresare pe care le adresati ? ............................................................................................................................................................... .........................................................................................

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Ideologie i mit n lingvistica romneasc

Prof. dr. Rodica Zafiu Universitatea din Bucureti Institutul de Lingvistic Iorgu Iordan Al. Rosetti

1. Preliminarii Ca tiin umanist, lingvistica presupune un anumit grad de subiectivitate, care variaz n funcie de subdisciplinele sale, unele mai apropiate de tiinele exacte fonetica, semantica logic, sintaxa , altele avnd o component istoric i social mai puternic istoria limbii, sociolingvistica, etnolingvistica etc. Implicarea seturilor de opinii i valori (de grup sau individuale) ale cercettorilor n preferina pentru anumite domenii, n stabilirea temelor prioritare i n interpretarea faptelor este un dat inevitabil, care ine de natura nsi a cercetrii. Este ns o diferen foarte mare ntre opiniile i evalurile subiectivitii individuale, supuse permanent unui efort de relativizare i obiectivizare, prin confruntarea cu alte subiectiviti, i cele ale unei ideologii impuse sistematic, prin mecanisme de propagand i control, aa cum au fost cele ale regimului comunist din Romnia (1945-1989). Investigarea intruziunilor ideologiei n dezvoltarea unei discipline tiinifice este necesar pentru a nelege istoria gndirii i a discursului social, dar i pentru c efectele lor pot persista mult timp: prin meninerea inerial a unor idei care au cptat n timp aparenele adevrului i ale naturalului, sau chiar prin reacii polemice excesive. n cele ce urmeaz, vom prezenta, ntr-un mod sumar, doar cteva momente i aspecte ale influenelor ideologiei oficiale asupra unui domeniu tiinific care trebuie spus de la nceput i-a pstrat n cea mai mare msur tradiiile cercetrii autentice: respectul pentru fapte, etica utilizrii surselor, reflecia metodologic i informarea asupra noutilor n domeniu. Cu eforturi mari, lingvistica romneasc a reuit s-i pstreze statutul tiinific i s nu se ndeprteze de curentul principal de idei contemporane; ar fi totui nerealist s credem c permanentele confruntri cu un context ideologic i propagandistic au lsat-o complet neatins, ntr-o zon a refleciei pure i atemporale. 2. Ambiguitatea noiunii de ideologie Ideologia poate fi neleas n sens restrns sau lrgit i poate primi o evaluare negativ sau neutr. Utilizarea curent a termenului este una negativ, polemic (ideologia ca sistem articulat, simplificator, impus prin propagand i/sau prin for)1, dar exist direcii ale analizei de discurs pentru care conceptul este mai curnd neutru i descriptiv (ideologia ca ansamblu de idei, opinii, valori din sfera politic; concepie, viziune asupra realitii sociale i politice). n cele ce urmeaz, vom considera ideologia ca fiind un set de idei i credine relativ stabile, mprtite de anumite grupuri sociale (excluzndu-se deci opiniile strict individuale), care acioneaz n domeniul social i politic i au un caracter explicit, articulat (dar nu neaprat logic i coerent). n anumite momente istorice i contexte politice, ideologia se consolideaz i se rigidizeaz, devenind n mod programatic obiect al propagandei i al ndoctrinrii. Att n accepia restrns, ct i n cea lrgit, ideologia intr ntr-o anumit relaie cu miturile moderne, laice: construcii imaginare colective, seturi de opinii i valori n care indivizii se implic profund, emoional i identitar. Miturile (n sensul n care, pentru istorie, le-a descris la noi Lucian Boia2), sunt creaii stabile, care confer sens realitii, presupun o adeziune spontan i influeneaz puternic comportamentul. Ideologiile se pot folosi de mituri preexistente sau ncearc
The concept of ideology is often used in the media and the social sciences, but it is notoriously vague. Its everyday usage is largerly negative, and typically refers to the rigid, misguided, or partisan ideas of others: we have the truth, and they have ideologies (van Dijk 2005: 728). 2 Definiia pe care o propunem mitului este urmtoarea: construcie imaginar (ceea ce, nc o dat, nu nseamn nici real, nici ireal, ci dispus potrivit logicii imaginarului), destinat s pun n eviden esena fenomenelor cosmice i sociale, n strns raport cu valorile fundamentale ale societii i n scopul de a asigura coeziunea acesteia (Boia 1997: 8).
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s creeze mituri de succes. Ideologia comunist romneasc a propus, cu un succes relativ, mitul tiinei (preluat de la ideologia iluminist, continuat de scientismul secolului al XIX-lea, v. Boia 1999), dar s-a legitimat mai ales prin miturile naionale (produse tot n secolul al XIX-lea). Desigur, n afara motivaiilor extreme (ambiia raionalist a ideologiilor i emoionalitatea miturilor) mai exist i rutina modei: seturi de opinii i evaluri care se rspndesc i se consolideaz prin imitaie i conformism i persist din inerie. 3. Scurt istoric 3.1. Ruptura cu trecutul Nu exist, deocamdat, o cercetare serioas, de arhiv, asupra presiunilor ideologice exercitate n perioada comunist n nvmntul superior filologic i n cercetarea lingvistic romneasc. Dincolo de evocri punctuale n articole (de exemplu: Mihil 2000), n interviuri i memorii, mai multe date apar n selecia de texte din Avram 1999, care privete ns doar o perioad limitat i un singur loc (nceputul anilor 50, n Bucureti). n linii mari, se poate spune c dup o prim perioad, n anii 50, caracterizat prin intruziunea declarat, programatic, a politicului n cercetarea lingvistic i mai ales n normarea limbii, au urmat decenii n care cenzura era mai discret, dar eficient, pentru c reflexele de evitare se formaser deja. De pe la jumtatea anilor 60, puterea solid instaurat a recurs tot mai puin la ideologia oficial comunist (cu temele ei specifice: lupta de clas, dictatura proletariatului, internaionalism etc.) i tot mai mult la ideologia naionalist, preexistent i persistent (continuarea tradiiilor, superioritatea romnilor, strinul-duman etc.). 3.2. nvmntul superior Ruperea legturii cu trecutul (condamnat ca burghez, reacionar, prooccidental etc.) a luat ntr-un prim moment forma ndeprtrii din faculti a vechilor profesori, personaliti ale lingvisticii romneti (Al. Rosetti, Iorgu Iordan, Al. Graur, Jacques Byck .a.)3. i programa de studiu a fost nlocuit, dup model sovietic, eliminndu-se unele cursuri i introducndu-se altele (de exemplu, Lingvistic general, Limba romn contemporan etc.). Tendina general era de reducere a disciplinelor istorice i de focalizare asupra studiului limbii contemporane4. Aceast orientare (care are efecte pn n prezent n structura programelor universitare romneti) era un reflex al anti-istorismului doctrinar (n ciuda definiiilor materialismului istoric, dogma rescria trecutul n forme simplificate, schematice, care eliminau adevrata cercetare istoric), dar avea i justificri pur lingvistice. Interesul pentru limba vorbit, orientarea ctre comunicarea real, cotidian a substituit treptat, n secolul al XX-lea, studiul filologic tradiional al textelor scrise, preponderent literare; noua direcie fusese deja adoptat de Iorgu Iordan, mai ales prin Limba romn actual. O gramatic a greelilor (1943). 3.3. Publicaiile de specialitate n 1948, s-au desfiinat revistele lingvistice romneti, care se fcuser cunoscute n lumea occidental, unele fiind chiar redactate n limbi strine, mai ales n francez: Bulletin linguistique (Bucureti, 1933-148), Langue et littrature (Bucureti, 1940-1948), Dacoromania (Cluj, 19201948), Buletinul Institutului de filologie romn Alexandru Philippide (Iai, 1934-1947). Aceste publicaii vor fi nlocuite mai nti de Cum vorbim (Bucureti, 1949), revist adresat unui public larg, orientat ctre cultivarea limbii i foarte politizat, apoi de Studii i cercetri lingvistice
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Cele spuse n legtur cu activitatea profesorilor Al. Rosetti, Al. Graur, I. Iordan, J. Byck arat c ei nu au neles a se integra n avntul creator i constructiv din Patra noastr; au mpiedicat ridicarea pe o treapt superioar a predrii limbii n Facultatea noastr, ceea ce a dus la demiterea lor (Orzea 1952: 191). 4 Astfel ncepnd cu anul colar 1951-52, jumtate din numrul total de ore acordat limbii romne n cei patru ani de studiu snt consacrate limbii romne contemporane (...). Msura luat de Ministerul nvmntului a fost, ntr-un anumit grad, rezultatul consultrilor avute cu profesorii universitari de limba romn, dar se datorete, mai ales, exemplului Uniunii Sovietice, unde centrul cursului de limba rus din nvmntul superior l formeaz limba rus contemporan (Iordan 1956: 7). Paradoxal, filologia este marginalizat n programa de nvmnt, dar apare n denumirea facultilor de litere, care devin faculti de filologie (tot prin calc dup rus i ntr-un sens extins al termenului). Justificri ale restructurrii programei i referiri la procedeele administrative care au nsoit-o se gsesc i n Iordan (1956: 5-12). V. i Zafiu (2007: 87-88).

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(Bucureti, 1950), Studii i cercetri tiinifice (Iai, 1950), Studii i cercetri tiinifice (Cluj, 1950), Limba romn (1952), Limb i literatur (1955), Revue de linguistique (1956) .a. Primele numere, din 1950-1951, ale noilor reviste de specialitate asociaz articole de pur propagand ideologic cu studii serioase, uneori prefaate de motivaii ideologice convenionale, fr mare legtur cu coninutul textului. 3.4. Lexicografia Dicionarele au fost vzute de la nceput, prin scopul lor practic i adresabilitatea larg, ca un mijloc important de propagand. Cenzura a interzis i a scos din circulaie mai multe dicionare generale vechi (care conineau definiii contrare dogmei), proiectndu-se nlocuirea lor prin dicionare controlate ideologic, elaborate sub egida Academiei, dintre care primele au fost DLRLC (1955-1957) i DLRM (1958). Primul volum al DLRLC este un exemplu de ideologizare maxim: ruptura cu trecutul se manifesta n dicionar prin redefinirea termenilor, prin introducerea sensurilor i a cuvintelor noului limbaj oficial, ilustrate cu citate din presa de partid i discursurile politice ale epocii. Definiiile nu mai ascult de cerinele analizei semantice i ale uzului cuvintelor, fiind conforme dogmei i avnd o funcie normativ: ACTIV, s.n. 1. Colectiv ntr-o organizaie politic sau ntr-o instituie de stat, format din elementele cele mai devotate i cele mai ridicate din punct de vedere politic, crora li se ncredineaz o munc de rspundere (...). Totalitatea persoanelor care, dei nu fac parte din partidul clasei muncitoare, se identific ideologic cu acesta i i sprijin munca, formnd elementul de legtur ntre el i mase (DLRLC, I); AUTOCRITIC s.f. Metod de baz n aciunea de educare a membrilor partidului de tip nou i a oamenilor muncii, constnd n privirea critic a propriei activiti, n dezvluirea i recunoaterea n mod deschis i cinstit a propriilor lipsuri i greeli, n descoperirea cauzelor care le-au provocat i a mijloacelor de lichidare a lor (DLRLC, I). Dicionarul limbii romne, cunoscut ca Dicionarul Academiei (DA), care fusese coordonat de Sextil Pucariu, a fost reluat dup o perioad de ntrerupere (primul volum din DLR, serie nou, a aprut n 1965), cu alt echip i alte norme redacionale (printre care renunarea la traducerea termenilor n francez); din fericire, elementele de continuitate au fost n acest caz mai numeroase dect cele de ruptur. 3.5. Cultivarea limbii Politica lingvistic a perioadei totalitare a vizat n mod special standardizarea limbii i impunerea normelor; ambele activiti s-au desfurat mult mai uor dect ntr-o societate democratic, pentru c dispunea de centralizarea deciziei i de mecanismele cenzurii. Instrumentele normative au cptat un emitent comun, autorizat, prin nfiinarea institutelor de cercetare ale Academiei, nsrcinate s publice dicionarele generale (v. supra) i gramatica limbii romne (prima ediie: 1954). n genere, accentul a fost pus pe lucrrile normative, nu pe cercetarea teoretic. n prima etap, ideologia egalitarist a impus accesibilitatea textelor i simplificarea regulilor: n revistele de lingvistic se promitea un limbaj mai puin tehnic i o deschidere ctre un public mai larg; revista Cum vorbim (1949), prima aprut din noua serie de publicaii academice, era destinat propagandei i educaiei lingvistice, dar dureaz foarte puin (pn n 1952)5. Reforma ortografic din 1953 a fost justificat explicit prin intenia de educare a mediilor populare, n curs de alfabetizare: Pentru a uura maselor largi populare nsuirea scrierii romneti

Revista a fost victima schimbrii de dogm produse de intervenia lui Stalin n lingvistic. Desfiinarea ei este anunat indirect de un text din Scnteia, Pentru nflorirea lingvisticii n ara noastr, reprodus n Studii i cercetri lingvistice, II, 1951, pp. 19-27: n revista Cum vorbim (redactor responsabil Prof. Al. Graur), s-a vdit puternic tendina antimarxist i vulgarizatoare, n genul tendinelor proletcultiste, de a descoperi i analiza anumite cuvinte i expresii pentru a dovedi caracterul de clas al limbii (p. 21).

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i a grbi ridicarea nivelului cultural al rii (Micul dicionar ortografic, 1953: 7)6. S-au introdus prin aceast reform mai multe simplificri (generalizarea scrierii cu , reducerea folosirii apostrofului, renunarea la notaii etimologizante n favoarea corespondenei cu pronunarea, de exemplu a unui -s- intervocalic etc.). Simplificrile nu erau ns doar determinate politic, ci corespundeau, n mare msur, opiunilor specialitilor i mergeau n aceeai direcie cu reformele ortografice precedente. Dat fiind valoarea simbolic a ortografiei, ele au fost resimite de o mare parte a publicului cultivat ca o intruziune a politicului n limb (i, dat fiind momentul, ca o strategie de slavizare), ceea ce a determinat att pstrarea vechii ortografii n publicaiile exilului romnesc, ct i controversele de dup 1989, care au condus la reforma din 1993, parial revenire la ortografia dinainte de 1953. C ortografia se ncarc simbolic de valori politice s-a putut vedea i n 1965, cnd excepia instituit prin decret folosirea lui n familia lexical a substantivului romn a fost perceput de un public larg ca o reorientare politic spre tradiiile naionale. Dosarul disputei este enorm i nencheiat: muli lingviti importani au criticat politizarea ntregii polemici, susinnd utilitatea practic i ndreptirea teoretic a simplificrilor ortografice din 1953, independent de contextul n care au avut loc (Avram 1992). 3.6. Continuitatea Dincolo de voina politic i de programul evident de difereniere fa de trecut (dogma nlocuirii vechiului cu noul, justificat de mitul progresului inevitabil), se poate constata c schimbrile din epoc aveau i elemente de continuitate. n perioada n care se proclamau revoluia cultural, noutatea absolut i schimbarea radical, se pstrau de fapt tiparele (dicionar-tezaur, norme academice, institute, reviste de lingvistic) i se imitau modelele precedente, chiar dac denumirile i persoanele erau nlocuite; vzute de la distan, unele asemnri sunt evidente: n 1948 dispare buletinul Seciei literare a Academiei Romne, editat de Th. Capidan i D. Caracostea, Langue et littrature, dar n 1955 apare revista Limb i literatur, a Societii de tiine Filologice. Bulletin linguistique, condus de Al. Rosetti, este desfiinat n 1948, dar n 1956 apare Revue de linguistique, prin care se continua n parte programul editorial anterior i ideea c doar textele tiinifice n limbi strine au putere de circulaie. DLRM (1958) seamn destul de mult cu Dicionarul limbii romne din trecut i de astzi al lui I.-A. Candrea, parte a Dicionarului enciclopedic ilustrat Cartea Romneasc (Bucureti, 1931). Ulterior, recuperarea tradiiei, perceput i ca o reacie fa de perioada stalinist, va deveni programatic; n anii 70, n Istoria lingvisticii romneti, continuitatea este afirmat n mod repetat (Guu Romalo 1978); ba chiar se face (cu precauiile de rigoare) afirmaia, de negndit cu dou decenii n urm, c lucrrile lingvistice din perioada 1918-1944 sunt superioare celor produse ulterior, n timpul regimului comunist: Chiar n comparaie cu epoca de dup ultimul rzboi, ele rezist la o examinare atent, n sensul c, dac concepia i metoda care le stau la baz pot prea nvechite, n schimb, n ce privete temeinicia i, uneori, caracterul lor monumental, ele nu au, n momentul de fa, un echivalent propriu-zis (Iordan 1978b: 132). Fidelitatea cercettorilor fa de tradiiile disciplinei, fa de predecesori i fa de criteriile valorice obiective va fi permis de puterea politic n msura n care doctrina oficial trecea de la modelul rupturii la cel al continuitii7, legitimndu-se prin valorile i sentimentele naionale. 4. Ideologizarea Presiunea politic se poate urmri n mai multe situaii: a) ncercarea de modificare a limbii; b) ptrunderea n textele lingvistice (tiinifice, didactice i practice) a tezelor ideologice;
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Legarea reformei ortografice de contextul politic al epocii este prezentat detaliat de Mihil 2000. Sriot 1989 arat ct de puternic a fost acest model al continuittii i n lingvistica naional sovietic, dei intra n opoziie cu discursul revoluionar (La linguistique sovitique dominante refuse toute ide de rupture, de discontinuit, p. 23).

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c) orientarea cercetrii i a nvmntului ctre anumite direcii i neglijarea altora; cazul extrem fiind cenzura explicit (texte interzise)8. Ultima situaie este cea mai complicat, pentru c direciile cercetrii sunt determinate de mai muli factori, iar acelai fapt poate avea valori diferite. De exemplu, structuralismul lingvistic romnesc era un fenomen firesc n epoc, integrndu-se n paradigma tiinific internaional a momentului (anii 60-70). Dezvoltarea sa foarte puternic a constituit ns un fapt de istorie local, ambiguu, interpretabil n dou moduri aproape opuse: ca opoziie fa de sistem, pentru c structuralismul era perceput ca un mod de sustragere fa de presiunile politice (domeniile formale fiind cel mai puin ideologizabile) i de sincronizare cu Occidentul, n tradiia francofon i francofil, dar i ca o form de compromis cu presiunile sistemului (pentru c el corespundea mitologiei tiinifice a comunismului, se revendica de la formalitii rui i avea, n continuare, n Occident, reprezentani de stnga). Toate situaiile de mai sus se pot regsi, n momente diferite, n forme care nu permit ntotdeauna s li se vad specificul. ncercarea de modificare a limbii ar prea tipic doar pentru faza iniial, de instaurare a regimului totalitar, n care s-au lansat propuneri orwelliene, uor ridiculizabile, de a elimina din limb anumite cuvinte i de a impune n uz altele. Totui, chiar i n faza de stabilitate i aparent dezideologizare, a persistat o form mai subtil de modificare: prin obsesia normativ a cultivrii limbii. Am mprit temele ideologice dup un criteriu cronologic, care nu are ns valabilitate absolut; de fapt, unele dintre temele primei etape au persistat, intrnd n contradicie cu temele ulterioare; era tipic pentru totalitarismul comunist ca orice contradicii produse de revizuirile ideologiei s fie acceptate ca atare, eventual sub acoperirea generoas a formulei dialectice. 5. Temele ideologizrii intense (anii 50) 5.1. Limbajul de clas; modificarea mentalitilor prin limbaj Existena unor diferene de clas reflectate n limbaj fusese postulat de sovieticul N.I. Marr (1864-1934)9, ale crui teze devenite dogm oficial au fost iniial preluate i n Romnia, n perioada de intens sovietizare de dup rzboi (1948-1950); cnd Marr a fost contrazis de Stalin (n 1950), tezele acestuia din urm i combaterea celui dinti au devenit obligatorii n publicaiile de specialitate romneti. E drept, n epoc tezele staliniste ddeau impresia unui ru mai mic, prnd s aduc n chestiunile limbii, n perioada luptei de clas, o atitudine mai relaxat i mai legat de tradiiile cercetrii autentice. Ideea limbajului de clas, n formele sale extreme care implic i legtura dintre limb i gndire (ipoteza Sapir-Worf) genereaz proiecte de tip orwellian, n care se presupune c modificarea limbii, din perspectiva dictaturii proletariatului, ar schimba gndirea i realitatea social. Exemplele de cuvinte criticate pentru caracterul lor de clas i pentru care se propunea nlocuirea sunt totui destul de puine n publicaiile romneti ale vremii: n revista Cum vorbim (nr. 1, 1951), se explica de ce termenul burghez soldat trebuia substituit de osta (cf. Zafiu 2007: 86); n Graur (1955: 60) se arat c substantivului chelner i-a luat locul, n regimul de democraie popular, termenul osptar etc. De fapt, mai multe asemenea substituii au avut loc, efectiv, fr dezbateri i comentarii lingvistice, mai ales n domeniul denumirilor de instituii (de exemplu: miliie n loc de poliie) i profesii; un efect al acestor transformri a fost apariia, n dicionare, a parantezelor istorice de tipul: n rile capitaliste (burs, n DLRM), n trecut (elector, ibidem), ieit din uz (Administraie financiar, ibidem) etc. S-a meninut o vreme ideea utopic conform creia cuvintele considerate ca legate de vechile stri de lucruri urmau s dispar de la sine, nu prin intervenie oficial, ci n urma schimbrii realitilor. Exemplele au astzi un umor involuntar, pentru c afirmaiile au fost contrazise de fapte:

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Mrturii despre interzicerea sau dificultile publicrii unor texte de lingvistic se gsesc, de exemplu, n Vulpe 1994. O prezentare succint a marrismului, n Robins (2003: 278-279).

