Coalition Avenir Québec

In February 2011, François Legault and Charles Sirois held a press conference to announce the formation of a movement called the Coalition pour l'avenir du Québec (lit. 'Coalition for the future of Quebec').^[17]

 

In September 2011, the CAQ began discussions with the ADQ on the possibility of a merger between the two groups.^[18] The two parties were very similar ideologically.

On 14 November 2011, Legault held a press conference to launch the movement as a political party under the slightly modified name of Coalition Avenir Québec, unveiling a new logo at the same time.^[19] The actual registration of the party with the Chief Electoral Officer of Quebec had already taken place on 4 November.^[1]

On 13 December 2011, the CAQ and the ADQ announced an agreement in principle to merge, pending final approval with the ADQ membership.^[20]

On 19 December 2011, two former PQ MNAs (Benoit Charette and Daniel Ratthé) and two former ADQ MNAs (Éric Caire and Marc Picard) who had earlier left their respective parties to sit as independents announced that they were joining the CAQ, becoming the new party's first sitting members.^[21][22]

In January 2012, PQ MNA François Rebello switched party affiliation to the CAQ, becoming its fifth sitting member.^[23]

On 21 January 2012, the results of the ADQ's mail-in vote were announced: of the 54% of members who voted, 70% approved the merger with the CAQ. The ADQ's four remaining MNAs—Sylvie Roy of Lotbinière, Janvier Grondin of Beauce-Nord, François Bonnardel of Shefford, and leader Gérard Deltell of Chauveau—joined the CAQ, boosting its caucus to nine.^[24][25]

On 23 January 2012, the CAQ announced its first president, Dominique Anglade, who would also be a candidate for the party in the next election.^[26] She left the party in 2015, cited objections to the CAQ's positions on ethnic identity and immigration and ran for the Quebec Liberal Party.^[27]

On 5 August 2012, Jacques Duchesneau, the whistleblower behind Quebec's anti-corruption unit, announced his candidacy for the riding of Saint-Jérôme in the 2012 provincial election.^[28] He won the MNA seat.

On 4 September 2012, the CAQ won 19 seats in the 2012 provincial election.^[14]

 

In the 2014 provincial election held on 7 April, the CAQ won 22 seats, a gain of three seats.^[14] The TVA-sponsored second televised debate was noted as a turning point in the campaign and party leader François Legault's performance reflected positively on the CAQ's standing. ^{[citation needed]} Therefore, early voting results revealed a disastrous outcome for the party, while ballots cast on Election Day were much more favourable.^[29]

Also, overall returns marked a significant geographic shift in the CAQ electoral base. In the Capitale-Nationale area, reputed for its conservative leanings and the influence of its talk-radio hosts, the Quebec Liberal Party won four of the six seats previously held by the CAQ. A strategic vote of the anti-PQ electorate,^[30] as well as a pledge by Legault to spend no public money on projects dear to Mayor Régis Labeaume, such as the construction of a $97.5 million covered ice rink, the completion of the $60 million theatre Le Diamant, promoted by Robert Lepage, and the $20 million revitalization of the French colonial era new barracks,^[31] are possible causes for the backlash.

The CAQ losses in the Capitale-Nationale area were largely compensated with a significant breakthrough in the "450 area" (Laurentides, Lanaudière and Montérégie), where it ended up with seven more seats.

Meanwhile, the CAQ support in Chaudière-Appalaches and Centre-du-Québec remained steady.

On 15 August 2014, CAQ MNA for Lévis Christian Dubé resigned his seat to take a job at the Caisse de dépôt et placement.^[32]

The subsequent 20 October 2014 by-election was won by CAQ candidate François Paradis with 47 per cent of the popular vote.^[33]

Following much speculation, Gérard Deltell announced on 7 April 2015, that he would be running for the federal Conservative Party of Canada in the riding of Louis-Saint-Laurent in the upcoming 2015 federal election. His resignation as MNA for Chauveau took effect the same day.^[34]

On 26 August 2015, CAQ MNA Sylvie Roy resigned to sit as an independent following personal issues with party leadership.^[35]

On 2 October 2017, Geneviève Guilbault won a byelection in the riding of Louis-Hébert that had long been held by the Quebec Liberal Party, winning over 51 per cent of the vote.^[36]

On 1 October 2018, the CAQ won 74 seats, a gain of 53 seats compared to their performance in 2014, propelling them from third place to a strong majority government. The CAQ won 37.4 percent of the vote, four percentage points fewer than what the Liberals tallied four years earlier, and the lowest vote share on record for a party winning an outright majority.^[37] However, the CAQ dominated its traditional heartlands and also scored sweeps or near-sweeps in Mauricie, Estrie, Lanaudière, Montérégie, the Laurentides and northern Quebec. Historically, Quebec elections have seen very large disparities between the raw vote and actual seat count.^{[citation needed]}

This marked the first time since the 1966 election, which was won by the now-defunct Union Nationale, that a party other than the Quebec Liberals or the Parti Québécois formed government in Quebec.^[38] It was also the first time since then that a centre-right party had won government in the province.^[39]

The CAQ picked up support from a number of former PQ supporters who had come to believe there was no realistic chance of becoming independent from Canada. For instance, Patrick Légaré, a longtime PQ supporter from the longstanding sovereigntist stronghold of Terrebonne, told The Guardian that he decided to vote for the CAQ because he believed "the dream of a separate Quebec is dead." His main concern was finding "someone who can beat the Liberals–and it isn't the PQ."^[40] As it turned out, most of the CAQ's gains came at the expense of the PQ, with several ridings that had been in PQ hands for four decades or more falling by landslide margins.