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dac cuvntul crcium va iei n foarte scurt vreme chiar din vocabularul activ, aceasta este o consecin a transformrii structurii statului nostru (Graur 1954: 30). Modificarea sensurilor n terminologia politic era un fenomen permanent, care nu a fost ns studiat explicit, ci doar reflectat de diferenele ntre dicionare; cum ultima versiune era ntotdeauna considerat adevrul suprem, puterea politic nu era interesat de analize comparative care s reflecte schimbrile interne ale dogmei. Soluia preferat a fost deci cea a omisiunii, a cenzurrii subiectelor neconvenabile. De altfel, n epoc exista contiina caracterului arbitrar, artificial i a defectelor inerente limbii de lemn, o dovad indirect fiind faptul c limbajul politic nu a devenit obiect de cercetare n perioada comunist (Zafiu 2007: 26-27). Faptul putea prea paradoxal, din afar, dar era firesc n interior: limbajul politic limba de lemn dominant era tabuizat i fragil, aa c lipsa refleciei asupra lui devenea din perspectiva autoritilor cea mai bun soluie. 5.2. Materialism vs. idealism Teza materialismului limba nu este de esen ideal ci ea are o esen materialist (T. Svulescu, preedintele Academiei R.P.R., 1952: 8) era una dintre cele mai abstracte i mai ambigue din epoc, permind combaterea unor direcii foarte diferite i foarte greu de cuprins sub eticheta idealism. Materialismul era argumentul principal mpotriva semioticii, a lingvisticii lui Saussure i chiar a structuralismului (toat vorbria lingvisticii idealiste despre limb ca un sistem de semne, nchis n sine, Cheresteiu 1952: 15), dar i a foneticii i a morfologiei istorice. 5.3. Ateism Propaganda antireligioas va dura pn la sfritul regimului, ea explicnd mai multe fenomene de cenzur: de la condamnarea studiilor filologice asupra limbii vechi (al crei obiect principal erau texte religioase) pn la absena, din descrierile structurii stilistice a limbii romne, a limbajului religios, dei acesta este (alturi de cel juridic) cel mai vechi i unul dintre cele mai bine individualizate (mai ales n limba actual, prin trsturile sale arhaice). Erau condamnate, de exemplu, citatele din texte religioase n dicionare: Iat de ce se constat c, n loc ca Dicionarul s palpite de curentul vieii noi, ne d miros de tmie, izm i fum de cdelni (Svulescu 1952: 11). Dup o prim faz, n care excluderea lua forme absurde, studierea filologic a textelor vechi a continuat, cu precauii i eufemisme n formulele de desemnare aluziv. 5.4. Superioritatea popularului Dincolo de eforturile de a face discursul accesibil (v. supra), chiar cu riscul de a-i cobor nivelul tiinific, prima etap a impunerii regimului, cea a dictaturii proletariatului, a insistat, n mod previzibil, asupra limbii populare. Aceasta a fost evaluat pozitiv i a antrenat evaluri pozitive ale scriitorilor al cror stil avea o factur oral-popular; ideea s-a pstrat pn mai trziu: Numai intelectualitatea progresist, n frunte cu scriitorii notri clasici, nelegea s cultive i s foloseasc limba n interesul maselor populare (Iordan 1956: 31); se constat o eliberare a romnei literare de sub influena limbii textelor religioase i o apropiere de limba vorbit a poporului" (Rosetti, Cazacu, Onu 1971: 36, s.n.); scriitorii progresiti (...) iau atitudine ferm fa de acetia i preconizeaz crearea unei literaturi naionale, adic a unei literaturi cu un coninut izvort din realitile romneti i exprimat ntr-o limb literar creat pe baza limbii vii a poporului" (id., 39, s.n.). n opoziia cult vs. popular, primul termen a primit conotaii negative, cu att mai mult cu ct, istoric, cultura modern fusese modelat dup cea occidental (principalul adversar vizat de discursul sovietic, v. infra). n aceast perspectiv, operele colii Ardelene i ale latinitilor de mai trziu, de exemplu, au fost judecate cu mult asprime.

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Idealizarea popularului va persista mult vreme dup ncheierea primei faze, staliniste i exist n bun msur i azi , pentru c avea rdcini solide n romantismul secolului al XIX-lea. Nu s-a perceput nicio contradicie ntre idealizarea limbajului popular i obsesia normativ a regimului totalitar, care nsemna, n limb, condamnarea trsturilor populare n favoarea limbii literare, a vorbirii cultivate. 5.5. Modelul sovietic i antioccidentalismul Multe dintre deciziile primei etape reflectau politica rzboiului rece, de izolare fa de lumea occidental i de imitare a instituiilor i a poziiilor sovietice. Revista Bulletin liguistique a fost desfiinat n 1949 i criticat pentru c publica n limbi strine i rspndea teorii occidentale, ignornd voit lingvistica sovietic, cea mai avansat din lume (n Avram 1999: 66-67). Chiar relaia tiinific cu occidentul era descris n termeni de propagand de rzboi i cu acuzaii de trdare: pseudosavani, aflai n slujba imperialismului american i englez (n Avram 1999: 68). Influena slav asupra limbii romne devenise n epoc o tem privilegiat, din motive declarat politice: Studiul influenei slave este mai ales un factor de strngere a legturilor de prietenie i frie cu marele popor rus, cu poporul ucrainean i cu alte popoare ale eliberatoarei i prietenei noastre, citadela socialismului i a pcii Uniunea Sovietic (Leonte Rutu, 1951, n Avram 1999: 69) Concluziile dinainte stabilite, exagernd obligatoriu rolul influenei slave, au provocat ulterior reacii de distanare i negare, de suspiciune fa de aceast tem. De fapt, exagerarea ideologic a slavismului a fost urmat de exagerarea naionalist de sens contrar, care a minimalizat importana elementului slav. Efectele negative ale acestei situaii sunt vizibile pn azi, cnd constatm c lipsesc n continuare descrierile neutre, neimplicate. 5.6. Internaionalismul i limba internaional n prima perioad de dup rzboi, rolul de instrument de comunicare internaional i se atribuia implicit, n zona de ocupaie i infleun sovietic, limbii ruse. Discrepana ntre utopia impus i semnele realitii era totui prea mare, astfel c, n limitele dogmei, se evita formularea radical a unei previziuni. Chiar mai trziu, limba viitorului rmnea neprecizat: n lingvistic s-a vorbit uneori i de unificarea limbilor, n sensul adoptrii unei limbi unice pentru ntregul glob. Acest lucru se va putea realiza ns numai dup victoria socialismului pe ntreg globul, cnd, odat cu lichidarea claselor exploatatoare, vor disprea pentru totdeauna inegalitatea i vrajba dintre naiuni (...), astfel nct oamenii i vor putea alege n mod liber o unic limb ca mijloc de comunicare (Wald 1972: 265). Se va dezvolta i o alt teorie utopic, cea a apropierii progresive a limbilor (Graur 1982): Snt convins c se va ajunge astfel peste un timp ca pe tot pmntul s se ntrebuineze n mare msur un vocabular comun. Aceasta va nsemna un enorm progres, pentru c fiecare om, folosind limba sa natal, se va putea nelege cu toi locuitorii celorlalte ri (Graur 1982: 5). Aceste poziii au avut avantajul de a nu pune o frn purist mprumuturilor lexicale; excluderea unor contacte directe i a unor domenii, teme, teorii etc. a fcut totui ca mprumuturile, mai ales din englez, s nu fie numeroase (n comparaie cu situaia care se va nregistra dup 1989). 6. Discursul tiinific i cel normativ n prima perioad a regimului totalitar, discursul tiinific era obligat s intre n tiparele celui politic, producnd un hibrid cu efecte tragi-comice: dezbaterile se ncheiau cu hotrri care

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trebuiau aplicate n cercetare i n nvmnt (de exemplu, asupra originii limbii romne literare, v. Zafiu 2007: 88), se pretindeau definiii unice, lingvitii i fceau autocritica: Lingvistica pe care am fcut-o cu toii pn nu de mult a fost stpnit de cosmopolitism i formalism, defectele organice ale lingvisticii burgheze de oricnd i oriunde (Cuvnt nainte al redaciei, n Studii i cercetri lingvistice, I, 1950, fasc. 1, p. 5); Lipsa mea principal era necunoaterea materialismului dialectic i a materialismului istoric, din cauza creia foarte adesea am prezentat faptele ntr-o lumin fals (Graur 1955: 5). Termenii de evaluare a unei idei tiinifice erau just vs. greit (de exeemplu, la Graur 1954: 6-8). Anii de nceput au fost caracterizai i de un stil afectiv, metaforic, hiperbolic i encomiastic, specific limbii de lemn (nu numai din perioada stalinist): Apariia lucrrii lui I.V. Stalin Marxismul i problemele lingvisticii, din iunie-iulie 1950, a avut darul s mprtie dintr-o dat ceaa marrismului, care ne acoperea ochii (Graur 1955: 5); Apariia genialei lucrri a lui I.V. Stalin, Marxismul i problemele lingvisticii a dat natere unui puternic avnt n toate domeniile tiinei, filosofiei, literaturii i artei (Orzea 1952: 187). Acest limbaj (ca i folosirea lui tovar ca termen de politee n citarea altor opinii tiinifice) vor disprea destul de repede; crile i articolele tiinifice de la sfritul anilor 60 nu mai conin mrci politice evidente. n primii ani ai regimului, bibliografia este limitat programatic, autorii articolelor fiind obligai s citeze exclusiv sau majoritar lucrri sovietice, chiar nonlingvistice. Ulterior, practicile tiinifice ale citrii revin la normalitate, cu excepia situaiei autorilor interzii de cenzur, pentru care se gsesc totui soluii ad-hoc (citare aluziv, incomplet fr numele autorului etc.)10. Trimiterile bibliografice vor suferi tot mai mult, n anii 70-80, de limitarea accesului la publicaii strine, cptnd un aer incomplet, centrat pe producia tiinific intern i adesea eclectic (prin recursul la surse foarte diferite i prin citarea indirect). 7. Temele ideologiei difuze Dup perioada de ideologizare intens din anii 1947-1952, cele mai multe teze i sloganuri politice dispar din mediul tiinific i universitar. Cele care rmn sunt mai insidioase, pentru c iau forma unor mituri a unor opinii consensuale, care se leag de sistemul stabilizat, dar i de tradiiile intelectuale locale, n primul rnd de cele elitiste, autoritariste i naionaliste. Cazul romnesc nu este ns unul atipic: multe presupoziii ideologice similare au fost observate de Patrick Sriot (1982, 1989, 1995) n descrierea istoriei lingvisticii din Uniunea Sovietic. 7.1. Omogenizarea social. Mitul limbii ntregului popor O idee care a depit limitele temporale ale primei etape, fiind specific i perioadei de stabilitate a regimului, a fost cea a unei limbi comune, omogene, fr diferenieri sociale. Aceasta corespundea dogmei unei societi fr clase i ilustra perfect viziunea totalitarist; formula limba ntregului popor era de altfel intens folosit i n Uniunea Sovietic (cf. Sriot 1982: 76 i 1991). Aceast viziune a determinat lipsa de interes pentru dezvoltarea sociolingvisticii romneti (n perioada n care chiar sociologia era ru vzut). n schimb, a fost favorizat aa-numita

10

Practicile editoriale ale vremii sufereau din cauza presiunilor cenzurii: un exemplu este antologia Palia de la Ortie, care apare n 1984, la o editur serioas Editura Eminescu , fr indicaie de autor, coordonator etc., din cauza plecrii n strintate i deci a intrrii pe lista non-citabililor a autoarei, Florica Dimitrescu.

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cultivare a limbii11, activitatea normativ i prescriptiv: pentru c omogenizarea era vzut nu ca o extindere a limbii populare n toate sferele vieii publice, ci ca o generalizare a limbii literare12. Fenomenul era tratat n termenii mitologici ai progresului inevitabil, ai drumului ascendent al unei limbi13. Contradicia dintre preuirea limbii populare i normarea insistent n spiritul limbii culte este rezolvat sofistic (ca i n paradoxul centralismului democratic): disciplinarea popularului e perfect justificat, pentru c norma este o expresie i o emanaie a limbii populare: elita se identific masele, deci e ndreptit s le impun reguli: n perioada actual, n condiiile construirii socialismului, limba literar se dezvolt din ce n ce mai mult pe baza limbii ntregului popor. Scriitorii fac apel la bogia i expresivitatea vorbirii populare, ei prelucreaz artistic limba vie a poporului; tiina de carte nu mai este apanajul unui cerc restrns, ci un bun al ntregului popor; publicaiile periodice ptrund pn n cele mai ndeprtate coluri ale rii, populariznd realizrile tiinei i ale culturii. n aceste condiii, limba literar se rspndete tot mai adnc n masele populare, ea se impune tot mai mult, tinznd s se identifice cu limba naional unic, dar deosebindu-se de aceasta prin caracterul ei normativ mai accentuat (Rosetti, Cazacu, Onu, p. 40, s.n.). Din acest punct de vedere, regimul totalitar, dei predica egalitarismul, era n realitate elitist: autoritile sunt marii scriitori, iar norma este stabilit fr drept de apel de intelectualii din Capital: Pronunarea luat ca baz n prezenta expunere este aceea a oamenilor instruii din capitala rii (Dicionar ortoepic, 1956, p. 6). Limbajul oficial e singurul recomandat, n orice situaie, uniformizarea limbii avnd ca etalon jargonul politico-administrativ. Descrierile de ansamblu ale limbii vorbesc despre o diversificare stilistic, dar aceasta este vzut doar ca o multiplicare a limbajelor de specialitate, nu i ca o dezvoltare a interferenelor dintre cult i popular. Dac limbajul tradiional-rural era totui favorizat de o idealizare de sorginte romantic, dumanul principal devenise limbajul familiar-argotic, varianta urban subversiv creia i se anuna iminenta dispariie (v. Zafiu 2001; un discurs asemntor n lingvistica sovietic este semnalat de Sriot 1982: 75) i pe care o condamnau campaniile puriste. 7.2. Omogenizare teritorial; Mitul unitii Tema unitii, esenial n momentul definirii naionale din secolul al XIX-lea, va fi reluat i emfatizat de discursul naional-comunist. Urmrile s-au vzut i n cercetarea istoric i lingvistic14: din fericire, nu n descrierea faptelor, ci doar n interpretarea lor final. Diferenele regionale nu au fost neglijate, ci studiate cu toat rigoarea, datorit tradiiei respectabile a
n 1955, I. Iordan scria: Cultivarea limbii la noi este ca i necunoscut, cel puin sub raportul aplicrii i popularizrii ei (articol reprodus n Iordan 1977: 39); n 1956, autorul public n Limba romn, V, nr. 5 articolul su programatic, Cultivarea limbii (n Iordan 1977: 45-53), care inaugureaz n revist i o rubric cu acelai titlu. 12 n perioada regimului totalitar atitudinile normative erau prezentate ca absolut naturale, neputnd fi puse n discuie aa cum o face, de exemplu, Pinker 1994, n capitolul XII (The language mavens), al crii sale, vorbind despre arbitrarietatea i lipsa de justificare a cultivrii limbii. Pentru o viziune radical i imposibil n discursul autoritar asupra normrii, a se vedea Milroy 2007, care descrie standardizarea limbii ca fenomen ideologic n orice societate: In standard-language cultures, virtually everyone subscribes to the idea of corrrectness. Some formes are believed to be right and others wrong, and this is generally taken for granted as common sense. Although rules of correctness are actually superimposed upon the language from outsine, they are considered by speakers to be rules inherent in the language itself (p. 134-135). 13 O viziune similar este cea descris de Sriot (1982: 77), n lingvistica sovietic. 14 Aa cum arat Boia (1997: 163), n cultura romn, mitul unitii, sau mai curnd spus al uniformitii, este att de puternic ntiprit nct chiar specialistul, istoric sau sociolog, ezit adesea n a lua n considerare structurile regionale ale fenomenelor studiate.
11

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dialectologiei romneti. n acelai timp, s-a proclamat dispariia inevitabil a dialectelor (idee care, n epoc, circula i n spaiul occidental). Se poate vorbi de o anume contradicie ntre amploarea studiilor dialectale i condamnarea inexorabil a dialectelor la dispariie (dei justificarea poate fi tocmai dorina de a pstra datele regionale nainte ca varietatea lingvistic s dispar): Dialectele pierd treptat din fora lor i se poate prevedea dispariia lor total ntr-un viitor nu prea ndeprtat (Graur 1963: 56, s.n); n socialism, procesul de nivelare a dialectelor, de dispariie a lor este i mai intens (Vraciu 1980: 68); Punctul final, deocamdat ndeprtat, al acestui proces este desfiinarea dialectelor (Gheie 1978: 25; s.n.). Se poate observa, ntre citatul din Al. Graur i cel din I. Gheie, la distan de 15 ani, o ndeprtare prudent a termenului final. n anii de nceput, ideea c regionalismele trebuie eliminate, fiind similare unor greeli, a fost enunat clar15; ulterior, ea a rmas doar presupus, dar a fost aplicat n nvmnt. C dialectele erau percepute ca subversive, contrare idealului unitii naionale, se vede i din eforturile fcute pentru a elibera anumii scriitori de acuzaia de a fi folosit regionalisme. O dogm persistent i azi, greu atacabil, e cea a caracterului strict popular al limbii lui Creang: dup Iordan, limba lui Creang are caracter popular, iar nu regional, cum au afirmat, direct sau indirect, diveri cercettori, chiar dac este drept c o bun parte a materialului lingvistic folosit de el aparine graiului moldovenesc (Limba lui Creang, articol din 1956, reprodus n Iordan 1977: 262). 7.3. Mitul tiinei Mitologia tiinific a comunismului (Boia 1997) a avut efecte i n lingvistic: de exemplu, n preferina acordat limbajului tiinific ca obiect de studiu i ideal al limbii literare. Dicionarele au fost cel mai mult influenate de prestigiului tiinelor, prin prezena masiv a termenilor tehnici i tiinifici i prin modul de definire a cuvintelor. Lista de cuvinte din dicionarele generale a fost amplificat cu foarte muli termeni de strict specialitate, care nu fuseser cuprini anterior, pentru c erau destinai dicionarelor speciale. Definiiile sufereau de rigiditate i de aspiraia de a cuprinde toate nuanele, de a nu lsa nimic necontrolat. Erau respinse, n schimb, definiiile simple, bazate pe uz i viznd identificarea rapid a referentului Criticile din anii 50 urmreau tocmai aceste aspecte, cernd imperios nregistrarea terminologiilor tehnico-tiinifice: Cuvintele noi din agrotehnic pe care le folosesc ranii n mod curent, cum sunt: iarovizare, combin, antetrupi, discuitor etc., trebuie de asemenea s fie cuprinse n Dicionarul limbii romne. De asemenea, o serie de termeni din metalurgie, pedologie, fizic, chimie etc. (Svulescu 1952: 12). Efectele acestor imperative politice se manifest n mare msur i n prezent, n lexicografia romneasc. 7.4. Mituri naionale Mai multe mituri naionale au influenat, n diferite perioade, discursul lingvistic. Este vorba, mai nti, de ipotezele care au emfatizat, pe rnd, una dintre componentele formrii limbii dacism, slavism i latinism. Tezele continuitii au devenit curnd o dogm, ca i cele care proclam unitatea romnei cu dialectele din sudul Dunrii (cu obligativitatea ca variantele regionale interne s se numeasc subdialecte). Cultivarea limbii a fost pus tot sub semnul aprrii patrimoniului naional.
15

n opinia lui I. Iordan, la fel cu numeroase fapte de limb specific moldoveneti i ardeleneti, trebuie combtute anumite particulariti regionale munteneti (articol din 1955, reprodus n Iordan 1977: 38).

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Tema este n sine foarte larg i ar merita un studiu aparte, pe care nu l vom dezvolta aici. 8. Concluzii Tezele ideologice transpuse direct n publicaiile de specialitate (o sntoas fundamentare ideologic, Svulescu 1952: 9), cu toat frazeologia politic a vremii, constituie azi exemple aberante de negare a paradigmelor tiinifice moderne. Regsim n ele cele mai evidente exemple de maniheism, simplificare i violen ale limbii de lemn. Dei au durat doar civa ani, ajungnd chiar n perioada totalitar s fie ignorate deliberat i chiar ascunse cu grij, dei au azi mai ales efect de umor involuntar, am considerat c trecerea lor n revist este necesar, pentru c ele au lsat totui urme i au produs efecte subtile n timp. Mai insidioase sunt elementele ideologice asociate miturilor totalitare i naionale, care de fapt persist i n prezent: obsesia normativitii, a exhaustivitii tiinifice, desconsiderarea particularitilor dialectale, tabuizarea temelor naionale etc. Multe dintre acestea ar trebui regndite ca produse ideologice ale unei istorii recente i nu ca adevruri naturale, incontestabile.
BIBLIOGRAFIE Avram, Mioara, 1992, [Intervenie la discuii], n Ortografia limbii romne. Trecut, prezent, viitor, Iai, Institutul European, pp. 98-106 Avram, Mioara, 1999, Documentar. Memorialul ruinii: lingvistica bucuretean pus la zid, n Mioara Avram, Marius Sala, Ioana Vintil Rdulescu (coord.), Institutul de lingvistic Iorgu Iordandin Bucureti. 50 de ani de existen (1949-1999), Bucureti, Univers Enciclopedic, pp. 66-97. Boia, Lucian, 1997, Istorie i mit n contiina romneasc, Bucureti, Humanitas. Boia, Lucian, 1999, Mitologia tiinific a comunismului, Bucureti, Humanitas (ed. I, n fr.: 1993). Mihil, G., 2000, Cteva reflecii privind ortografia limbii romne, n Limba romn, XLIX, 2, pp. 279297. Milroy, James, 2007, The ideology of the standard language, in C. Llamas, L. Mullany, P. Stockwell (eds.), The Routledge Companion to sociolinguistics, London, New York, Routledge, pp. 133-139. Pinker, Steven, 1994, Language instinct, Harmondsworth, Middlesex, Penguin Books. Robins, R.H., 2003, Scurt istorie a lingvisticii, trad. rom., Iai, Polirom (ed. orig.: 1967). Sriot, Patrick, 1982, La socio-linguistique sovitique est-elle no-marriste? (contribution une histoire des idologies linguistiques en URSSS, Archives et documents de la SHESL, 2, pp. 63-84. Sriot, Patrick, 1988, Et ils n'auront qu'une seule langue (Elments pour une typologie des projets de langue universelle du communisme en URSS), n Essais sur le discours sovitique, 8, Grenoble-III, p. 121. Sriot, Patrick, 1989, Peut-on dire d'une linguistique qu'elle est nationale?, n Perspectives mthodologiques et pistmologiques dans les sciences du langage, Berne, Peter Lang, pp. 15-40. Sriot, Patrick, 1991, La langue du peuple, n F. Gadet (ed.): Ces langues que l'on dit simples, LINX, 25, pp. 121-139. Sriot, Patrick, 1995, Changements de paradigmes dans la linguistique sovitique des annes 1920-1930, n P. Sriot (ed.), Histoire Epistmologie Langage, XVII, 2, Une familire tranget : la linguistique russe et sovitique, pp. 235-251. Sriot, Patrick, 2004, La langue, le pouvoir et le corps, n P. Sriot & A. Tabouret-Keller (ed.), Le discours sur la langue sous les pouvoirs autoritaires, Cahiers de l'ILSL, 17, 2004, pp. 231-259. van Dijk, T.A., 2005, Politics, ideology and discourse, n Keith Brown (ed.), Encyclopedia of Language and Linguistics, ed. a II-a, Oxford, Elsevier, 2005, pp. 728-740. Vulpe, Magdalena, 1994, Not asupra ediiei, n Sextil Pucariu, Limba romn, II, Rostirea, Bucureti, Editura Academiei Romne, 1994, pp. 35-39. Zafiu, Rodica, 2001, Diversitate stilistic n romna actual, Bucureti, Editura Universitii din Bucureti. Zafiu, Rodica, 2007, Limbaj i politic, Bucureti, Editura Universitii din Bucureti. SURSE Cheresteiu, V., 1952, S ntocmim un dicionar tiinific al limbii romne, n Studii i cercetri lingvistice, III, p. 14-30.

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Gheie, Ion, 1978, Istoria limbii romne literare. Privire sintetic, Bucureti, Editura tiinific i enciclopedic. Graur, Alexandru, 1954, ncercare asupra fondului principal lexical al limbii romne, Bucureti, Editura Academiei R.P.R. Graur, Alexandru, 1955, Studii de lingvistic general, Bucureti, Editura Academiei R.P.R. Graur, Alexandru, 1963, Evoluia limbii romne. Privire sintetic, Bucureti, Editura tiinific. Graur, Alexandru, 1982, Dicionar al greelilor de limb, Bucureti, Editura Academiei R.S.R. Guu Romalo, Valeria, 1978: Lingvistica romneasc contemporan. Perioada 1944-1970. Caracteristici generale. Limba romn, n Iordan 1978a, pp. 133-169. Iordan, Iorgu, 1956, Limba romn contemporan, Bucureti, Editura Ministerului nvmntului. Iordan, Iorgu, 1977, Limba literar, Craiova, Scrisul romnesc. Iordan, Iorgu, 19778a (coord.), Istoria lingvisticii romneti, Bucureti, Editura tiinific i enciclopedic. Iordan, Iorgu, 1978b, Lingvistica romneasc ntre 1918 i 1944, n Iordan 1978a, pp. 102-132. Orzea, Gh., 1952, Unele probleme n legtur cu cursurile de limba romn de la Facultatea de Filologie din Bucureti n anul 1951/1952, n Studii i cercetri lingvistice, III, pp. 187-192. Rosetti, Al., B. Cazacu, Liviu Onu, 1971, Istoria limbii romne literare, I, ed. a II-a, Bucureti, Minerva (ed. I: 1961). Vraciu, Ariton, 1980, Lingvistic general i comparat, Bucureti, Editura didactic i pedagogic. Svulescu, Traian, 1952, Cuvnt de deschidere [la dezbaterile din iulie 1952 asupra noului dicionar al limbii romne], n Studii i cercetri lingvistice, III, pp. 8-13. Wald, Lucia, 1972: Limba, categorie istoric, n Al. Graur (coord.), Introducere n lingvistic, ed. a III-a revizuit i adugit, Bucureti, Editura tiinific, pp. 261-268. * Cum vorbim (Bucureti, 1949-1952) Dicionar ortoepic = Academia Republicii Populare Romne. Institutul de Lingvistic din Bucureti, Dicionar ortoepic, Bucureti, Editura Academiei R.P.R., 1956. DLRLC I = Academia Republicii Populare Romne, Dicionarul limbii romne literare contemporane, I, AC, coord.: D. Macrea, Bucureti, Editura Academiei R.P.R., 1955. DLRM = Academia Republicii Populare Romne. Institutul de Lingvistic din Bucureti, Dicionarul limbii romne moderne, coord.: D. Macrea, Bucureti, Editura Academiei R.P.R., 1958. Mic dicionar ortografic = Academia Republicii Populare Romne. Institutul de Lingvistic din Bucureti, Mic dicionar ortografic, Bucureti, Editura Academiei R.P.R., 1953. Studii i cercetri lingvistice (Bucureti, 1950 )

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Quelques pas dans le thtre du discours idologique

Conf. dr. Narcis Zrnescu Universitatea Spiru Haret Rsum: Notre rflexion value trois modalits virtuelles de smiotisation du discours idologique: lidostrotype, lido-emblme et lido-mythe. Il sagit donc de trois types de figement reprsentationnel qui oprent selon deux ordres de socio-cognition: le strotypage (catgorisation) et la mythification (symbolisation). Pourrait-on considrer ces trois modles comme des avatars mdiaculturels ou comme des effets dune parole dpolitise? Bien que les mdias soient les principaux pourvoyeurs / bnficiaires du discours idologique, les structures profondes et inertielles de limaginaire ethno-socioculturel continuent rgir la toute puissante piarit (marqueur linguistique et conceptuel ironique pour lobjet dactivit du PR!) ainsi que limagerie politique. Mots-cls: narrable, argumentable, scriptible, gnrateur de discours, ido-strotypies, macrostratgies smantiques

1. Dans le march discursif dune poque, il y a sans doute des objets infiniment divers par leur statut social, leur rgime cognitif et leurs thmes. La critique du discours social se construira donc des instruments conceptuels pour apprhender et analyser en totalit la reprsentation discursive du monde telle quelle sinscrit dans un tat de socit. A travers et grce aux rgles de production et dorganisation des noncs, aux typologies et topographies, aux rpertoires topiques et aux prsupposs cognitifs, on peut reconstituer, partiellement, la logique de division du travail discursif dune socit donne. On peut donc organiser et dlimiter le dicible, cest--dire le narrable et largumentable dun systme soci(et)al. Mais, part la prsence des lois diffuses et des tendances collectives dans les idiosyncrasies des opinions individuelles, on peut observer les lieux communs de la conversation, les espaces du journalisme et de lopinion publique, les formes de la recherche esthtique ou de la formalisation scientifique. Il y a aussi bien les slogans et les doctrines politiques qui saffrontent. Tous ces lieux de discours sont pourvus dacceptabilits. Ils ont une efficacit sociale et des publics captifs. 2. Les mthodes d'analyse du discours oscillent entre la tradition scientifique et l'hermneutique, mais pour valuer la cohrence d'un texte avec une idologie, une analyse scientifique devrait laborer ou au moins accepter le patronage dune thorie des effets de sens, ce qui conduirait interroger les processus cognitifs et les dterminations culturelles et sociales. Dailleurs, l'efficacit du discours idologique est dtermine par le caractre primordial de la dimension affective, laquelle rgit limmixtion dans les structures psycho-mentales et la permabilit aux valuations de la logique humaine standard. (cf. Schma 1).

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efficacit du discours idologique

capacit s'immiscer dans l'esprit des gens

le caractre primordial de la dimension affective

permabilit aux valuations de l'esprit humain

Schma 1 3. La dimension valuative apparatrait ainsi comme la synthse et l'objectivation des dimensions affectives, tandis que les processus valuatifs seraient un point d'articulation entre l'affectif et le cognitif. Deux modes d'articulation sont alors discuts: celui propos par Edelman dans sa thorie du Darwinisme Neuronal, et celui propos par Lacan dans sa thorie de la dtermination symbolique. Optant rsolument en faveur du paradigme connexionniste en sciences cognitives, la recherche mets en cause, sinon les enseignements de la psychologie sociale propos des attitudes, du moins les catgories thoriques utilises. A la suite d'Edelman, Rosenfield et Dennet, on peut faire la critique des distinctions classiques entre mmoire de long et de court terme, entre connaissance, accs et infrence, entre activation de connaissance et stratgie, qui ne s'appliquent qu'avec difficult aux processus valuatifs. En dpit de leur divergence, toutes ces dfinitions concordent entre elles dans la mesure o elles mettent l'accent, propos d'idologie, sur une pense tacite, exprime sous une forme pseudo-rationnelle, pour servir un pouvoir occulte. Cinq traits essentiels de l'idologie retiennent notre attention : (i) Interaction idologie - pouvoir. L'idologie en tant que pense au service d'un pouvoir ne peut avoir de sens que par rapport ce mme pouvoir avec qui elle entretient des rapports antagoniques; (ii) L'idologie n'est jamais une pense collective que partage un groupe d'individus, d'o son caractre partisan et sectateur; (iii) Une pense partisane et de ralliement: l'idologie dfend toujours le point de vue d'un parti ou d'un groupe social dtermin. Cette pense se signale daprs Wilheim Reich par la pense mtaphysique, le sentiment religieux, la soumission des idaux abstraits, la croyance la mission

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divine dun chef1; (iv) Une pense dissimulatrice et dissimule. L'idologie en tant que discours inavou est par consquent le non dit du texte qui est parfois produit l'insu de son auteur. Selon Olivier Reboul, par exemple, l'idologie est une pense condamne rester occulte et cacher sa nature fallacieuse. Autrement, elle perdrait automatiquement sa qualit et son pouvoir d'idologie si elle reconnaissait son essence d'idologie, elle se dtruit, tout comme la lumire supprime les tnbres. C'est pourquoi donc elle se donne toujours pour autre chose que ce qu'elle es rellement, pour la science, le bon sens, la morale, etc.2; (v) Elle est rationnelle ou du moins elle prtend l'tre, les arguments auxquels elle a recourt lui permettent d'tre efficace et crdible auprs de son public qu'elle essaie constamment d'abuser. L'idologie peut galement se manifester dans n'importe quel texte littraire mme si ce dernier tend cacher son activit discursive3, ses marques d'nonciations, c'est--dire le sige de l'idologie implicite de l'crivain. A ce propos J. Paul Sartre crit: l'crivain pas plus qu'un autre ne peut chapper l'insertion dans le monde et ses crits sont le type mme de l'univers singulier laquelle totalit du monde se manifeste sans jamais se dvoiler...4. Cette totalit n'est autre que la vision singulire du monde o s'exprime discrtement l'idologie de chaque crivain (gnrateur de discours). Laquelle idologie de nature dissimulatrice et dissimule ne peut que figurer dans ltymon du texte littraire. Le premier traits essentiel de l'idologie peut ainsi concerner l'analyse du discours idologique en rapport avec les stratgies narratives dfinies par l'auteur lui-mme, tels que le refus de la linarit sous toutes ses formes (norme, orthodoxie, axiologie, etc.) et la vraisemblance. En somme, il sagit avant toute chose dtudier un texte vou par essence lambiguit, la plurivocit et au malentendu littraire: un carrefour dabsence, selon lexpression de Philipe Hamon.5 Le deuxime trait pourrait porter sur l'aspect discursif du rcit idologique soumis aux fonctions du langage, selon la distinction de Jakobson. Dans lespace littraire, le projet idologique cest la vise initiale de lauteur, de ce quil a en tte (), de ce qui le motive, le meut non seulement au niveau digtique, narratif, mais aussi axiologique,du discours sur le monde quil tend inscrire. Lidologie du texte donc cest le processus de textualisation, desthtisation et didologisation de lcriture sur la matire verbale cotextuelle () le travail du texte crit et dscrit ce que les autres instances idologiques disent de faon univoque.6 On peut donc dfinir la cohrence d'un texte avec une idologie comme une fonction de la variation entre l'valuation par dfaut et l'valuation contextuelle des parties du texte. La cohrence idologique est donc une estimation de la compatibilit des valuations en contexte linguistique. Dautre part, la notion de cohrence idologique du discours apparat comme une alternative la notion d'intension (Frege-Montague). Il devient possible donc de substituer aux mondes possibles de Kripke, un nombre fini de mondes en conflit, la nature conflictuelle de ces mondes tant formalisable vu que chacun d'entre eux reprsente une extension (cf. la logique non-monotone). La donne d'une idologie permet d'initialiser la dynamique et de fixer l'inertie de chaque unit. On peut alors estimer la cohrence du discours avec l'idologie comme une fonction de la distance entre l'tat initial du rseau reprsentant le discours et l'attracteur de la dynamique. Dans la mesure o la dynamique du systme s'apparente au calcul d'une valuation globale, la trajectoire du systme dynamique peut tre vue comme un type particulier de parcours interprtatif du discours. 4. L'analyse du discours la franaise ne comprenant pas de thorie linguistique des idologies, elle s'appuie ncessairement sur une thorie politique (Althusser) et/ou sociologique (Bourdieu) des idologies. En fait, l'idologie est une rduction de la culture la politique, ou du
1 2

Voir ce propos, La psychologie de masse du fascisme, Payot, 1970, p. 89. O. Reboul, Langage et idologie, P.U.F., 1980, p.10 3 P. Maingueneau, Approche de l'nonciation en linguistique, Hachette, 1951 p. 21. 4 J.P.Sartre, Troisime Confrence, Plaidoyer pour les intellectuels: La Responsabilit de lcrivain, 1946, p.67 5 Philipe Hamon, LIronie littraire, Paris, Hachette, 1996, p. 4. 6 R. Robin in La politique du texte, Pour Claude Duchet, Presses universitaires de Lille, 1992, p.118.

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moins toutes les reprsentations sociales qui jouent un rle dans les conflits de classes. Cependant la dfinition de l'idologie comme un ensemble d'noncs canoniques la rduit une topique. En fait, on pourrait relier la thorie des idologies aux recherches smantiques sur les valuations (cf. les travaux de Greimas et de Zilberberg sur les modalits thymiques; quelques tudes de Franois Rastier sur l'ambiguit narrative selon les codes idologiques des personnages (1971), sur les catgorisations sociales des valuations (1984) ou sur les paradoxes (1996). Certains (Zilberberg) soutiennent mme que tout contenu linguistique contient une modalit thymique. 4.1. Afin donc dorganiser et dlimiter le dicible (le narrable et largumentable = les deux modes prdominants du discours), la premire dmarche consiste rechercher des invariants, des lieux communs, des dominances et des rcurrences, de lhomogne et du rgul dans la diversit, des principes de cohsion, des contraintes et des coalescences qui font que le discours ido-social ne soit pas une juxtaposition de formations discursives autonomes, refermes sur leurs traditions propres, mais un espace dinteractions des thmes interdiscursifs et des formes du Zeitgeist, un espace dont les logiques diffuses fixent entropiquement les limites de largumentable, du narrable ou du scriptible. Ainsi leffet de masse synchronique du discours ido- social surdtermine la lisibilit des textes particuliers qui forment cette masse. la lecture dun texte donn, se surimposent dautres textes occupant le mme espace, par un phnomne de rmanence. Cette surimposition, appele dans la potique antique allgorse, est considre par les chercheurs contemporains comme un rabattement centripte des textes du rseau sur un texte-tuteur ou un corpus ftichis. Phnomne rsultant de lorganisation topologique des champs discursifs, linterlisibilit des textes de la mmoire culturelle assure lentropie hermneutique et rduit le nouveau au prvisible. 4.2. Le clich et le strotype constituent des structures signifiantes figes, des forme7 sens qui ne sont analysables que dans le discours, dans lhorizon de la mmoire du texte, l'intrieur d'un contexte nonciatif.8 On peut, partir de l, spcifier les niveaux d'analyse du clich et du strotype idogiques ou idologisables: un premier niveau rhtorique, auquel se rattache plus spcifiquement le clich comme formule de phrase ou structure rhtorique fige, s'inscrit dans une perspective intertextuelle (comme certains disent)9; un second niveau, idologique, celui du comme on dit. Lido-strotype dsigne toute rptition d'un habitus social, oprant la confusion du prescriptif et du descriptif. Il est ce qui se fait ou ce qui se dit.10 L'analyse textuelle de lido-strotype rejoint ainsi les tudes du prconstruit et du prsuppos, des isotopies11 strotypes ou strotypies, des logiques qui organisent la production du sens. 5. L'efficacit d'un discours dpendra donc, selon Pereleman, de la gnration d'un consensus sur l'existence d'une communaut d'esprit et sur l'objet de la runion, qui dpend du consensus premier: Pour qu'il y ait argumentation, il faut que, un moment donn, une communaut effective des esprits se ralise. Il faut que l'on soit d'accord tout d'abord et en principe sur la formation de cette communaut intellectuelle, et ensuite sur le fait de dbattre ensemble une question dtermine: or cela ne va nullement de soi.12 L'vidence du consensus doit tre produite
H. Meschonnic, Les proverbes, actes de discours, Revue des Sciences humaines, n 163, 1976, p.418 sqq. Pour la lecture du clich, cf. M. Riffaterre, Fonction du clich dans la prose littraire, in Essais de stylistique structurale, Paris, Flammarion, 1971, p. 171-181. 9 Le clich rejoint ainsi la connotation autonymique dfinie par J. Rey-Debove comme le modle smiotique ( ... ) par lequel l'encodeur emploie pour parler du monde (et non des signes) une squence rapporte de telle sorte qu'il emploie et qu'il cite tout la fois . ( Notes sur une interprtation autonymique de la littrarit le mode du comme je dis , Littrature n 4, dc. 1971, p. 91-92.). 10 J.-L. Backs, Le fonctionnement idologique des textes, Revue des Sciences humaines, n 165, 1977, p. 53. 11 Selon la dfinition de C. Kerbrat-Orecchioni squence isotope est toute squence discursive (fragment d'nonc ou nonc) pourvue d'une certaine cohrence syntagmatique grce la rcurrence d'units d'expression et/ou de contenu. (Problmatique de lisotopie in Linguistique et smiologie. Travaux du centre de recherches linguistiques et smiologiques de Lyon, 1976/1, p. 16.) L'isotopie dsigne alors le principe de cohrence de la squence ou, par mtonymie, la squence isotope elle-mme (ibid.). 12 Ch. Perelman, L. Olbrechts-Tyteca, Trait de l'argumentation. La nouvelle rhtorique, Bruxelles. d. de l'Institut de sociologie, 2e d. 1970, p. 223.
8 7

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par le locuteur: l'auditoire est une construction du locuteur, comme l'est aussi le locuteur.13 Il s'agit en l'occurrence pour lorateur politique de masquer les rapports de pouvoir, en se faisant accepter comme membre d'une communaut que son discours instaure, produisant ainsi une vocation neutralise du monde social.14 Le consensus est ainsi produit dans le discours idologique par des formules de communion: captatio benevolentiae (Qu'il me soit permis ), allie des formes du prsuppos (j'en suis sr ou c'est ce que vous avez compris ) et au vocabulaire de l'union (sera partag par vous tous ), la communaut tant fonde par: (a) la prsence d'lments indiciels (notre prsident), (nos places publiques, notre patrie, nos problmes, nos intrts), qui fondent la communaut de la patrie; (b) la prsence de termes relevant du topos de la cit (places publiques, patrie, cause publique), tout un vocabulaire de salut public, renvoyant la cit antique, et relevant d'un topos qui produit la fiction homognisante d'une communaut; (c) la personne du chef de lEtat, lment le plus important, au sommet dun discours et partant, de l'euphorie rhtorique, lment prsent sous la figure de la gradation: des termes, par exemple, qui dsignent le chef de l'tat dans ses fonctions hirarchiques. Dans un certain modle de discours idologique, on pourrait progresser ainsi du dfini au possessif, au dmonstratif anaphorique + une pithte cliche + une relative au fonctionnement dterminatif, qui crent un effet de prconstruit, imposant un jugement prtabli. 5.1. On peut retenir comme dfinition de l'auditoire idologisable l'ensemble de ceux sur lesquels l'orateur veut influer par son argumentation15. L'auditoire peut tre spcifi par l'appellatif Mesdames, Messieurs ou Camarades, par vous, etc. L'auditoire ainsi prcis est celui que l'orateur cherche convaincre. On peut partir de l avancer plusieurs hypothses sur le rfrent de nous: (1) Nous = je (moi, reprsentant du gouvernement / parti / parlement, mais citoyen comme vous, membre de la mme famille) + vous (les citoyens): la communaut de la patrie; (2) Nous = nous (les notables au pouvoir) + vous (middle class, le peuple, les travailleurs, les agriculteurs, les bourgeois, etc.), avec qui s'tablit l'alliance de classe pour soutenir l'tat. Il s'tablit ainsi dans le discours un vritable masquage des positions du locuteur et de son auditoire, tablissant une communaut d'intrts l'existence discursive. Le nous, dans le mme temps, suppose un il, exclu de la communaut, l'acteur ngatif, l'opposant tous les sens du terme, qui va tre spcifi par l'analyse des ido-strotypies l'uvre dans le texte / le discours, et, ngativement, par celle des rles prescrits l'auditoire. 6. Cependant, les discours devraient tre conceptualiss en termes de structures contextuelles (Duranti et Goodwin, 1992). Il n'est pas suffisant d'observer par exemple que les discours politiques contiennent souvent le pronom nous, pronom politique bien connu. Il est essentiel de relier cet emploi d'autres catgories: qui parle, quand, o, / avec qui, cest--dire aux aspects spcifiques de la situation politique. Une dcodification plus complexe de la situation politique, y compris de lido-discours des acteurs (de Catzavencu16 Bush!), est inscrite dans le modle mental de la situation politique (Van Dijk, 1999, 2001, 2003)17: par l'interface cognitive entre la situation et les paroles, ou le texte, on peut dvoiler les mcanismes du mental, dfinir comment les participants vivent, interprtent et se reprsentent les aspects de la situation politique qui leur semblent importants. Ces modles mentaux spcifiques sont appels gnralement contextes. En d'autres termes, les contextes sont des dfinitions subjectives des sujets-participants
13

Idem, ibidem: L'auditoire prsum est toujours, pour celui qui argumente, une construction plus ou moins systmatise (p.25). 14 P. Bourdieu, Une classe objet, Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales, nov. 1977, 17/18, p.4. 15 Pereleman, op.cit., p.25 16 Catzavencu, personnage dune comdie politique" roumaine (Une Lettre perdue, crite par I.L.Caragiale), incarne le type du politicien dmagogue, corrompu et convaincant. 17 T.A. Van Dijk, Context models in discourse processing, in Van Oostendorp, Herre, & Goldman, Susan R. (Eds.), The construction of mental representations during reading, Mahwah, NJ, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates,1999, p. 123-148; Idem, Discourse, ideology and Context, loc. cit.; Idem, Text and context of parliamentary debates in Paul Bayley (Ed.), Cross-Cultural Perspectives on Parliamentary Discourse, Amsterdam, Benjamins, 2003, p. 339-372.

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dans des situations de communication. Ils contrlent tous les aspects de la production et de la comprhension des discours. Ainsi, le discours politique nest pas seulement dfini en termes de structures du discours politique mais galement en termes de contextes politiques. C'est en effet travers cette forme de contextualisation quon peut relier les idologies des participants leurs discours (Gumperz)18. Les textes ou les paroles montrent les idologies de faon discursive, mais ce sont les gens qui ont des idologies. Selon les philosophes des annes 70, ctait les idologies qui parlaient travers les gens. Lhomme tait parl, le discours se parlait soi-mme. Pour lhomme politisable du XXIe sicle, cela peu lui importe, quil soit un acteur ou une petite phrase: il manipule et est manipul. Et il le sait. 7. Tout discours idologique est produit par et produit des ido-strotypies. Lidostrotypie dysphorique est rejete dans le pass (Le temps n'est plus ). Dans le discours idologique, l'ordre s'oppose le dsordre de la subversion passe, l'opposition implicite entre le bon et le mauvais (homme politique / citoyen). Ce topos engendre des figures cliches: mtaphore ou personnification avec ou sans hypotypose. L'article dfini, la diffrence du dmonstratif, prsuppose une certitude, un principe, sans impliquer forcment de rfrence. La description constitue un objet dont elle fait l'univers du discours19. Le superlatif, class dans les techniques argumentatives parmi les arguments quasi logiques, se prsente comme un argument de comparaison dont le caractre premptoire dispense de preuves. On peut y rejoindre l'analyse que fait Perelman des valeurs argumentatives, opposant aux valeurs abstraites qui peuvent aisment servir la critique parce qu'elles ne font pas acception de personnes et semblent fournir des critres celui qui veut modifier l'ordre tabli des valeurs concrtes, lies un groupe dtermin, qui mettent en jeu des notions telles que la fidlit, la discipline, la solidarit, sur lesquelles s'appuierait plus aisment l'argumentation conservatrice.20 Le topos, les clichs ou les ido-strotypies ont ainsi une fonction de communion avec l'auditoire, et se substituent une argumentation rationnelle. 7.1. La vision strotype d'un pass de subversion engendre, symtriquement celle, euphorique, d'un prsent identifi une prosprit harmonieuse. Le prsent pourrait tre valoris par une srie de termes apprciatifs manifestant l'union et la prosprit, par varies isotopies, par le smantisme des adjectifs ou par des catachrses. La strotypie euphorique s'engendre ainsi par polarisation avec la strotypie dysphorique. Dautre part, il y a des squences du discours idologique qui relvent du discours des figures: les clichs, par surdtermination du contexte, qui spcifient une isotopie stylistique, o les procds potiques dj clichs sont saisis comme grotesques et d-construisent l'isotopie. Ainsi de la mtaphore trs frquente du char de l'tat, qui signifie la dignit institutionnelle, mais dont l'incohrence est ridicule.21 Il est possible que la rupture de l'isotopie stylistique soit rendue manifeste par la parodie22 dont le fonctionnement relve plusieurs types de contradictions, telles que les contradictions stylistiques internes au texte ou le
J.J. Gumperz, Language and social identity, Cambridge, England New York, Cambridge University Press, 1982. O. Ducrot.Dire et ne pas dire. Principes de smantique linguistique, Hermann, 1972, p. 244. 20 Perelman, op.cit., p. 106 21 Mtaphore, dj cliche dans l'usage, cite dans Le Grand Larousse du XIXe sicle l'article tat. Elle renvoie aussi la parole de M. Prudhomme: Le char de l'tat navigue sur un volcan. (H. Monnier et G. Vaez. Grandeur et dcadence de M. Joseph Prudhomme. Thtre contemporain illustr. M. Lvy frres, 1852. p.7). comparer aussi Eminescu, pote romantique roumain: Sau acei care-i pun osul/ Carul statului de-l mic? (Aducnd cntri mulime) ou Caragiale, dramaturge roumain du XIXe sicle: Cte inteligene frumoase i cu adevrat vocaie artistic n-au fost njugate la carul politicii, pentru care n-aveau vocaie deloc? (Politic i cultur); cf. aussi G. Ibraileanu, Spiritul critic n cultura romneasc (1909), chap. Spiritul critic n Muntenia. Critica social extrem: Caragiale. 22 La parodie signifie, selon Dumarsais, la lettre un chant compos l'imitation d'un autre: et, par extension, on donne le nom de parodie un ouvrage en vers dans lequel on dtourne, dans un sens railleur, des vers qu'un autre a faits dans une vue diffrente. [ ... ] L'ide de cet original et l'application qu'on en fait un sujet d'un ordre moins srieux, forment dans l'imagination un contraste qui la surprend, et c'est en cela que consiste la plaisanterie de la parodie. (Trait des Tropes, Paris, d. Le Nouveau Commerce. 1977. p. 219-220). L'effet parodique est ainsi relier la diffrence des contextes nonciatifs.
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contraste entre la connotation attache au rfrent dcrit et la connotation attache au matriel verbal utilis.23 ; tandis que lanalyse rhtorique peut dceler une discordance cache entre la symtrie syntaxique et la dissymtrie smantique, spcifique au discours idologique standard. Autrement dit, la redondance spcifie une isotopie stylistique, dont la rupture signale le surcodage. 8. En ne rduisant pas les idologies aux discours, parce quelles contrlent aussi d'autres pratiques sociales, nous nous sommes propos de les valuer en termes sociocognitifs plutt qu'motionnels. Si les motions sont temporaires, contextuelles, personnelles, bref, des vnements cognitivement interprts, les idologies sont socialement partages et leurs applications par les individus dun groupe peuvent tre exprimes par le biais des motions. C'est galement pour cette raison qu'il est essentiel de distinguer au niveau de lanalyse les idologies de leurs emplois ou de leurs manifestations rels en discours. Bien que dfinies l'origine en termes sociocognitifs, les idologies politiques imprgnent tout le domaine politique en tant que systmes globaux, comme les dmocraties (bases sur des idologies dmocratiques), les actes et processus gnraux (tels que les gouvernements, coalitions ou lections), les pratiques politiques ordinaires (telles que les dbats parlementaires ou les manifestations), les relations de groupe (telles que domination et rsistance, gouvernement ou opposition), les normes et les valeurs fondamentales (telles que l'galit et l'indpendance, qui sont des catgories constitutives des idologies), ainsi que des attitudes politiques plus spcifiques, qui sont contrles par les idologies. Cest pourquoi le processus politique est essentiellement un processus idologique, et la cognition politique peut souvent tre identifie l'idologie, tout simplement (Freeden, Ball et Dagger, Eatwell, Leach, Seliger, Van Dijk).24 8.1. Au-del de la stratgie gnrale et combine de la prsentation positive de soi et de la prsentation ngative de l'autre, les structures idologiques discursives peuvent apparatre comme l'expression d'autres structures idologiques sous-jacentes. Ainsi, si l'identit, les actions caractristiques, les buts, les normes, les valeurs, les relations de groupe et les ressources sont des catgories idologiques fondamentales, on peut s'attendre ce que les rfrences aux contenus de ces catgories soient prsentes dans les ido-discours. Si les gens parlent en tant que membres d'un groupe, en terme de nous, leurs propos seront galement idologiques. Ils valuent leurs propres actions, normes et valeurs, et cela sera particulirement vrai pour le sens ou le contexte du discours. Dautre part, les voies par lesquelles le sens est exprim et vhicul, en particulier au niveau de la persuasion, peuvent comporter de nombreux aspects formels en ce qui concerne la grammaire, le discours et la conversation. Traditionnellement, les idologies sont vaguement et ngativement dfinies en terme de conscience fausse. Dans une approche plus contemporaine et multidisciplinaire, les idologies sont dcrites comme la fondation axiomatique des reprsentations sociales partages par les groupes. Quand mme, la fin de cette valuation, on pourrait conclure partir de notre srie de micro et macrostratgies smantiques ou politiques (glorification nationale, prsentation ngative de l'autre, expression de la norme, jeu des chiffres, polarisation, catgorisation nous-eux, prsentation positive de soi, populisme, prsupposition, flou smantique, victimisation, etc.) que le discours idologique, tant dans ses formes bnignes que malignes, est une forme de recherche et de reprsentation de lidentit. Bref, un discours sur soi et

C. Kerbrat-Orecchioni, op. cit., p. 18. M. Freeden, Ideologies and political theory. A conceptual approach, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1996; T. Ball, & R. Dagger, Political ideologies and the democratic ideal, New York, Longman, 1999; R. Eatwell, (Ed.), Contemporary political ideologies, New York, Pinter, 1999; R. Leach, Political ideology in Britain, New York, Palgrave, 2002; M. Seliger, Ideology and politics, London, Allen & Unwin, 1976; T. A.Van Dijk, Discourse, ideology and Context, Folia Linguistica XXXV/1-2, 2001, 11-40.
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sur lautre, binme conceptuel qui a remplac le couple matre-esclave de la comdie sociale classique. Bibliographie:
CHILTON, P. A., 2004, Analysing Political Discourse: Theory and Practice, London, Routledge. DURANTI, A., & Goodwin, C., (Eds.), 1992, Rethinking Context: Language as an Interactive Phenomenon Cambridge : Cambridge University Press. FAIRCLOUGH, N., 1995, Critical discourse analysis. The critical study of language. London : Longman. POTTER, J., 1996, Representing reality : Discourse, rhetoric and social construction. London Thousand Oaks, CA : Sage. SELIGER, M., 1976, Ideology and politics. London : Allen & Unwin. VAN DIJK, T. A., 1998, Ideology : A multidisciplinary approach. London: Sage. VAN DIJK, T. A., 1999, Context models in discourse processing. In : van Oostendorp, Herre, & Goldman, Susan R. (Eds.), The construction of mental representations during reading. (pp. 123-148). Mahwah, NJ, USA : Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. VAN DIJK, T. A., 2001, Discourse, ideology and Context. Folia Linguistica XXXV/1-2, 11-40. VAN DIJK, T. A., 2003, Text and context of parliamentary debates. In Paul Bayley (Ed.), Cross-Cultural Perspectives on Parliamentary Discourse. (pp. 339-372). Amsterdam : Benjamins. WILSON, J., 1990, Politically speaking. Oxford : Blackwell.

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Translations in English Language Teaching. An Investigation of the Communist and Post-Communist Periods
drd. Laura Elena Munteanu, Universitatea Al. I. Cuza, Iai Rsum : Louvrage propose un regard densemble de limpact produit par les diffrentes orientations dans lenseignement de langlais sur la mthodologie denseigner cette langue dans la Roumanie communiste et post-communiste. A travers lanalyse dun certain nombre de manuels et guides mthodologiques on a envisag dtablir la mesure dans laquelle ces orientations du monde anglo-saxon ont pu se reflter dans les mthodes roumaines denseignement. Lattention est cible surtout sur le statut que les traductions ont eu dans ces approches pendant les deux priodes vises, tout particulirement en Roumanie. Mots cls : mthodologie denseigner, limpact, traductions

Different ages tend to have different views on matters of social, political, religious and cultural life, the last domain including science and education and, for our concern, foreign language teaching, too. In other words, various sets of ideologies come to the fore during different ages, sometimes separated by very small lapses of time, and allowing the possibility for two or more sets of ideologies to exist and function as governing principles of action during approximately the same period. Moreover, since people are simultaneously defined in terms of social, political and cultural behavior, these fields are interrelated and the ideological principles adopted in one of them may also find an echo in some other(s). English language teaching has been influenced by different ideological perspectives, namely different ways of regarding teacher and student status, the degree of responsibility the teacher and the students are charged with, power relationships between teacher and students (meaning the degree to which spontaneous participation or even choice of topics/ structures in view of discussion are allowed during thee class), what the aims should be regarding immediate and long term results (fluency vs. accuracy of expression, communicative competence / performance vs. linguistic knowledge) and so on. My concern in this paper was to try to determine the degree to which different trends in English language teaching have been assimilated and assumed by the methodology of teaching English in Romania, in the communist and post communist periods, and the possible influence that the state policy may have had on the openness to European and American trends of opinion. What follows is an investigation of different methodological approaches, as they are reflected in Romanian textbooks and methodological guides. The particular issue focused upon is the extent to which translations were accepted or rejected from the English class in our country between 1950 and 2009. 1. It is well-known that at present, translation is a kind of Cinderella in English language teaching in Romania. It is being generally avoided by both methodologists and textbook authors, either as a means of introducing new information (new lexical items) or as an evaluative tool, to say nothing about translation as an activity in itself, with the aim of developing the pupils translating skills. Such competences, though in increasing demand, are not mentioned anywhere among the desirable objectives that could be obtained at least in part- at secondary school level. As an English teacher, I am confronted with the somehow nonsensical reality that todays approaches, claiming to prepare students for real-life needs, completely disregard this one, though I have to admit that it may not be as important as the more immediate goal of successful(oral) communication. This fact made me compare the present day approaches with the older ones, some of which I experienced as a secondary school student, during the communist period. My impression during my study years was that, since at that time my teachers still used translation in foreign language teaching, the advent of the more recent ELT methodology was somehow prevented by the communist nationalist ideology. 2. In order to avoid the risk of subjectivity, I thought that the examination of a corpus of textbooks and methodologies might be a more solid basis for further considerations on the status of translations in Romanian ELT. 2.1. Since my belief is that translation in the modern, pragmatic sense of the word, can be practiced especially by older, more experienced students, the corpus I have compiled consists

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mostly of textbooks for the 11th and 12th grade (used in the communist and post communist periods1; further, confirming information was collected from textbooks for the 9th and 10th grade published before and after 1989. In addition to that, I have also used for investigation methodologies from the communist period published in our country (Dragomir and Vlceanu: 1964, Semlyn: 1967, Semlyn and Filimon: 1973) and abroad (Stevick: 1989, Brown: 1993, Harmer: 1994) and one methodology published relatively recently in Romania (Blan, Cehan, Ciut et al.: 2003). 3. Three main theories influenced the methods used at various times in English language teaching. One of them was behaviorism, applied to language learning first by Skinner (1957), that saw language as behavior and habit formation by constant repetition and reinforcement (by the teacher). The second theory was cognitivism (or mentalism) deriving from Chomskys reaction to the behavioristic view of language (1959). For him, language is rule-governed behavior, promoting the idea of creative language use (on the basis of innate language abilities and of some -learntgrammatical rules) and the idea of (conscious) hypothesis testing. Finally, the communicative approach appeared as a reaction to the previous theories, starting from the concept of communicative competence (Hymes, 1971), opposed to Chomskys linguistic competence. The concept refers to language in use, that is language in context and the approach focuses on communicative activities and concentrates on language as a means of communication. 3.1 An analysis in view of detecting the methods that favored translations most along history leads us to the Grammar-Translation one, which is also considered to be the earliest coherent, well-motivated method. It postulates teaching foreign language grammar as a set of rules in the mother tongue and practicing them in writing. As written language was regarded as the real language, superior to the spoken one, written texts were translated, while speaking and listening were mediated via conversation classes, being treated as extras to the main course. In the AngloSaxon world the Grammar-Translation method was used from the 16th century until the 1950s. According to the various methodologies (e.g. Semlyn and Filimon, 1973:45) and textbook
Here are the textbooks in my corpus: textbooks published in the communist period Limba englez, Manual pentru clasa a XI-a, Pamfil Liliana, Rappaport-Axelaid Edith, Editura Didactic i Pedagogic, Bucureti, 1959 Limba englez Manual pentru clasa a XI-a, Valeria Alcalay, Edith Rappaport- Axelrad, Editura Didactic i Pedagogic, Bucureti, 1965. Limba englez Manual pentru clasa a XI-a (anul V de studiu), Leon Levichi, Ion Preda, Maria ranu, Editura Didactic i Pedagogic, Bucureti, 1967. Limba englez Manual pentru clasa a XI-a liceu si anul III liceu de specialitati (anul III de studiu), Valeria Alcaley, Sarah Medregan, Mira Soticuescu, Editura Didactic i Pedagogic, Bucureti, 1971. Limba englez- Manual pentru clasa a XI-a (anul VII de studiu) Susana Dorr, Corina Cojan, Anca Tanasescu, Radu Surdulescu, Editura Didactic i Pedagogic, Bucureti, 1981 (elaborat in 1977). Limba englez- Manual pentru clasa a XII-a (anul VII de studiu si anul IV licee de specialitate), N. DragomirescuNicolescu, D. Mureanu, V. Stefnescu-Dragomireti, Editura Didactic i Pedagogic, Bucureti , 1967. Limba englez - Manual pentru clasa a XII-a, anul VIII de studiu, Susana Drr, Radu Surdulescu, Editura Didactic i Pedagogic, Bucureti, 1983 (elaborat in 1978) textbooks published in the post communist period Prospects, Students Book, Advanced, Ken Wilson, James Taylor, Deirdre Howard-Williams, Macmillan, 2000. Pathways to English: English News and Views, Students Book 11, Rada Blan, Miruna Carianopol, tefan Colibaba, Cornelia Coser, Veronica Foceneanu, Vanda Stan, Rodica Vulcnescu, Oxford Unversity Press, 1998. Magic English-Limba englez-manual pentru clasa a XI-a, L2, Gic Popescu, Felicia Popescu, Viorica Codreanu, Eleonora Olaru, Editura Niculescu, Bucureti, 2004 Limba englez - Manual pentru clasa a XII-a, anul VII de studiu, Corina Cojan, Anca Tanasescu, Radu Surdulescu, Editura Didactic i Pedagogic, Bucureti 1998 (elaborat in 1977i revizuit in 1990pe baza programei colare aprobat de MI cu nr.33981 din 1990) a reeditation of 1981 edition for the XI th form written by the same authors- plus Susana Drr. Limba englez - Manual pentru clasa a XII-a, anul VIII de studiu, Susana Drr, Radu Surdulescu, Mircea Tatos, Editura Didactic i Pedagogic, Bucureti, 1995 (elaborat in 1978 i revizuit in 1991) Limba englez - Manual pentru clasa a XII-a (L2), Gica Popescu, Felicia Popescu, Viorica Codreanu, Eleonora Olaru, Editura Niculescu, Bucuresti, 2004. Prospects, Students Book, Super Advanced, Ken Wilson, Mary Tomalin, Deirdre Howard-Williams, Macmillan, 2006 (Printed and bound in Romania, first in 2002)
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testimonies, the principles of this method were openly applied in Romania until the sixties, and unofficially they probably survived in the teaching environment, for another three decades. 3.2 At the same time, the 1950s and the 1960s were under the influence of another method used in English language teaching, which seems to have had very little impact on the Romanian didactics: the Direct Method. Its roots are in the USA (in the 1890s), and it somehow contradicts the Grammar Translation method in the sense that speaking and listening are considered as the most important skills. Teaching was done directly, without the mediation of the mother tongue, therefore we may conclude that translation was avoided and the teaching of grammar was only of secondary importance. 3.3 Between the 1960s and the 1970s another view of language teaching became fashionable: the Audio-Lingual method (in the USA) or the Audio-Visual method (in France, Great Britain), which was considered a scientificised version of the previously mentioned one. It regards language learning as an acquisition of skills and habits concerning an ordered system of structural patterns (ibid: 57). Skills and habits were to be acquired by repetition and memorization, therefore the method draws on a behaviorist theoretical basis. According to Kenneth Chastain (cited in Semlyn and Filimon 1973:57), proponents of audio-lingual method advocated teaching the second language without any reference to the native language system. Consequently, we may draw the conclusion that translation was disregarded by this approach, too. 3.4 A pragmatic (UK) version of audio-lingualism was represented by the StructuralSituational method, applied especially between the 1960s and the 1980s. The key difference was that much care was taken to present and practice language in a situation; therefore language presentation and practice were given a social meaning. Speaking and listening were considered again the most important skills and the well known idea of the 3 Ps (presentation-practiceproduction) was the focus: a simple language point was presented, given controlled practice, then further semi-controlled practice (often called free practice). The promoters assumed that what we teach during those three stages is the same as what students should learn, an assumption which is considered as unrealistic today. 4. If we are to analyze the impact that these methods may have had to English language teaching in Romania, a start would be to check their possible echoes in the methodologies published in our country during the communist age. 4.1 Such an analysis made me think that, during the communist period, specialists were receptive enough to what was happening abroad. Two methodological guides show two different perspectives. Metodica predrii limbii engleze (ELT Methodology, 1964), promotes a pretty favorable attitude to translation, which, according to its authors, may be used, among other devices and in a selective manner, in order to ensure comprehension of literary texts. There is even a special note which says that it is preferable that poems should not be translated didactically, and such translations should be replaced with canonical ones (1964: 60). Also, translations are recommended in view of evaluation of further reparatory work with students, to avoid fossilization of typical mistakes in oral or written expression (ibid., my translation). The same methodological guide provides a pretty modern, though incomplete, opinion of what translation should be: A condition imposed when translation is concerned isthat the teacher should prevent the students tendency to see translation as a simple transfer of notions from one language into another. For this aim, students have to be taught first how translations are done and why they should choose certain terms, phrases, idioms. By working on translations, students consolidate knowledge of their mother tongue, by this meaning a critical analysis of the specific structure and of the specificity of each language Translations help students get accustomed with developing their independent work consciously, systematically and in an organized manner (ibid., my translation). Further on, one may also notice that the authors already recommend techniques other than translation for teaching the new vocabulary (so the Grammar-Translation method was already out of fashion, leaving room for the new trends) with the exception of those situations in which no other alternative worked for a good language comprehension. 4.2 In comparison with this methodological guide, written in Romanian, the methodological writings published at the end of the 1960s and the 1970s already bring a new perspective: Eva

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Semlyns An English Teaching Methodology (1967) written in English, mentions translation only once, as a means of teaching vocabulary. Six years later (1973), the book was re-edited under the title An English Teaching Methodology Handbook, having David J. Filimon as a co-author. The target public of this methodology is worth mentioning: besides the already practicing and the soon to be teachers in Romania, the two authors also have in view the ever-growing number of editors abroad who wish to learn about the methods and procedures used in Romanian schools to teach English(1973: 5). Leaving apart considerations about the possible echo the book might have had among the editors abroad, this methodology (as well as others) is surely of great help as a state of the art document for those decades, since it clearly shows, among other things, to what extent translation was recommended and encouraged in those years. Referring to the ELT in Romania, the authors acknowledge the value of translation as a skill. Nevertheless, they also draw attention upon the fact that this skill can hardly be attained under secondary-school conditions, considering it a specialized skill that requires special training. (1973: 72). They reject the idea of using translation as a means of teaching, but the motivation is quite different from the one used today (that the student must be lead into thinking directly in L2, and stop being dependent on L1). Instead, they bring as an argument the danger that the students might get confused, because of the differences between the two languages concerning the grammatical system or because of the existence of the so-called false-friends (id.). However, they do mention translation among the possibilities of introducing new vocabulary, alongside with the foreign language as a means of interpreting words. After enumerating the advantages of using translation (more quickly and sometimes clearer than a long explanation), the authors are careful to add that this certainly does not mean that it is the only procedure for interpreting words. it is the easiest and the most convenient means of interpretation, but it does not challenge the pupils to work. Therefore, audio-lingual advocates say, it should be used as the last step in the process of word interpretation, as a means of checking the comprehension of words (ibid.,118). 4.3. From the textbooks published in Romania between 1950 and 1989 and available for analysis, one preliminary general remark would be that, at least as far as textbooks published between 1950 and 1970 are concerned, The Grammar-Translation approach seems to have been given a lot of credit, although one may also distinguish gradual echoes from the Audio-lingual method, and especially from the Structural Situational one. 4.3.1. Limba Englez- Manual pentru clasa a XI-a (English language for 11th grade students), published in 1959, still frames in the Grammar-Translation tradition, offering, after each new text, explanatory notes and grammar explanations in Romanian. Moreover, the textbook generously offers fragments of literary texts and cultural information, some of which unfortunately may appear as superfluous nowadays. As for the translation activities, they are mostly meant to ensure grammar and vocabulary practice, therefore most of the translations are from Romanian into English, but one can also find instances of literary texts which require translation, both from English into Romanian (e.g. : 1959: 8 a fragment from E. Forster) and vice-versa (e.g. 1959:82: a summary of Pickwick Papers) 4.3.2. The same line as above seems to be followed by another textbook for the 11th grade, published in 1965, all the more so, as it was written by an author who was also involved in the elaboration of the 1959 textbook. Here, too, both lexical and grammatical explanations are given in Romanian, and translation is used for the practice of vocabulary and of new structures at the end of each unit. Literary texts abound (fragments from Chaucer, Shakespeare, Defoe, Fielding, Robert Burns, Byron and so on, placed in a chronological order) and translation from Romanian into English) is used almost with no exception as a grammar learning device. 4.3.3. The next textbook in a chronological order (1967) has different authors. It is written, however, according to roughly the same principles, since literary texts are highly valued and presented again in a chronological order, with previous cultural and historical support, still offering explanations for new lexical units in Romanian. However, a slight departure from the old orientation can be felt, since grammar problems are treated much less exhaustively (an attitude which is more obvious in the new types of textbooks), with the alternative of a grammar compendium (Compendiu de gramatic) at the end of the textbook. Besides containing a rich

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amount of fragments from well-known English writers and poets, the book also provides opportunities for literary translation (e.g. 1967:121 a fragment from Swift by Carl von Doris, or 1967:130 a fragment from World Drama by Allardyce). The departure from the GrammarTranslation approach is not complete, since it also contains tasks such as Translate the text of the lesson into Romanian (e.g.:1967:176). 4.3.4 There is yet another textbook (1971), for the 11th graders who had started studying English later (being only in their 3rd year of study) and which may be considered a somehow simplified version of the one published in 1965, especially so, since one of its co-authors was also part of the 1965 team. Although this textbook was published as late as 1971, it still seems to be faithful to the old tradition, containing, besides (simplified) literary texts, pretty large sections of grammar explanations in Romanian, plus the summarized grammar at the end of the book. As for translation (from and into English), it is used both for practicing the new structures and vocabulary, each unit containing such a section (e.g.1971:17, 34, 48-49, 54-55) and also as a means of evaluation (e.g. 1971:144). 5. The 1970s and the1980s brought a wholly new perspective on foreign language teaching in the Anglo-Saxon world: the so-called Humanistic Approaches, which promoted the idea of a stress-free learning environment, necessary for enhancing language acquisition. The main directions were The Silent Way, Community Language Learning, Suggestopaedia and Total Physical Response. Since they mostly favored the speaking and listening skills and used the students native language only as a resource (the Silent Way) or in order to enhance students security (CLL) and translation just to clarify meaning (Suggestopedia), we may conclude that translation as an activity in itself was not openly supported by these directions. If we were to analyze the echo that the Humanistic approaches may have had on Romanian textbooks, we may state that the two textbooks for the 11th and the 12th grade published in the 1980s (and elaborated after 1975), available for analysis, do not show any clear impact of these approaches. A pretty important detail, in my opinion, is the fact that they have two common authors, so their structure is almost the same, the latter textbook being a sequel to the former. 5.1. Thus, in both textbooks, texts are still a basis for discussion, being followed by vocabulary notes and practice, comprehension questions, literary analyses and discussions, and so on. As it can be seen, we are still talking about learning consciously (new vocabulary, new structures) and not about effortless acquisition of language, and there is still little concern for personalizing the learning process, which is one of the precepts of the humanistic orientations. Also, translation is still present as an activity in its own right, even if it is not represented in every unit. Many of the translation activities aim at practicing grammar or new vocabulary (e.g. Limba englez- Manual pentru clasa a XI-a -English language for 11th grade students- 1981:45- 46, 110; Limba Englez- Manual pentru clasa a XII-a- English language for 12th grade students, 1983: 78, 109, 144), or at providing evaluation (1983: 158-159). ). Sometimes, translation is practiced in socalled ideological texts (1983: 130-131), which may be judged as a sign that, during this period, the communist power imposed this kind of propaganda so intensely, that such texts became common in textbooks for all the subjects taught in Romania . However, I think we may say there is a step forward to the consideration of translation from a pragmatic perspective, since both books are open to a variety of texts, containing besides examples of decontextualized sentences and literary translations (1981: 186, a text from the preface to the Catcher in the Rye), also fragments of technical texts (1981: 67, 130-131) or articles from newspapers (1981: 192, 1983:29, 64). 5.2. On the whole, that is the general picture of the place held by translations in ELT before 1989. In the next few years after the communist era, things did not change in the true meaning of the word: for a while, pupils had the same textbooks at their disposal, even if teachers attended courses of methodology that promoted new, communicative views on language teaching. When they were re-edited, textbooks were very slightly modified; for instance the 11th and the 12th grade textbooks, discussed above, were still published in 1998 and 1995, respectively, after being revised in 1990, and from my observations their structure is pretty much the same2. 6. However, in 1995 the first textbook intended to bring methodological innovations, English, My Love, was published. Even if today there may be teachers who criticize a number of shortcomings and the authors occasional clumsiness that the authors may have proved in adapting
2 Limba englez - Manual pentru clasa a XII-a, anul VII de studiu, Corina Cojan, Anca Tanasescu, Radu Surdulescu, Ed. Didactica si Pedagogica, 1998 (elaborat in 1977si revizuit in 1990pe baza programei scolare aprobata de MI cu nr.33981 din 1990) a reeditation of 1981 edition for the XI th form written by the same authors- plus Susana Drr.; -Limba engleza - Manual pentru clasa a XII-a, anul VIII de studiu, Susana Drr, Radu Surdulescu, Mircea Tatos, Ed. Didactica si Pedagogica, Bucuresti, 1995 (elaborat in 1978 si revizuit in 1991.

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the Western models to the Romanian realities, they also admit that it represented a significant moment for English language teaching in our country. Then, the openness of the Romanian market for prestigious publishing houses in Great Britain (Oxford, Cambridge, Macmillan etc), the involvement of the British Council and the Introduction of CALL (computer assisted language learning) meant a wholly new perspective on language teaching and a fresh insight into what a textbook should contain. Since teaching should be communicative, student oriented, personalised, and contextualized, todays textbooks focus on totally different activities. Thus, according to specialists, an ideal textbook should be communicative and task-oriented, it should offer opportunities for interaction, for pair work and group work, suggestions of project work, authentic listening material and written texts, contextualized grammar and, last, but not least, it should encourage student autonomy. Apparently, with all these fantastic goals in view, there would be little or no room for translation activities. 6.1 Indeed, most textbooks neglect the acquisition of such a skill, and present-day methodologies avoid translation as a means of learning or of evaluation. The textbooks published abroad naturally do not contain translation activities. Taking them as models, the majority of textbooks published in Romania avoid such activities, too. From the seven textbooks for the 11th and 12th grade published after 1989, and available for analysis, leaving apart the re-edited textbooks from the communist period, only two of them contain tasks that require translations, and I dare say that the percentage of textbooks containing translation activities is even lower (than 28%) at a global level. However, if in one textbook, published in 2004, we can find only one such task (p.119), the other one, published in 1998,but still widely used in high schools, is much better represented in this respect. 6.2 To my great satisfaction, Pathways to English (1998) offers an integrative view on what foreign language learning should consist of. I might even say that translation is given the highest status ever in this textbook. Without totally disregarding activities of translation for grammar practice (1998:13, 42, 174) the authors carefully placed some other kinds of translational activities on the background of previous textual support which may be used as a model(e.g.1998: 19), and some translation tasks are proposed after lead-in exercises (1998: 64) or followed by post-translating exercises(p.96).Moreover, the authors seem to have had in view the fact that students need to be exposed to a variety of text-types and to become aware of the specificity of each one and of the choices they have to make for an acceptable translation(e.g.: articles in art magazines-1998: 87, semi-technical texts-1998: 133, 154). They also introduced new forms of practicing translation as a process by suggesting pair-work translations (p.87) or translation as a summary (p. 78). This new openness gives us hope for the possibility of a general re-evaluation of translation, in order to integrate it harmoniously into the English class, in keeping with the needs of todays society, which benefits more and more from the circulation of information in international languages. 7. Conclusion After a more or less minute analysis of the methodologies and textbooks available from both communist and post-communist period, one main idea that follows is that in almost 60 years (1950-2009), English language teaching in Romania has gone through three main stages: a) From the 50s until approximately the 70s we can say that the main trend was the one influenced by the Grammar-Translation method. b) From the 70s almost until the 90s only some of the principles of the GrammarTranslation method survived, this traditional method being increasingly completed by insights from other orientations, such as the Audio-Lingual principles and StructuralSituational ones. For about two decades both behaviorist and cognitivist approaches seem to have brought their contribution to English language teaching in Romania. As for the translation activities, what is to blame the materials of the time for is the focus on oldfashioned linguistic varieties and a poor offer of (standard) contemporary language (supplying only literary and occasionally technical texts for translation, instead of a wider variety of texts).

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c) The last decade of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century brought to Romania a sort of monolingual communicative-mania, which led to an unfair lack of interest in translation. People seem either to ignore or to overlook the fact that translation is in itself an extremely important means of communication. This is happening even if, in some countries, specialists seem not to be so obsessed with this kind of approach and accept as suitable whatever is efficient for the purpose of learning at a certain time. The fact is that now many researchers also accept as valid the so-called balanced activities/ eclectic approach, according to which the teacher has to be adaptable (to the different specificities of the learner group) and flexible, so that s/he can use whatever technique/ method s/he feels necessary for a certain stage of the class, in agreement with the learners changing needs. The modern integrated language teacher, as it is called by some other people, feels entitled to use translation when it is quick and efficient to get across the meaning (Lowe, 2003: 5) to teach grammar, but only as a reference point (id), to use practice-exercises in order to raise students awareness of common lexical expressions (ibid.), or to use the task-based approach when students are given a discussion role-play and they have to prepare their positions in groups (ibid) and so on. Some researchers call this neo-eclecticism principled eclecticism or principled integration meaning that they consider as relevant today everything that has gone before. Whether we call it eclecticism or principled integration, what is important is the fact that, since translation is accepted by specialists in the Anglo-Saxon universe as an (occasional) means of introducing new vocabulary, in the future it might also be accepted as an activity in itself, with the aim of raising students awareness of cultural differences and, hopefully, with that of developing some basic translating skills.
Bibliography: Earl W. Stewick, Success with Foreign Languages, Prentince Hall International (UK) Ltd, 1989. Eva Semlyn: An English Teaching Methodology, Editura Didactic i Pedagogic, Bucureti, 1967. Eva Semlyn, David J. Filimon: An English Teaching Methodology Handbook, Editura Didactic i Pedagogic, Bucureti, 1973. H. Douglas Brown, Principles of language Learning and Teaching Prentice Hall College, 1993 (3rd edition). H.H Stern: Fundamental Concepts of Language Teaching, Oxford University Press, 1983. Henry Walltuck: Elemente de gramatic englez cu numeroase exerciii de traducere, citire si conversaiune, pronunarea figurat a tuturor cuvintelor engleze, Heildelberg, 1918. Jeremy Harmer, The practice of English language Teaching, Longman, 1994. Marcela Dragomir, Olimpia Vlceanu: Metodica predrii limbii engleze, Editura Didactic i Pedagogic, Bucureti, 1964. Rada Blan, Anca Cehan, Cristina Ciut, Mihaela Dasclu, Eliza Gheorghiu, Eleonora Olaru, In-Service Distance Training Course for Teachers of English, Polirom, Iai, 2003. Charles Lowe: Integration not eclecticism: a brief history of language teaching (http://www.ihworld.com/ihjournal/articles/03ABRIEFHISTORY.pdf http://www.philseflsupport.com/efl_history.htm http://www.cal.org/resources/digest/rodgers.html Textbooks used for further confirmation: Limba englez-Manual pentru anul I licee de cultur general i de specialitate (anul V de studiu,)Mariana Taranu, Marcela Dragomirscu- Nicolescu, Olimpia Vlceanu, Editura Didactic i Pedagogic, Bucureti, 1972 (elaborat in 1965) Limba englez-Manual pentru clasa a X-a liceu si anul II licee de specialitate, Leon Levitchi, Mariana Taranu, Sarah Medregan, Editura Didactic i Pedagogic, Bucureti, 1969. Limba englez-Manual pentru clasele a IX-a si a X-a coli generale Virgil Stefanescu Draganesti, S. Oprescu, Editura Didactic i Pedagogic, Bucureti, 1970. Limba englez-Manual pentru clasa a X-a (anul VI de studiu), Virgiliu Stefanescu-Draganesti, Aurelis Voinea, Editura Didactic i Pedagogic, Bucureti, 1985 (elaborat in 1974 i revizuit in 1978) Matters, Pre-intermediate, Jan Bell and Roger Gower, Longman, 2003; All Right-clasa a IX-a, Mihaela Chilarescu, Regina Dascl, Felicia Ercua, Constantin Paidos, Polirom, 2000,

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English, My Love, Rada Blan, Miruna Carianopol, tefan Colibaba, Cornelia Coer, Veronica Foceneanu, Vanda Stan, Rodica Vulcnescu, Editura Didactic i Pedagogic, Bucureti , 1999, Magic English, clasa a IX-a, Gic Popescu, Felicia Popescu, Viorica Codreanu, Eleonora Olaru, Niculescu, 2001; Front Runner-clasa a IX-a, Ecaterina Comiel, Corint, 2004. Click On-clasa a X-a, Virginia Evans, Neil Sullivan, Express Publishing, 2005, Steps-clasa a X-a, Ioana Maria Turai, Lidia Badulescu, Editura Didactic i Pedagogic, Bucureti, 2004, English Forever, clasa a X-a, Simorica Tomulescu, Mihaela Chiac, Magdalena Ionescu, Editura Didactic i Pedagogic, Bucureti, 2004; Matters, Intermediate, Jan Bell and Roger Gower, Longman, 2001; Inside Out, Intermediate, Sue Kay and Vaugham Jones, Macmillan Heinemann, 2001, Manual de limba englez, Elena Croitoru, Floriana Popescu, Michela Praisler, Daniela uchel, Petru Iamandi, Carmen Velic, clasa a X-a, Teora, 2000; English Panorama, Advanced learners, Felicity O Dell, Cambridge, 2000.

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Les enjeux de lenseignement de la traduction dans une socit mondialise

Conf. dr. Angelica Vlcu Universitatea Dunrea de Jos din Galai Rsum : Cet article se propose danalyser certains effets de la mondialisation sur lenseignement de la traduction. Dans les nouvelles conditions, un changement de mthode denseignement de la traduction simpose obligatoirement. Une mise en uvre dactions communes est invitable et un dbat approfondi sur les consquences et les risques du nouvel tat serait trs intressant. Une importance particulire est accorde aux nouvelles technologies qui savrent indispensables pour lamlioration des rsultats de la formation et la mise en uvre dun systme denseignement mondialis. Mots cls : enseignement de la traduction, mondialisation, multi-culturalit et inter-culturalit

Introduction. La mondialisation se traduit par la circulation des tres et des informations, par la mobilit des tudiants et des professionnels, par les dplacements des touristes et des migrs, par les changes culturels, etc. Il faut ajouter que la mondialisation signifie, en tout premier lieu, le rapport entre les cultures et quelle agit sur la manire dont chacune des cultures dcouvre sa relation avec les autres cultures par le biais des gens qui les reprsentent. Mme sil y a des voix qui accusent le risque duniformisation des identits, il est vident que la mondialisation encourage lindividu garder sa propre identit, dployer son imaginaire et stimuler sa force cratrice. Lintgration de la culture, en tant qulment stratgique, dans les politiques nationales et internationales de dveloppement est devenue une ncessit. La culture a diverses formes dans le temps et dans lespace et cette diversit sincarne dans loriginalit et la pluralit des identits tout comme dans les expressions culturelles des peuples et des socits1. Lun des domaines o les effets de la mondialisation sont les plus vidents est celui de la langue. Le phnomne de la mondialisation ne peut pas tre conu sans avoir en vue une communication efficace et de ce point de vue la traduction est lun des enjeux des nouveaux temps. Aujourdhui, dans le monde, on parle plus de 5000 langues et les relations entres tous les habitants de la terre ne peuvent tre assures que par la traduction : Le nouvel ordre social dcoulent des conflits du XXe sicle (un ordre retard par lapparition de nouveaux lments en ce dbut de XXIe sicle) exige des interlocuteurs une volont affirme de communication et aussi un changement de perspective dans la formation des traducteurs pour que celle-ci puisse jouer un rle plus efficace 2. Communication interculturelle et traduction. Dans ces conditions, la traduction des langues-cultures et son enseignement deviennent une ncessit imprieuse et obligatoire pour les politiques culturelles des pays du monde. Le phnomne de la globalisation induit une dynamique qui dterminera les stratgies de lenseignement de la traduction, le comportement des traducteurs dans le prsent qui nous entoure et tablira des relations nouvelles entre les individus impliqus dans la vie sociale. Sous le label de mondialisation, on peut discuter de la mondialisation financire, dchanges internationaux, dInternet ou denvironnement. De cette manire on en dduira que chaque domaine a sa propre vision du phnomne de la mondialisation. La traductologie aura, elleaussi, sa vision sur ce phnomne mondial en fonction des critres qui la singularisent tout en faisant intervenir pour son propre bien, [] des notions issues du champ thique 3 tout en sachant que la pratique du traducteur en contexte mondialis est une faon de sidentifier un rle
La Confrence gnrale de lOrganisation des Nations Unies pour lducation, la science et la culture, runie Paris du 3 au 21 octobre 2005 pour sa 33e session. 2 Antonio Bueno Garcia, Lenseignement de la traduction au carrefour dune socit mondialise , Meta, L, 1, 2005, p.267 3 Laygues, Arnaud, Pour une raffirmation de l tre-ensemble par la traduction Meta : journal des traducteurs / Meta: Translators' Journal, vol. 51, n 4, 2006, p. 838-847. http://id.erudit.org/iderudit/014346ar, p.840
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dagent poursuivant un intrt commun la diffusion de lcrit, cest--dire dune parole choisie dtre prononce par un autre 4. Les efforts de conceptualisation du phnomne de la traduction ont en vue de situer clairement le traducteur dans son rapport avec lAutre. Lessentiel, dans lopration traduisante et implicitement dans les relations interculturelles, est lattitude face lAutre. De ce travail de conceptualisation fait partie un concept nouveau qui appartient Jean Louis Cordonnier, celui douvertude5, concept qui dcrit lattitude du traducteur dans la relation daltrit. Lauteur mentionn a senti le besoin de forger ce concept douvertude pour sortir dune pratique de traduction ethnocentrique trop exacerbe et trop gnralise et pour montrer clairement une autre voie. On dit que la traduction est communication interculturelle ; elle communique des contenus dinformation, des spcifiques culturels des peuples, autrement dit, tout ce qui caractrise lAutre, mais en mme temps, la traduction communique des informations sur la personne du traducteur et sur sa culture dans ses relations avec lAutre. Par lacte traductif, le traducteur apporte sa culture des lments culturels constitutifs nouveaux qui lui permettront peu peu denvisager les relations daltrit plus sereinement, en meilleure connaissance de cause, et damliorer la communication et la comprhension interculturelles dans le monde de demain 6. Selon Antonio Bueno Garcia, de nos jours, la pratique de la traduction dans lenseignement universitaire, et non seulement, acquiert certaines caractristiques dont voil quelques unes : - la ncessit absolue de la traduction dans les relations de communications entre les socits et les tres humains, avec la hausse des changes conomiques, politiques, culturels, etc. - laugmentation du nombre dtablissements de traduction, surtout en Europe, avec les problmes logiques de croissance (manque de critres communs dans la formation et dans lexercice de la profession) ; - lapparition de beaucoup de travaux de recherche dans le domaine de la traductologie, avec des orientations pdagogiques et didactiques dans son enseignement ; - lemploi des nouvelles technologies qui ont dclench une vritable rvolution dans le domaine de la communication ; - la crise du systme ducatif en gnral et la manifestation dun phnomne nouveau, dit mondialisation, avec des implications directes sur la traduction. 7 Sous leffet de linternationalisation de la communication tous les domaines dactivit sont affects y compris le domaine de la traduction. Les spcialistes saccordent reconnaitre que, malgr le fait que la langue est un outil incapable de rsoudre les difficults de communication travers des critres uniquement linguistiques, la traduction demeure un moyen ncessaire et incontournable pour lintercomprhension des individus, qui atteint son but grce dautres ressources communicatives. Le modle de fonctionnement de la traductologie original/traduction unique fait place, dans les nouvelles conditions de la mondialisation, au modle ralit internationale/traductions multiples. Pour russir ce changement, les traductologues doivent sefforcer de donner de la visibilit leur discipline en commenant par la cration de grands groupes de personnes au niveau mondial, personnes qui sintressent la traduction : Si la mondialisation est marque par linterculturel, il faudrait que la traductologie se donne des assises internationales englobant tous les chercheurs de la discipline 8 En tant que transfert culturel, la traduction suppose tout dabord un espace de relations internationales form des Etats nations et des groupes linguistiques lis entre eux par des rapports de concurrence et pourquoi pas de rivalit. Cet espace international est plus ou moins
ibidem Jean Louis Cordonnier, Aspects culturels de la traduction : quelques mots cls, in Meta XLVII, 1, 2002, p.48 6 Jean Louis Cordonnier, Aspects culturels de la traduction : quelques mots cls, in Meta XLVII, 1, 2002.p.47 7 Antonio Bueno Garcia, Lenseignement de la traduction au carrefour dune socit mondialise , Meta, L, 1, 2005, p.264 8 Brunette Louise, et Marc Charron, Langue, traduction et mondialisation : interactions dhier, interactions daujourdhui Meta : journal des traducteurs / Meta: Translators' Journal, vol. 51, n 4, 2006, p. 739-743. http://id.erudit.org/iderudit/014338ar
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domin par trois paramtres appartenant la logique: a) celui des relations politiques entre les pays, b) celui du march international du livre et c) celui des changes culturels (au cadre desquels les changes littraires peuvent avoir une autonomie relative). Dans les conditions daujourdhui, de nouvelles formules sont annexes aux stratgies de formation des traducteurs : il sagit de lautoformation et de la formation permanente. Les cours de formation en traduction connait des changements majores dans la dynamique des nouvelles mthodes pdagogiques des enseignants, dans lapplication des nouveauts dans la traduction professionnelle et spcialise, etc. Lapplication des Nouvelles Technologies de lInformation et de la Communication (NTIC) sajoute la conception des programmes du cours de traduction. Lintervention des mta connaissances dans le domaine de la traduction, savoir les connaissances informatiques, la connaissance de la programmation dans le langage, la maitrise de la documentation et de lexploitation efficace dune bibliographie, etc. sont des aptitudes indispensables la profession de traducteur, soit quil sagit des traducteurs professionnels, ou des traducteurs des sciences humaines ou les littraires. Les spcialistes saccordent reconnaitre la contribution essentielle de ces appuis auxiliaires lenseignement/apprentissage de la traduction. Pourtant, ils reconnaissent aussi que le style, la qualit de lcriture, etc. ne proviennent pas de lappui technique mais dun travail personnel et srieux, dune activit assidue de recherche et de mise jour des connaissances qui ne pourrait pas manquer de la tche du traducteur. Jean Louis Cordonnier affirme que le traducteur se trouve devant la tche davoir importer des valeurs, des faits culturels mais que ce nest pas l son seul rle car le traducteur nest pas uniquement prospecteur des diffrences, explorateur de territoires culturels inconnus. Il est aussi celui qui, dans sa reconnaissance de lautre, change les perspectives de sa communaut, drange les mots de sa tribu , pour reprendre lexpression fameuse de Mallarm [La traduction] est une opration minemment culturelle, en ce sens quon ne traduit pas dans toutes les cultures de la mme faon et quil y a une interaction entre les modes de traduire et les modes dtre des cultures. 9. En analysant les dires de Jean Louis Cordonnier, on observe bien la double vocation dun traducteur : a) le traducteur a une fonction essentielle dans la construction de sa propre culture : il sagit du fait quil dstructure, faonne, restructure lidentit de sa propre culture et b) par le biais des textes traduits, le traducteur participe la construction de lidentit de la culture de la langue darrive. Promouvoir les nouvelles stratgies dans les programmes de formation des traducteurs signifie contribuer la structuration contemporaine de lIdentit et de lAltrite, autrement dit rendre plus efficace la communication interculturelle, et partant, les relations entre cultures, selon le principe : plus je connatrai lAutre dans ses textes, plus il me connatra dans mes textes, mieux nous nous comprendrons 10 Conclusions. Lopration traduisante droule dans une ouvertude11 consciente et vrifie est partie constituante de la dialectique du Mme et de lAutre, de lIdentit et de lAltrit dans un mouvement daffirmation de leur interrelation qui ne se produit au dtriment ni de lune ni de lautre des deux cultures en prsence. Ni cibliste, ni sourcier, comme dirait Jean Louis Cordonnier, selon lequel le travail de rcriture nest pas une traduction de la langue mais de ce que le discours fait de la langue.
Bibliographie : Brunette Louise, et Marc Charron, (2006), Langue, traduction et mondialisation : interactions dhier, interactions daujourdhui Meta : journal des traducteurs / Meta: Translators' Journal, vol. 51, n 4, p. 739-743. http://id.erudit.org/iderudit/014338ar Bueno Garcia, Antonio, (2005), Lenseignement de la traduction au carrefour dune socit mondialise , Meta, L, 1,
Jean Louis Cordonnier, Aspects culturels de la traduction : quelques mots cls , in Meta XLVII, 1, 2002, p. 40, http://id.erudit.org/iderudit/007990ar 10 Jean Louis Cordonnier, Aspects culturels de la traduction : quelques mots cls, in Meta XLVII, 1, 2002. p.48 11 Voir larticle de Jean Louis Cordonnier, Aspects culturels de la traduction : quelques mots cls , in Meta XLVII, 1, 2002,
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Costanzo, S. & L. Vignac. 2001. La pdagogie interculturelle : revoir nos approches et dfinir les objectifs essentiels. In : Actes du VIIIme Congrs de lAssociation pour la Recherche InterCulturelle (ARIC). http://www.unige.ch/fapse/SSE/groups/aric. Cordonnier, Jean Louis, (2002), Aspects culturels de la traduction : quelques mots cls , in Meta XLVII, 1, Cordonnier, J.-L. (1995) : Traduction et culture, CREDIF/Hatier-Didier, Coll. LAL. DHulst, L. (1994) : Enseigner la traductologie : Pour qui et quelles fins ? , Meta , 39-1, p. 8-13 Heilbron, J., Sapiro, G., (2002), La traduction littraire, un objet sociologique , dans Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales, nr. 2, pp. 3-5 Laygues, Arnaud,(2006), Pour une raffirmation de l tre-ensemble par la traduction Meta : journal des traducteurs / Meta: Translators' Journal, vol. 51, n 4, p. 838-847. http://id.erudit.org/iderudit/014346ar La Confrence gnrale de lOrganisation des Nations Unies pour lducation, la science et la culture, runie Paris du 3 au 21 octobre 2005 pour sa 33e session. Sitographie: http://id.erudit.org/iderudit/014338ar http://id.erudit.org/iderudit/007990ar http://id.erudit.org/iderudit/014346ar http://www.unige.ch/fapse/SSE/groups/aric. http://www.revue-texto.net/Quoi_de_neuf/Neuf.html

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Angela Bidu- Vrnceanu, Lexicul specializat n micare. De la dicionare la texte, Editura Universitii din Bucureti, Bucureti, 2007, ISBN 978-973-737-336-6, 265 p. n a doua jumtate a secolului al XX-lea, ca urmare a dezvoltrii i implicrii tiinelor i tehnicii n aproape orice aspect al existenei umane, se dezvolt o tiin interdisciplinar, terminologia, care se ocup de comunicarea specializat, realizat fr echivoc ntr-un anumit domeniu stiinific, tehnic, profesional(p.19). Difuzarea informaiei tiinifice i tehnice prin formele instituionalizate de nvmnt i prin mass media atrage extinderea ariei de utilizare a termenilor dincolo de textele specializate. Fenomenul a intrat n atenia specialitilor lexicologi, care au urmrit determinologizarea sensului specializat. O sintez asupra acestui proces n limba romn este realizat de profesoara Angela Bidu- Vrnceanu n lucrarea Lexicul specializat n micare, aprut la Editura Universitii din Bucureti, n 2007. Autoarea urmrete relaia dintre dicionare, instrumente sociale care legitimeaz i corecteaz cunoaterea lingvistic i extralingvistic(p.45), i valorile termenilor n diferite tipuri de text, evideniind o dinamic a sensurilor specializate, circumscris ntre anumite limite, n procesul democratizrii cunoaterii(p.46) . Cartea este structurat n cinci pri. n partea I, Uniti i principii de analiz, sunt definite unitile termen, cuvnt, se explic necesitatea delimitrii lexicului comun de lexicul specializat, sunt prezentate orientrile n cercetarea terminologic. Partea a II-a, Lexicul specializat n dicionare. Definiiile, precizeaz rolul dicionarelor generale n relaia dintre lexicul specializat i limba comun, prezint tipurile de definiii lexicografice, terminografice, alternative - i le ilustreaz prin exemple din diferite domenii, propunndu-se utile modele de lectur (interptretare) a termenilor specializai de ctre nespecialiti. Partea a III-a, Paradigmatic i sintagmatic n analiza lexicului specializat evideniaz importana interdependenei dintre paradigmatic i sintagmatic n descrierea lexicului specializat de interes larg; identificarea sensului specializat i a gradelor lui de aproximare se face prin analiz paradigmatic, n timp ce analiza sintagmatic asigur identificarea adecvat a sensurilor specializate i evideniaz extinderea lexicului specializat n direcia limbii comune prin determinologizare, banalizare, vulgarizare. Partea a IV-a, Lexicul tiinific interdisciplinar analizeaz terminologii romneti actuale care prezint aceast caracteristic a tiinelor moderne: interdisciplinaritatea. Se propun criterii de apreciere a apartenenei unui termen la mai multe domenii i se fac aprecieri asupra rolului mrcilor diastratice din dicionarele generale, la identificarea LSI. Partea a V-a, Terminologii romneti compar i difereniaz terminologiile dup o gril unitar - lingvistic, semantic - delimitnd terminologiile tari(ale tiinelor exacte) de cele slabe(ale tiinelor naturale i ale celor sociale), fapt ce explic accesul vorbitorilor obinuii mai ales la diverse sensuri specializate ale terminologiilor slabe . In toate capitolele, afirmaiile teoretice se sprijin pe un numr important de exemple, care conving cititorul de existena unei micri a termenilor dinspre lexicul specializat spre lexicul comun. Sprijinindu-se pe o foarte bogat bibliografie i sintetiznd rezultatele cercetrilor ntreprinse la noi n studiul terminologiilor n ultimii 15 ani, lucrarea pune n lumin complexitatea problemelor din domeniul terminologiei , care intereseaz att pe lingviti, ct i pe nespecialiti. Conf. dr. Doina Marta Bejan Universitatea Dunrea de Jos din Galai

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Rodica Zafiu, Limbaj i politic, Editura Universitii din Bucureti, Bucureti, 2007, ISBN 978-973-737-307-6, 284 p. Istoria ofer numeroase exemple de instaurare a unei Puteri totalitare cu ajutorul mecanismelor limbii, sau, mai exact, prin deturnarea limbii i uneori chiar prin modificarea radical a esenei ei n scopul dorit. Fenomenul se caracterizeaz, n mare, prin aceleai trsturi avnd ca scop manipularea prin cuvinte, diferenele aprnd doar la nivel de ideologie. Dovad a recunoaterii interrelaionrii politicului cu lingvistica sunt numeroasele lucrri aprute n ultimele decenii interesate de aspectele pragma-stilistice ale fenomenului. O astfel de lucrare este cartea Rodici Zafiu care, purtnd titlul Limbaj i politic, asociaz dou realiti care se determin reciproc pentru c, aa dup cum precizeaz autoarea, politica se poate descrie n mare msur ca o activitate de limbaj, care stabilete acordul i pregtete aciunea (cap. Limbajul politic: 15). Dei controversat, autoarea alege s utilizeze termenul limbaj, apreciind c A vorbi despre limbaj politic nseamn a considera c exist n realitatea cultural un asemenea cod constituit i uor de recunoscut (cap. Limbajul politic: 14), iar mai des ntlnitul discurs desemneaz o practic de comunicare esenialmente contextual: un ansamblu de strategii lingvistice actualizabile n mod tipic ntr-o situaie anume, cu un scop dat (cap. Limbajul politic: 14). Aadar, limbajul politic se identific mai degrab printr-o serie de strategii discursive i prin coninutul ideologic dect prin trsturi pur lingvistice. Dei, n cele mai multe cazuri, analizele realizate asupra limbajului politic sufer ele nsele de patetism exagerat i din cauza lipsei de obiectivitate (vezi Ruxandra Cesereanu n Imaginarul violent al romnilor, sau chiar Francoise Thom n Limba de lemn), cartea Rodici Zafiu este scris tocmai cu aceast grij de a pstra echilibrul ntre obiectiv i subiectiv, fr a cdea n pcatul militantismului n care se las atrai ali autori. Scopul declarat al autoarei nu este acela de a realiza o descriere sistematic a limbajului politic romnesc, ci o succesiune de fragmente i analize al cror element comun este urmrirea legturii dintre limbaj i politic nu numai prin existena unui limbaj politic, ci i prin efectele (de preluare, influenare, ironizare, etc.) pe care comunicarea politic le are asupra altor limbaje. Astfel, se contureaz n carte mai multe teme pe care autoarea le consider posibile puncte de pornire pentru cercetri aprofundate, capitolele lucrrii (I Limbajul politic, II Limba de lemn, III Limbajul politic actual, IV Violena limbajului politic) beneficiind de susinerea unor surse i a unei bibliografii impresionante. Dovad a interesului Rodici Zafiu fa de problema limbajului politic este faptul c o parte a acestei cri reunete, recombin i dezvolt texte aprute de-a lungul anilor n literatura de specialitate i dezvolt unele aspecte anunate de lucrarea Diversitate stilistic n romna actual (2001). n concluzie, citind Limbaj i politic avem n fa o carte scris fr nverunarea apostrofrii, dar cu plcerea analizei i cu bucuria descoperirii unui domeniu fertil i, nu n ultimul rnd, cu satisfacia de a deschide noi direcii i perspective de abordare a fenomenului.

Lect. dr. Gina Necula

Universitatea Dunrea de Jos din Galai

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The Reflections of the Ruling Elite from the Romanian Medieval Outer Carpathian Area into the Foreign Travellers Writings
Asist. drd. Carmen Alexandrache Universitatea Dunrea de Jos din Galai

Dans la socit roumaine (la Moldovie et la Valachie) de lAncien Rgime, llite dirigeante qui comprenait les grandes familles seigneuriales, dtenait la prminence sociale, politique et culturelle. Cest pourquoi, cette structure sociale est reste lie la noblesse, au pouvoir, prestige et la richesse, situation qui obligeait adopter un certain comportement social et religieux, capable exterioriser son rang, assurer la difference du reste de la communaut. Ctait naturel de retenir lattention aux contemporains, surtout aux voyageurs trangers, bien que leurs notes doivent tre reprises avec reserves grace leurs visions subjectives et partielles mais issues du contact direct ces ralits. Ces exposs, diffrents la suite du niveau de perception, de leur but, ont remarqu la richesse, les preoccupations, les habitudes et les moeurs de la classe aristocratique roumaine. On na pas negligee ni lorigine, ni la structure or les privileges de laristocratie, ni leurs signes exterieurs comme: les vetments, lhabitation, leur place la Cour, la participation tant aux vnements qui se situent aux limites du quatidien, en assurant la cohesion au groupe social, quaux ceremonies de la Cour seigneuriale.Si, jusquau XVIIIme sicle, les mentions taient lies surtont au role social et politique de la classe aristocratique ou on mis en evidence la garde de quelques elements bizantines. Alors, pour la nouvelle periode, phanariote, ont t remarqus surtont le luxe exagr et nuisible, malfaisant, qui caractrisait laristocratie, lorientation et le cosmopolisme des priviligis, concomitant la manifestation de leurs tendances europennes. En ce temps-l, face aux anciens seigneurs avec , un caractre digne destime, les nouveaux seigneurs sont flatteurs envers les plus grands et arrogants envers ceux qui sont infrieurs, ils sont aussi intrigants, des tyrans dans leurs propres demeures. Limpact des nouvelles transformations sur la socit a compris seulement la partie intrieure, par limmitation de la vie, des moeurs, de laristocratie de louest et trs peu les changements de mentalit. Dans la mme mesure lloignement gradual des moeurs Greco-levantine, presse, accelre, la fin du rgime des phanariots qui connait une dispersion rapide aux premiers dcennies du XIXme sicle. Les reprsentations de lexil intrieur dans loeuvre de Nicolae Blcescu, Les Roumains sous le Prince Michel le Brave
Confereniar dr. Simona Antofi Universitatea Dunrea de Jos din Galai

Primarily known as a revolutionary figure at 1848 and a Romantic historic theoretician, Nicolae Blcescu expresses in his Romnii supt Mihai Voievod Viteazul the way in which literary strategies and techniques can generate a mythical pattern focusing identity and ethnicity. The Romantic historicist formula symbolically orients the events presented with a double aim: the promotion of revolutionary ideals, covered in a (in)discrete persuasive literary clothes and the textually expression of authorial profile. The real author, finally exiled in Italy after the revolution, re-constructs himself out of the symbolical figures of the interior exile. Strotypes ethniques et identitaires en Roumanie, pendant la transition
Lect. dr. Ioana-Paula Armsar Universit Transilvania, Braov

n perioada de tranziie postcomunist din Romnia se nregistreaz o dinamic a mentalitilor formate n fostul regim, acest fapt putnd fi observat mai ales ntr-o serie de stereotipuri ce in de imaginarul colectiv, ntr-o societate format din indivizi nc lipsii de individualitate n anumite privine, mai ales cnd este vorba de perceperea celuilalt. Pentru nelegerea unor mecanisme culturale ce au acionat n aceast perioad la noi, este necesar o radiografiere din perspectiv psihosocial a unor teorii ncadrate n istoria mentalitilor, raportate la valorile, atitudinile i opiunile romnilor dup 1989. Lucrarea abordeaz anumite stereotipuri etnice i identitare ale maghiarilor i romilor. n contextul democraiei este mai vizibil structurarea spontan a interaciunii ntre etnii, ceea ce poate duce la o variabilitate mai mare a fundamentelor de definire a identitii, dar i a flexibilitii stereotipurilor intergrupuri. Onirismul romnesc - ntre estetic i politic
Asist. drd. Iuliana Barna Universitatea Dunrea de Jos din Galai

The oneiric trend has been seen as an act of insubordination and of deliberate intellectual rudeness towards the unique method of creation imposed by the cultural policy of the communist regime. Even though it arose from a subversive gesture, this literary trend is tolerated for the strictly aesthetical ambitions and political absentee.Even though the political censorship releases the breach of the oneiric group and in the same time, the exile of some authentic writers, the theory of the oneiric leads to the cracking of the ideological monopoly, which promoted the Marxism and has underlay on the directions of the socialist realism. Blurbs or the Power of Advertising Literature
Asist. drd. Daniela Bogdan Universitatea Dunrea de Jos din Galai

Les dernires annes, les maisons d'dition ont dpens beaucoup d'argent, dnergie et de temps afin de donner aux couvertures la valeur marchande, de sorte qu'elles attrapent lil des acheteurs comme un aimant. Et il est vrai, il est devenu un geste rflexe, que quand nous achetons un livre, mous le tournons, afin de lire la brve prsentation sur la couverture arrire pour voir de ce quil sagite. Rcemment, la mme information peut tre trouve sur les sites Web des maisons d'dition qui promouvent leurs productions sur l'Internet. Les textes de prsentation de couverture sont, en fait, une forme de la publicit que les diteurs trouvent toujours irrsistible, bien qu'il n'y ait aucune manire de montrer

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qu'un texte de prsentation de couverture a jamais influenc la dcision d'un acheteur potentiel pour le livre, spcialement de nos jours o le march est dj satur par la mthode marchande. Afin de raliser leur but, les textes de prsentation se servent des dispositifs linguistiques et rhtoriques, comme: l'utilisation des pithtes et des superlatifs pour fliciter l'auteur, des phrases elliptiques, de l'impratif - pour convaincre le consommateur aussi que ladressage au 2me personne singulier, de l'utilisation des questions rhtoriques et de quelques citations directement du livre. Les maisons d'dition ont choisi d'imprimer sur la couverture arrire, de lexacts des journaux, des magasins ou des miettes des entrevues appartenant quelques critiques ou crivains, abondant des loges au travail ou l'auteur. Cest pour cela que la dernire couverture tablit pratiquement la stratgie de marketing, ayant comme objectif unique, aussi comme la publicit en gnral, l'intention d'inoculer au consommateur le dsir d'acheter le livre. Updikes Terrorist Wayward World
Conf. dr. Ruxanda Bontil Dunrea de Jos University of Galai

John Updike 18 Mars 193227 Janvier 2009 s'est vad pour de bon de ce monde capricieux pour s'installer dans le bon univers de la littrature. Updike remembered est l'objet de ma contribution ddie un auteur qui a transform l'horreur de l'imposture, de l'ostentation et de l'hypocrisie dans un tat naturel d'existence. Dans Le Terroriste (2006), Updike essaie de pntrer dans l'intimit d'un jeune musulman dvot qui, comme la plupart de ses personnages, dfie un monde gar et cherche dsesprment trouver un remplacement pour remplir le vide. Malheureusement, Updike dmontre que le sentiment religieux fervent ne peut quloigner l'individu de sa nature humaine, tandis que les menaces son existence hasardeuse et problmatique dans ce monde deviennent de plus en plus intenses. L'indoctrination religieuse, tout comme l'indoctrination politique, appauvrit l'individu de ses ressources naturelles, en le laissant dnu de son gnie originaire. Elle promet l'lvation de l'esprit, mais, en fait, elle ne fait que l'annihiler. Par contraste, comme partout dans ses romans, Updike suggre que l'absence de toute idologie peut aider l'homme accepter les complexits nouvelles de l'environnement culturel d'aujourd'hui. Discursul mitic publicitar
Lect. dr. Mihaela Crnu Universitatea Dunrea de Jos din Galai

Diese Arbeit zeigt, auf welche Weise und mit welcher Intention Werbung auf der formalen und inhaltlichen Ebene mythische Narration vermittelt. Dem Mythos kommt bei der Inszenierung von Konsumfeldern ein wachsender Stellenwert zu. Mit dem Trend der Mythen-Werbung reagiert die Werbewirtschaft auf die Sehnsucht nach Mythen in der Gesellschaft und nutzt diese fr ihre Zwecke. Discurs politic i strategii alegorice n fabula lui Grigore Alexandrescu
Asist. drd. Ana-Elena Costandache Universitatea Dunrea de Jos - Galai

Cet article propose quelques observations sur une partie de luvre de lcrivain roumain de la gnration de lanne 1848, Gr. Alexandrescu, les fables. Sous linfluence visible de La Fontaine et dautres crivains qui pratiquent la fable, lcrivain a russi la ralisation dune vritable satire politique de son temps, a cr un discours politique versifi et des figures allgoriques. Les allusions fines, le langage satirique montrent des traits caractristiques des personnes impliques de son temps dans les mouvements sociaux que Gr. Alexandrescu a su surprendre dans ses uvres. Structures mytho-politiques et satire antitotalitaire dans La Ferme des animaux par George Orwell
Lect. dr. Alina Crihan Universitatea Dunrea de Jos din Galai

Animal Farm, a satirical allegory of the Stalinist totalitarian ideology, becomes much more than a simple roman thse rooted both in the epic beastly fable and the philosophical story enhancing covert political meaning. Beyond the explicit deconstruction of the great communist myths, such as the Prometeic religion or the Revolution oriented towards getting to the Realm of Justice, Orwells satire meditates on the mental, socio-political mechanisms allowing the pathologic totalitarian deviation within any type of historical context. De la science sacre aux livres sacrs : idologmes politiques et hermneutique romanesque dans Un Tombeau pour Boris Davidovitch par Danilo Kis
Lect. dr. Alina Crihan Universitatea Dunrea de Jos din Galai

A Tomb for Boris Davidovich, a political parable focusing the horrors of the Stalinist world between the two World Wars, turns to be a poietic novel also, reflecting its own structures and patterns. By building up a historiographic metafiction based on different existential files put together by an historian playing the role of both mythical and real history bricoleur, the main character named Danilo Kis de-constructs the symbolical scenarios of the new Stalinist religion, re-reading them through the holly Jewish and Christian books where, beyond the great utopias, he looks for the totalitarian type of crossing the boundaries.

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Le personnage de Guica: hypostases du colportage (II)

Asist. drd. Matei Damian Universitatea Dunrea de Jos din Galai

Notre recherche se propose de mettre en vidence la complexit dun personnage-cl du premier volume de Moromeii de Marin Preda. Nous analyserons Maria Moromete, surnomme Guica, la sur du protagoniste et la force noire qui guide la narration. Si Ilie Moromte est peru comme facteur dquilibre de laction, Guica reprsente sans doute, le ple oppos, puisqu une analyse plus raffine, nous crditons facilement ce personnage-l comme principale source de la dsagrgation et du dsastre. Guica sait parler delle si prcisment de sorte quelle russit saper de manire programmatique la famille de Moromete selon un projet bien dress. Guica nest pas chicanire comme on croirait, mais, au contraire, pratique un monopole rudimentaire de linformation, ce qui dernirement larme la plus redoutable de toute dispute au niveau du sujet. Nous passerons en revue les dernires tapes de lvolution de Maria Moromete pendant le droulement de lintrigue du premier tome du roman en question. Les professions de foi du thtre romantique franais
Lector dr. Mirela Drgoi Universitatea Dunrea de Jos din Galai

Paginile care definesc drama romantic proiecteaz o nou concepie asupra teatrului. Iniiatorii acestui gen dramatic propun subiecte legate de marile evenimente istorice i o tehnic mai puin riguroas n redarea lor, pentru a apela la toate simurile spectatorilor. Teoriile elaborate ntre 1809 i 1827 continu reforma nceput n secolul al XVIII-lea i schieaz o schimbare decisiv n arta teatral. Ele nu fac ns dect s pregteasc terenul pentru ceea ce se ntmpl dup 1827 n textele lui Stendhal, Victor Hugo i Alfred de Vigny. Pornind de la aceste pagini, ne propunem s identificm formulele eseniale ale dramei romantice franceze, dar mai ales punctele comune i/sau divergenele reperabile n poetica teatrului din secolul al XIX-lea. Discurs ideologic i discurs literar n Viaa romneasc: anul 1958
Lect. dr. Nicoleta Ifrim Universitatea Dunrea de Jos din Galai

Within the Romanian critical discourse of the 58's, the political constraints and their ideological patterns turn into overt writing strategies to be followed in the creative texts. Secondly, the analysis techniques have to reflect the same political orientation during the reading process, so that the text itself, be it narrative or lyrical, is to convey political values surpassing the aesthetic ones. It is the case of the studies published in Viata romaneasca, the well-known cultural journal of Romanian literature, which seems to develop a special ideological discourse when dealing with the literary text. De la convenia literaturii la literatura conveniei n discursul critic al Vieii romneti: anul 1958
Lect. dr. Nicoleta Ifrim Universitatea Dunrea de Jos Galai

The Romanian critical discourse of the 58's, as reflected in the studies published in Viata romaneasca, displays a dual function: on the one hand, the ideological patterns turn into overt writing strategies to be followed in the creative texts; on the other, the text itself tries to emerge out of the political patterns in order to express real aesthetic values. Tnra generaie. Foti naionaliti n faa comunismului romnesc i a stngii occidentale
Lect. dr. Mara Magda Maftei Academia de Studii Economice, Bucureti

This article deals with the period after the second World War of the young generation. It insists on the the separation from the Romanian history of the three stars of the exile, Eliade, Cioran, Ionescu. The ex nationalists who refused to leave the country, the case of Noica for example, have a different interpretation of history than the three above mentioned. The Romanian context versus the Western left represents a key analysis of this paper. Les commandements politiques et les intellectuels dans les miroirs du texte
Prof. dr. Doinia Milea Universitatea Dunrea de Jos din Galai

The aesthetic mise en scene of the political power and the writers intrusion into the life of the city are not specific only to the totalitarian regimes of the XXth century, even if it seems so within the analytical domanin. Literature, generally speaking, is seen as a mirror of social conflicts and pressures that are to be faced by the intellectual individuals living in a certain poque that are determined to make their choices concerning ideology and discursive patterns. Thus, the socio-political feature of literature determines an indeological profile of fiction, recurrent themes specific to the writers either implicit or explicit social commitment, narrative strategies such as parable or allegory, all of them meant to guide political, philosophical, religious choices of some important writers, that are to be interpreted as such for their political correctness. Arhitecturarea iconului mediatic n spaiul cultural romnesc. Studiu de caz: brandul Liviu Mihaiu
Conf. dr. Ana Maria Munteanu Universitatea Ovidius din Constana

The mix is a strategy frequently used in advertising, political or social marketing, but the data resulted from marketing research being usually confidential, the publicity develops itself in connection with private or institutional interests

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without a necessary theoretical reflection (medium level studies) or public debates concerning the social and cultural impact of hyper-mediation. Our purpose was to clarify the articulations at the level of the symbolic power of juste (which incorporates the marks of dissidence and anti communism) with the efficient symbolic power of media corporations, these being the territory on which the icon will impose civic values, connected to the legitimate actors who carry this anticommunist message in post-communism and the centers of integrity that they hold in the public space imbricate in that of the market and the other way around.The iconic image of Liviu Mihaiu represents a center of reliability that irradiates invulnerable messages in a space defined as a system of legitimate positions (the invulnerability of integrity). Therefore, anti-communism goes from a legitimating value of the Romanian society after 1989 to a solid value of the consumerist society which reactivates itself efficiently in the pleadings about mentality change and the strengthening of the centers of integrity of the memory which could be erased by the actual preponderantly mercantile orientation of the new generations that have never directly known communism. If we associate culture with a policy of representation and, implicitly, with a production mode similar to the production of any goods, we can talk about a course towards singularity served as difference // opposition within the temporal whirl past, present, future, where the present is established as point of freedom contrasting with the privative character of the past, which allows for clear distinctions, the differential mechanism being irreducible and invariant (it is not modified by means of negotiation), no matter how far the play on words, the pun, the joke, etc., may be carried. Thus, the characteristics of universal history are translated at a national (local) level: the supply of themes and messages is not only retrospective, but also contingent, singular, ironic, and critical. The flow system of information multiplies feed-back, people themselves innitiating and developing platforms managed by the editorial board of the Academia Catavencu weekly newspaper, at Realitatea television station, or within other media channels. The greatest media coverage is provided for the two campaigns employing as argumentative structure the opposition between the Communist period and the need for balance and adjustment to the values of the democratic society. This opposition results in the need for a trial of Communism allowing for the therapy of society crises generated by confusion and lack of guide marks. Efemeritatea valorilor, a mecanismelor istorice, politice i literatur. Actualizarea mecanismelor istorice prin politic
drd. Elena Ni Universitatea ,,Dunrea de Jos din Galai

Considering that the iron curtain had placed Romania under the immediate soviets influence and that literature became a means of communist propaganda, one should understand prose encountered another development than the Western Europe. Allegory, metafiction and parody are the weapons that writers could use against political censorship. Both Mircea Eliades Noapte de Snziene and Nicolae Brebans Bunavestire emphasize the relation between fiction and reality through the means of masculinity and femininity. This relation turns to be the narration, the epic substance itself because man is the fiction metaphor which shapes and creates reality (symbolized by the woman). In order to conquer her, he must first avoid her charms, this is the tragic condition of the one who cant enjoy his victory, even though he is a conqueror. Grobei will master the existence in itself, but not his real life.The communist censure obliges the lector to different levels of reading and we consider the political interpretation to be one of the most important; from this point of view the feminine characters of the both novels become perspectives of the national country. While Nicolae Breban seems to be more interested in political mechanism in itself, Mircea Eliade focuses on war and communism influences upon Romania. La Libration Spirituelle du Personnage Beckettien travers les Objets
Prep. Maria Mirabela Paraschiv Universitatea Petrol i gaze din Ploieti

In this article the author intends to present a new concept of spiritual liberation which is manifested by the use of objects from the characters. In the'50s a new type of theater is to reverse what was hitherto structure, character design, language and dramatic scenery, the report of the spectator to the spectacle, ideology, all that tradition as it was assumed by the theater. The materials stage, the stage become a raw material for the writer of a theater of the economy and the suggestion at the level of the agglomeration stage. The space and the objects acquired a new value in Becketts work; they are no longer objects of the action, but objects-signs. Through this article, having as support three Becketts plays: "Endgame", "Waiting for Godot," "Oh! Sunny Days!" we will demonstrate the function of objects as instruments used by the characters in their attempt to find a new perspective of the liberation of their thinking. The Utopian Idiom of the Nationalistic Discourse in Timothy Mos The Redundancy of Courage
Lect. drd. Angela Stnescu Universitatea Valahia din Trgovite

The present paper examines Timothy Mos rendition and analysis of the discourses of decolonization politics in his novel The Redundancy of Courage (1991), which fictionalizes the drama of the newly independent nation of Danu, actually a thinly disguised version of East Timor. The novel presents the colonial and postcolonial history of the island of Danu, focusing on the factionalist nature of post-independence politics which leads to chaos and civil war. The author is particularly concerned with the linguistic, psychological and emotional potency of the discourses of nationhood, selfgovernment and socialism propounded by the prevailing governing force of Danu, and dissects the symbiotic relationship between language, stance and image in ideological argumentation and persuasion. Even if the narrator is a sympathizer of the fledgling socialist government of the island, he ironically comments on the manipulation tactics and discursive strategies of nationalistic utopianism, often disingenuously meant to conceal the crudity of mere power politics. However, the discourse of the nation is favourably compared and contrasted with the far more pernicious manipulations

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of the neo-colonial discourses deployed to justify the invasion and re-colonization of Danu by the neo-imperialistic forces in the region, supported by the vested interests of Western capital. The Ideology of Postmodernism
Asist. dr. Andreia Irina Suciu Universitatea din Bacu

More or less accepted as a self-standing trend, more or less clearly defined, more theorised upon and less praised, postmodernism has gained its page in the history of literature, art, criticism, politics, technology and what not. Thus, extensive studies have been written trying to establish the new ideology of the new trend, trying to trace origins and set boundaries, to distinguish between features and follow the causes and effects. Our paper tries to be a brief account of all these mentioned above, with a focus on the main theories and theorists, always filtered through or applied on the work of Malcolm Bradbury who, from the double position of critic and writer, and spanning a creative period of approximately four decades, offers a clear example of the manner in which the postmodern ideology changed with each decade while still comprising a broad, constant spectrum. Power of Subcultural Ideology: The Case of Romanian Hip-Hop
Lect. dr. Daniela orcaru Universitatea Dunrea de Jos din Galai

Romanian hip-hop has fed and thrived on most of its original influences, but also on Romanian cultural specific elements to the point of emerging as a stand-alone music genre, rapidly growing in popularity all over the country. Only this time it is not about the underground. Although censorship is still being exercised, more and more people of all ages and social conditions are beginning to listen to this type of music and Romanian hip-hop groups are collaborating with TV stations in order to promote national culture and history. The power of it ideological discourse becomes clearer when analyzing the impact it has on the subcultural community members. Image and Ideology in the Discourse of Ezra Pound
drd. Pompiliu tefanescu Universitatea Dunrea de Jos din Galai

Cet article analyze d'abord l'importance et le traitement de l'image en tant que matire potique dans les oeuvres dEzra Pound, partir de la cration du mouvement imagiste dans les annes du dbut du 20me sicle, avec ses influences et son impact internationales, en continuant avec la thorisation et emploi de limage dans les Cantos de diffrents niveaux de lecture. L'article analysera par la suite le processus de la construction de lideologie littraire moderniste par une prsentation dun contenu dides encyclopdique, dans une forme potique libre et varie. La dispersion de cette idologie parmi les figures marquantes des diffrents domaines de lart et le soutien des nouvelles voix litteraires dans la voie moderniste seront prises en compte, tout comme le mlange des perspectives politiques radicales et des principes economiques utopiques dans les Cantos aussi que dans dautres textes. Le but de cette presentation est de jeter un regard nouveau sur la naissance d'une nouvelle idologie esthtique et littraire par le biais d'une mentalit d'une des plus influentes et controverses de la littrature moderniste. Eevenimentul de pres. Un studiu de caz: Tanacu
Asist. cercet. dr. Claudia Talaman Chiorean Istitutul de Cercetri Sociale - Centrul de Cercetare in Jurnalism al Facultii de tiine Politice, Administrative i ale Comunicrii din cadrul Universitii Babe-Bolyai, Cluj-Napoca

The way from event happened to news is a real challenge for each and every journalist. Not many from those that make an attempt to assume that way really manage up to the targeted point of their ascension. Nevertheless, nobody thinks of the event itself as a failure from the part of the objectivity and this only because media objectivity is, in fact, just a utopic dream. Regularities of Behaviour in Translating Culture-Bound Elements the Cases of Jane Eyre and Wuthering Heights
drd. Andreea-Mihaela Tamba Universitatea Alexandru Ioan Cuza Iai coala Doctoral de Studii Filologice

Articolul i propune s analizeze strategiile folosite n traducerea termenilor culturali, scopul final fiind acela de a identifica regulariti de comportament (regularities of behaviour"), n acest sens. Sintagma amintit, propus de ctre traductologul israelian Gideon Toury, face referire la tendina sistematic a traductorilor de a opta pentru soluii de traducere similare, ca rspuns la probleme asemntoare. Vom cerceta, n vederea efecturii unei analizei contrastive, un corpus de traduceri din literatura victorian, care cuprinde dou ediii ale unei traduceri n limba romn a romanului Jane Eyre (1948 i 1972), precum i dou versiuni romneti ale romanului La rscruce de vnturi (Wuthering Heights,1959 i 1978). De la discursul ideologic socialist la discursul politic postdecembrist. Analize publicistice de Mircea Nedelciu
drd. Onorica Tofan Universitatea Dunrea de Jos din Galai

Mircea Nedelciu has a coherent, articulated thinking system that is to be followed in theoretical texts, as well as in his prose and journalistic articles. He is a kind of writer aware of whatever he needs to write, of narrative themes and

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strategies. His writings prove him to be a very educated person in touch with reality. His articles in Suplimentul literar i artistic al tineretului liber, durring the first half of 1990, build a framework of the social-political aspects of life, and observe, more or less ironically,the political discourses of the newly emerged politicians. The Postmodernist Writers in the Postwar Literary Canon
Prof. Rodica Mihaela Zanet Grup colar Traian, Galai

Lucrarea de fa i propune s urmreasc, pe de o parte oportunitatea unei discuii despre canon, pe teritoriul romnesc, iar, pe de alt parte, modul n care scriitorii postmoderniti sunt acceptai n cadrul recentelor discuii despre canonul postbelic romnesc. Discuia romneasc despre canon a nceput de la articolul lui Sorin Alexandrescu Pentru un mai grabnic sfrit al canonului estetici s-a nteit cu traducerea crii lui Harold Bloom, Canonul occidental, cele dou eseuri ale lui Mircea Martin i un articol al lui Virgil Nemoianu. Dezbaterea, haotic, aruncnd pe pia o colectie uria de prejudeci, confuzii i resentimente, a durat relativ puin (doi ani) i s-a terminat, previzibil, brusc i nedecis. Importat forat din spatiul american, dezbaterea a pus la noi o fals problem i n-a avut o miz real, n ciuda energiilor puse n joc. A fost o tentativ de dezbatere canonic n lipsa deteritorializrii, a multiculturalismului, a feminismului, a conflictelor.Consider c, atta vreme ct realitatea socio-cultural romneasc nu cerea, n mod real, un alt criteriu valorizant i nici canoane alternative, btlia canonic a fost doar pretextul unor revizuiri n cheie etic ale literaturii postbelice i al unei lupte ntre saizeciti si optzeciti.Afirmaii precum Scriitorii postmoderni nu pot intra dect la periferia canonului neomodernist, ca o extravagan nu fac dect s complice discuia despre canon. La baza unor astfel de afirmaii st faptul c postmodernitii modific fundamental chiar conceptul de literatur, care se extinde acum dincolo de spaiul pur beletristic, inducnd i genurile nonficionale (jurnal, coresponden, literatur de popularizare) i literaturile noncanonice (literatura minoritilor naionale, cea pentru femei etc.). Literatura postmodernist are i trebuie s aiba locul ei bine stabilit n canonul postbelic deoarece contribuia acestor scriitori nu poate fi negat, chiar dac asistm la o estetic n care graniele culturale, limitele genurilor i ale speciilor literare se anuleaz. Asemenea avangardei, cu care are ceva n comun n ceea ce privete raportarea la trecut i exclusivismul aplicat unei nsemnate pri din literatura ce a precedat-o, generaia optzecitilor s-a aezat sau s-a clasicizat, devenind, uneori n detrimentul reprezentanilor generaiilor anterioare, obiect de program colar. In aceste condiii, discuia despre canon se reduce la o disput financiar i la o disput de orgoliu, existnd tendina de eliminare din canon a autorilor generaiei60 n favoarea introducerii celor din generaia 80. De la sduction la persuasion dans la publicit. Deux arguments pour assener la beaut fminine
Lect. dr. Carmen Andrei Universitatea Dunrea de Jos din Galai

Fenomen complex i definitoriu al societii contemporane, publicitatea face parte indubitabil din viaa cotidian a tuturor. Pentru a vinde cu orice pre, publicitatea recurge la procedee stilistice, lingvistice i vizuale atent alese. Ea mbat cu promisiuni i ofer factice prime de seducie oferindu-i publicului-int cea mai bun imagine posibil despre el nsui. Aceasta reacioneaz prin fora de clopotni sau fora de expansiune . Propunem n articolul de fa, pe lng o abordare teoretic a diferitelor aspecte de constituire i funcionare a acestei amante fabuloase i dou discursuri publicitare n oglind despre acelai produs de nfrumuseare feminin (o crem antirid), unul care dateaz din secolul al XIX-lea, inserat n romanul balzacian Csar Birotteau i unul recent, de sfrit de secol XX, pentru a pune n lumin asemnrile, dar i diferenele de paradigm argumentativ. Langage, communication et persuasion. Quelques considrations
Prof. Marian Antofi coala general Dimitrie Cantemir, Galai

The pragmatic component of the text grammar turns into the basic mean to relate the vivid dynamic linguistic mechanism to reality. It is well-known that one who will transmit information is expressing himself too, creating some special links to the communication situation itself, as well as to the cultural, social, economic and political contexts. Thus, the different perspectives on world and linguistic functions seen as main communication instrument are subjected to a particular ideology focusing the aspects of living in a certain community. ngustarea limbii romne i atitudinea fa de mprumutul lingvistic neologic n cadrul preocuprilor pentru modernizarea limbii romne literare la crturarii colii Ardelene One of the most important aspects of the standard Romanian language modernization that started at the end of the 18th century was the vocabulary enrichment with the help of loanwords, in attempt to extend the means of expression of our cultural language (especially in its written aspect). Because of the Romanian enthrallment to the Old Church Slavonic in such domains as religious service, culture and administration, during de 16th and 17th centuries many scholars experienced, especially when translating monumental religious texts, the feeling of language penury. Beginning with the Transylvanian Schools activity, there comes into being a favorable trend fo the modernization of the standard Romanian vocabulary by a programmatic association with Latin, on the one hand, and the related Romance languages (especially French and Italian), on the other hand. The entire process gradually got the proportion of a true reromanization / re-latinization of the Romanian standard language, in which the linguisitic loan had a major role. Although there were scholars who had a rather temperate attitude to the loan solution, suggesting that the inner
Lect. drd. Ionel Apostolatu Universitatea Dunrea de Jos din Galai

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resources (i.e. derivation) to enrich the vocabulary are preferable, most of the 18th century Transylvanian intellectuals involved in philological disputes took favourable position towards the need of language development by loanwords of Latin-Romance origin. An Aspect of Globalization Ideology: The Impact of English Words on Other European Languages
Asist. Rodica-Cristina Apostolatu Universitatea Dunrea de Jos din Galai

Limba englez ocup o poziie special la nivel mondial, fiind socotit o limb internaional sau global. Aceast englez global este uneori descris drept o lingua franca. E folosit de un mare numr de vorbitori, att n Europa, ct i n restul lumii. Este limba internetului, a filmului, a tiinei ori a sportului. Este limba banilor, vorbit n lumea afacerilor, dar i limba diplomaiei, vorbit n anticamera puterii. Lucrarea ia n dscuie o problem de actualitate n contextul globalzrii: expansiunea dominaiei limbii engleze la nivel internaional, precum i efectele acesteia asupra altor limbi. Lingvistic i ideologie n presa filologic romneasc
Lect. dr. Valeriu Blteanu Universitatea Dunrea de Jos din Galai

Our paper talkes about the beginnings of the Romanian philological press, in the communist period; it debates the total negative effects of the impact of the communist ideology over the different types of articles which were published in philological reviews of those times. Ist die Ersetzung der Oikonyme begrndet oder nicht?
Cercet. t. Daniela Butnaru, Asistent de cerecetare Ana-Maria Prisacaru Institutul de Filologie Romn A. Philippide Academia Romn Filiala Iai

Les noms des localits se sont forms, naturellement, partir du nom de son matre ou dune personne importante de cette rgion, partir du nom du ruisseau qui traverse leur territoire ou dun autre objet gographique de la zone o elles sont places, etc.Les auteures prsentent dans leur intervention quelques raisons de modification ou de changement des oconymes, en donnant des exemples. Dans la deuxime partie, sont prsent les consquences: le changement des noms, fait par ladministration, a comme rsultat un loignement de lhistoire de la communaut et de lidentification de la localit par son nom, surtout que, aprs linstauration des noms commmoratifs ou des noms abstraits, il y a beaucoup des sries homonymiques ou parce que quelques villages ont eu 2-3 noms diffrents pendant le dernier sicle. Gender in Basic Turkish Dictionary How Sexism Operates in Basic Turkish Dictionary
Hatice ubuku, Mehtap Eme, Ferda Ilerten University of Cukurova, Adana, Turkey

Although there exists a substantial amount of research investigating gender ideologies underlying a wide variety of texts, towards minimizing sexism in languages, scant attention has been directed to the investigation of dictionaries which are major resources about specific languages and that inherently bear the cultural repertoire of given speech communities. Therefore, this study aims to investigate whether and/or to what extent the lexical items related to female and male genders in the Basic Turkish Dictionary reflect sexist ideologies in favor of one or the other category. It is expected that the study will help uncover how F/M genders are categorized and conceptualized in Turkish culture as well as raising awareness regarding sexist practices in the language, and lastly by contributing to the dictionary to re structure its discourse on its republication .To this end, the definitions of 1300 words were categorized utilizing Conceptual Analysis (Carley 1992). Also analyzed in this study were 256 illustrative sentences in the light of CDA by considering aspects such as agency, co-occurancy (Fairclough 1995; Huckin 2003) to see how F /M words are contextualized in the dictionary regarding gender ideology. On Language and Power
Conf. dr. Daniela Dobo Universitatea Al.I.Cuza, Iai

La nceputul secolului al XXI-lea, problemele privind identitatea, puterea i limbajul au cptat o amploare fr precedent. Lucrarea analizeaz variatele conexiuni dintre limb i putere, inclusiv discursul tehnocratic, din perspectiva limbii engleze, care este ea nsi perceput drept o super-putere. Ideologiile de for ale limbajului condiioneaz n permanen alegerile lingvistice ale vorbitorilor. Manipulation through Words: The Collateral Circumstances of Persons Rhetorical Device in Political Speeches
Lect. dr. Valentina Curelariu Universitatea ,,tefan cel Mare, Suceava

Le succs des discours politiques dpend largement des premiers mots que les politiciens prononcent devant lauditoire auquel ils sadressent. En manipulant les penses, la conduite et les actions de laudience cest--dire en la persuadant ou en la dissuadant de la lgitimit dune certaine idologie, en la captant ou en lincitant (r)agir il faut toujours que cette audience soit daccord avec le locuteur et attentif et rceptif au discours. Si laudience ressent ds le dbut du discours quelle est dconsidre par le locuteur, ou bien que ses origines ou domicile sont sous estims, ou bien que

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loccasion avec laquelle ce discours est prononc est sans importance pour lorateur tandis quelle sent le contraire, il est trs probable quelle perde lintrt au sujet de ce quon communiqu. Bref, si lhomme politique ne possde pas ce quon appelle gnralement considration de laudience, il perd sa crdibilit et son message ne sera jamais saisi par lauditoire. Afin dviter une telle situation indsirable et afin de montrer laudience quils sont bien ancrs dans les ralits avec lesquelles elle se confronte, au dbut de leurs discours les hommes politiques font souvent recours un subterfuge rhtorique appel par Giambattista Vico des circonstances collatrales. Dans son , Art de la rhtorique , il numre les circonstances collatrales de la place, du temps, des sujets et des personnes. (Vico, 1996: 71) Notre article analyse les fragments introductifs de vingt discours politiques clbres prononcs en Grande-Bretagne et aux Etats-Unis au cours du temps o le subterfuge rhtorique des circonstances collatrales des personnes veut stimuler le sens esthtique de lauditoire et rduire la distance entre le locuteur et lauditoire, de sorte que sa disponibilit couter soit considrablement augmente ainsi que son dsir daccepter lidologie que le locuteur transmit travers son discours. Ideologizarea public prin noua limb de lemn
Prof. dr. Stelian Dumistrcel Institutul de Filologie Romn A. Philippide Academia Romn Filiala Iai

The so-called wooden language of the political and journalistic discourse in nowadays Romania is evaluated as a means of idelological persuasion that can be associated to the one of the communist regime. This association can be made because they have similarities in external/internal sources and resources for linguistic patterns, usage of codes, linguistic violence, etc. The reason why press and audiovisual discourse turns into wooden language is that massmedia, asumming the authority of being the fourth power of the democratic state, reinforces its status through a performant discourse. Analyzing these aspects from a pragmatic point of view, we can see that the use of wooden language for press and politics is related to the coerian concept of functional languages, thus having a justification for rejecting it, starting from ethical and esthetical criteria. An Indicator of Speaker NonCommitment in Romanian CUM C - and its Role in Discourse
lect. dr. Alina Ganea Dunrea de Jos University of Galai, Romania

Lvidentialit comprend une catgorie de marqueurs linguistiques qui indiquent la source de linformation dans un nonc. Originairement tudie dans des langues amrindiennes qui se servent dun affixe pour exprimer que linformation transmise est le rsultat de la perception directe, de linfrence ou quil sagit dun contenu retransmis, des analyses rcentes ont largi le domaine de lvidentialit, y intgrant des langues qui ne possdent pas de catgorie grammaticale videntielle. Dsignes stratgies videntielles et dfinies comme des formes qui ne possdent pas de sens spcifiquement videntiel mais qui acquirent contextuellement une telle interprtation (Aikhenvald, 2004), les formes linguistiques usage videntiel ne fonctionnent pas faon uniforme et rcurrente dans le discours. En roumain ce phnomne a t partiellement tudi par R. Zafiu dans la dernire dition de Gramatica Limbii Romne (GA, Editura Academiei Romne, 2008: 715-718) comme un sous-domaine de la modalit pistmique, oppose la modalit cognitive. Le but de cette recherche est de reconsidrer un des indicateurs videntiels discuts en GA, cum c, afin de fournir des contextes dusages qui mettent en vidence son comportement contextuel et dinvestiguer ses effets argumentatifs dans le discours. Cette recherche est soutenue par le Ministre de lEducation, de la Recherche et de la Jeunesse dans le cadre du programme PNII ID 1209/2007. Terminologie si ideologie terminologia economiei socialiste
Lect. dr. Teodora Ghivirig Universitatea Alexandru Ioan Cuza din Iai

Styling itself a science, socialist economics or scientific socialism, based on the Marxian theory of value, produced (under the influence of Russian models mainly) in Romanian an ample set of linguistic units (both simple and complex/syntagmatic) that were along the nearly five decades in which the socialist regime held in Romania recorded in specialised dictionaries as terms. Of this set, some belonged to the initial Marxian theory (plusvaloare, plusprodus, timp de munc socialmente necesar etc.) as defined by the creator itself, while others were coined by his followers (deosebiri eseniale dintre ora i sat n capitalism). The present papers analyses the discourse of definitions of the latter excerpted from specialised dictionaries in order to disqualify some of them as terms since they do not meet the requirements of a coherent scientific terminology and to present such definitions as samples of ideological discourse that display instances of polarized thought (based on the categories US and THEM) and relying on group representations in relations to other groups (centering round issues such as Who are we? What is good or bad? and How we relate to other groups? Although the discourse of socialist economics along with socialist propaganda has been analysed from a rhetorical point of view (to quote only Franoise Thom, 2005, Limba de lemn, Humanitas, Bucureti), an analysis from the terminological point of view has not been performed yet. The present study may contribute to establishing more accurately the relationship between the current terminology of economics and the pretense of the socialist version. Dicionarul limbii romne n format electronic (eDTLR) n perspectiva globalizrii
cercet. t. I dr. Gabriela HAJA, cercet. t. III dr. Elena DNIL Institutul de Filologie Romn A. Philippide Academia Romn Filiala Iai

Ce travail prsente le projet national eDTLR. Le Dictionnaire (Trsor) de la Langue Roumaine en format lectronique (2007-2010), les rsultats obtenus jusquau prsent, les problmes dordre linguistique et informatique, les solutions trouves.Celui-ci reprsente lun des plus importants projets de type collaboratif des dernires annes, qui entremle l'exprience

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des linguistes lexicographes et les recherches linguistiques applique, assistes par lordinateur.Les principaux objectifs du projet sont: l'acquisition en format lectronique du plus grand travail lexicographique roumain de type acadmique, Le Dictionnaire de la langue roumaine (comprenant les deux sries) et la ralisation des liaisons entre le dictionnaire et les sources bibliographiques du celui-ci, organises en tant que base de donnes. La base de donnes comprendra, d'une part, la version informatise du dictionnaire actuel, toutes les sources bibliographiques, en format lectronique, et, d'autre part, des programmes spcifiques, raliss dans le projet, des moteurs de recherche, etc.Les rsultats du projet ouvriront une nouvelle tape dans la recherche lexicographique roumaine, ce qui permet l'alignement de la recherche roumaine aux standards internationaux de ce domaine. La version informatise du dictionnaire facilitera l'accs des spcialistes en romanistique un instrument de travail indispensable, longtemps attendu, extrmement utile pour le dveloppement et la prservation de la langue roumaine du point de vue des (ds)avantages que la globalisation suppose. Quelques remarques sur la fonction phatique des figures rhtoriques dans le discours de presse
Asist. drd. Cristina Ilinca Universitatea din Piteti

This paper deals with one of the functional roles of the figures of speech. We shall analyse how the phatic function is put into practice by some figures of speech to render discourse more dynamic, to activate politeness and to create a better communicative relationship between the journalist and his readers. The study takes into consideration editorials published in five French newspapers (LHumanit, Libration, Le Monde, Le Figaro, Le Point) before the presidential election of 2007. Violena lingvistic n limba de lemn a ideologiei comuniste
Lect. dr. Gina Necula, Universitatea Dunrea de Josdin Galai

The so-called langue de bois is known to be one of the most efficient ways to manipulate people into assuming an artificial discourse meant to counteract reality. The present article aims at pointing out the strategies that use linguistic violence either to turning ideological discourse into a familiar one, easier to be recognized and accepted by common speakers, or to undermining the official discourse. These two directions that were traced by Rodica Zafiu, are to be sustained by literary texts in the attemp to recover something from the spirit of language around '60s. Deprecierea mesajului politic prin violena de limbaj
drd. Amalia-Florina Popescu Colegiul Tehnic Samuil Isopescu, Suceava

The violence of the language is a reflex of the phisical and psichological violence in the actual Romanian society. Perhaps, we are the people with the biggest number of swears, hideaous words and machiavelic expressions in the world. This type of violence worries us. Violence is everywhere as the civilization, the inteligence, the art of conversation and the rationality are completely gone. The violence of the language gets new forms of manifestation in the cultural society. It isnt only swears, obscene words and expressions, but this is a maximum form. We can be as violent as that by simply using humour or irony.The violence of language isnt unfortunately only a therapeutical form, eventhough, apparently, it can shape such an impression. Violence evoques in our minds death, torture, wars, criminality and terorism. In a less dramatic register, we can think at the lack of civilization, insults and outrages, unpoliteness and bad attitudes. Eventhough it is such a known phenomena, it isnt easy at all to attribute a consensual and satisfying definition. It is very known the fact that the press and the audiovisual became the fourth power in the state after the anticomuniste Revolution. The TV violence may activate and create a violent behaviour. It has the absolute supremacy when talking about violent scenes. Violence becomes a political issue and more than that, a theme for the political campain, and we are living in a society where the communication is very important, as the human being has never chattered as much as now. The politicians are more and more subdue to the pressure of the events in the mass-media. They are forced to respond to the challenges of the jurnalists and the also have to construct their own image. The President himself expressed his opinion regarding some jurnalists and some events at many interviews. The press is more greedy of show than the politicians, Your shainelessness has no limits; I am off duty . Always annoyed by the cameras, the president has the same rood language regarding the jurnalists. C. V. Tudor is violent in his oficial speeches, too. He has a violent behaviour and language thinking that this is the only way he can impose himself. He sustained the comunist system, having violent articles in the Romania Mare magazine.It is possible that this type of discourse deviates from the reality of speaking and even generates new types of discourses. Approche pragmatique des indicateurs miratifs
Lect. dr. Gabriela Scripnic Universitatea Dunrea de Jos din Galati

Lucrearea exploateaz conceptul de mirativitate din perspectiv pragmatic, mai precis prin intermediul noiunii de act de limbaj. Ipoteza care constituie punctul de plecare al analizei este c indicatorii mirativi au rolul: 1) de a exprima emoiile spontane ale locutorului i 2) de a contribui la rezolvarea pe cale dialectic a unei dispute, a unei divergene de opinii. Aceast lucrare are la baz studii recente din domeniul mirativitii precum: Dickinson, 2000; DeLancey, 2001; Montaut, 2004; Molochieva, 2007. Studiul face parte din cercetarea efectuat n cadrul Proiectului SMADEM IDEI 1209 / 2007 finanat de Ministerul Romn al Educaiei, Cercetrii i Tineretului.

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Fundamente ale culturii romne: influena cretinismului asupra limbii. Terminologia latin
prof. Irina Stan Grupul colar de Transporturi Auto-Focani

Dans notre approche, nous avons tenu compte des programmes scolaires pour le cycle suprieur de l'cole secondaire, discipline Langue et Littrature roumaine, approuv par MedC O. n . 3252 / 13.02.2006, programmes qui configurent le spcifique de ce segment de la scolarit sur le principe chronologique du phnomne littraire/culturel. En XIe classe les contenus du domaine de la langue et littrature roumaine visent la focalisation sur la formation des habitudes et des comptences de documentation des lves en fonction des modules suivants: Les fondements de la culture roumaine , Ancienne Priode et Priode moderne : A., le XIXe sicle - dbut du XXe sicle" B., Priode de l'entre-deuxguerres (roman). Notre intention a t de clarifier un certain nombre de questions concernant l'origine de la terminologie chrtienne en roumain, en vue des grandes difficults rencontres par les lves de la premire approche (voir, Latinit et lment lexical de la langue des Daces , Dimension religieuse de l'existence ), provoqus non seulement par l'obligation dintroduire l'tude de cas, en tant que mthode de l'assimilation des connaissances. Language Change Slang Updating
Asist. drd. Cristina-Silvia Vlcea Universitatea Transilvania, Braov

Acest studiu i propune s investigheze mult discutata problem a vocabularului colocvial printr-un studiu de caz care se concentreaz asupra felului n care tineri studeni i studente folosesc cuvintele colocviale. Pentru acest lucru am pornit de la consideraiile sociolingvisticii care emite ipoteza unei utilizri mai atente prestigioase din partea femeilor i o utilizare mai liber mai puin prestigioas a vocabularului de ctre brbai. Quelques pas dans le thtre du discours idologique
Conf. dr. Narcis Zrnescu Universitatea Spiru Haret

Notre rflexion value trois modalits virtuelles de smiotisation du discours idologique: lido-strotype, lidoemblme et lido-mythe. Il sagit donc de trois types de figement reprsentationnel qui oprent selon deux ordres de socio-cognition: le strotypage (catgorisation) et la mythification (symbolisation). Pourrait-on considrer ces trois modles comme des avatars mdiaculturels ou comme des effets dune parole dpolitise? Bien que les mdias soient les principaux pourvoyeurs / bnficiaires du discours idologique, les structures profondes et inertielles de limaginaire ethno-socioculturel continuent rgir la toute puissante piarit (marqueur linguistique et conceptuel ironique pour lobjet dactivit du PR!) ainsi que limagerie politique.

Translations in English Language Teaching. An Investigation of the Communist and Post-Communist Periods
drd. Laura Elena Munteanu, Universitatea Al. I. Cuza, Iai

Louvrage propose un regard densemble de limpact produit par les diffrentes orientations dans lenseignement de langlais sur la mthodologie denseigner cette langue dans la Roumanie communiste et post-communiste. A travers lanalyse dun certain nombre de manuels et guides mthodologiques on a envisag dtablir la mesure dans laquelle ces orientations du monde anglo-saxon ont pu se reflter dans les mthodes roumaines denseignement. Lattention est cible surtout sur le statut que les traductions ont eu dans ces approches pendant les deux priodes vises, tout particulirement en Roumanie. Les enjeux de lenseignement de la traduction dans une socit mondialise
conf. dr. Angelica Vlcu Universitatea Dunrea de Jos din Galai

Cet article se propose danalyser certains effets de la mondialisation sur lenseignement de la traduction. Dans les nouvelles conditions, un changement de mthode denseignement de la traduction simpose obligatoirement. Une mise en uvre dactions communes est invitable et un dbat approfondi sur les consquences et les risques du nouvel tat serait trs intressant. Une importance particulire est accorde aux nouvelles technologies qui savrent indispensables pour lamlioration des rsultats de la formation et la mise en uvre dun systme denseignement mondialis.

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