The CAQ then took the seat vacated by the resignation of former premier Philippe Couillard in a by-election held 10 December 2018, increasing its total to 75 seats.

In December 2019, the party won the by-election in Jean-Talon and in April 2022 won the by-election in Marie-Victorin, both of which had been Liberal and Parti Québécois strongholds, raising its seat total to 76.

The party won another majority government in the 2022 elections, raising their seat count to 90.

The party has been described as right-wing populist^[41] and conservative nationalist,^[42] as well as anti-immigration and sceptical of multiculturalism.^[43]

The party self-described itself as being neither of the left nor the right: it is not particularly economically conservative, with economic policies similar to the Quebec Liberal Party and social policies to their right.^[44][45] However, its politics have been described in the press as centre-right and populist.^{[12][13][46][47][48][49][50][51][52]} From the time the CAQ's merger with the ADQ until the Conservative Party of Quebec gained its first MNA in 2021, the CAQ was the right-wing party in the National Assembly.

The party includes former federal Conservatives, provincial Liberals and ex-péquistes.^[53]

The party proposes government investment in education and partial decentralization of the healthcare system. They promise "to further develop the entrepreneurial culture in Québec" and provide government resources for the private sector. The party also supports austerity "to provide the government with the flexibility it needs to adapt to the ongoing changes in the economy"; one measure specifically mentioned is leaving 6,000 open Hydro-Québec employment positions unfilled.^[54]

The party supports abolishing school boards and increasing the autonomy of principals and their governing boards.^[55]

The Coalition Avenir Québec (CAQ) has adopted a notably restrictive stance on immigration, marking a significant shift in Quebec's traditionally welcoming approach to newcomers. The party's immigration policy emphasizes the reduction of immigration levels and the implementation of stricter controls across various migration categories. This policy shift was a central component of the CAQ's successful 2018 electoral campaign, which saw the party increase its parliamentary representation from 21 to 74 seats, securing an absolute majority in the National Assembly of Quebec. This victory was unprecedented since 1970, as it was the first time neither the Quebec Liberal Party nor the Parti Québécois had governed the province. Under the leadership of François Legault, the CAQ has argued that "Quebec has exceeded its integration capacity," advocating for a decrease in the number of admitted immigrants. One of the most controversial proposals introduced by the CAQ is the requirement for immigrants to pass a French and culture examination after three years of residence in Quebec, with the potential consequence of expulsion for those who fail to meet the standards. This measure aims to reinforce the province's commitment to preserving its French language and cultural identity, aligning with the provincial motto, "Je me souviens," which underscores the importance of collective memory, history, and traditions in Quebec society.^[56] The CAQ's immigration policies have sparked significant debate within Quebec, particularly among the business community in Montreal. Critics argue that the reduction in immigration could adversely affect the province's economy, which relies heavily on foreign workers to fill approximately 100,000 vacant job positions. With an unemployment rate of 5.3% and an economic growth rate of 3%, the Montreal Chamber of Commerce has highlighted the potential negative impact of the CAQ's proposals on economic stability.^[56] The CAQ's stance on immigration is part of a broader global trend where political leaders, such as Matteo Salvini of Italy, Viktor Orbán of Hungary, and Donald Trump of the United States, have promoted anti-immigration rhetoric in regions previously less influenced by such discourse. This trend reflects emerging challenges in regions like Quebec, which have historically been open to immigration but are now grappling with concerns over cultural integration and economic demands.^[56] In contrast to Quebec's restrictive policies, the federal Canadian government has committed to a more expansive immigration strategy, aiming to welcome a record number of new immigrants—1.45 million by 2023—bringing the national population to approximately 39 million. While immigration has been a source of political division and the rise of extremism in various Western countries, Canada maintains a generally positive consensus on its value. Quebec stands out as an exception, where political discourse has increasingly capitalized on fears among Franco-Quebecer voters regarding the preservation of cultural identity.^[57]

The CAQ's immigration policy extends to family reunification, where it has faced substantial criticism due to prolonged processing times. The government's approach has resulted in waiting periods approaching three years for family reunification applications, significantly exceeding the national Canadian average of approximately 13 months.^[58] By the end of 2023, Quebec had nearly reached its maximum admissions quota for family reunification, with approximately 10,600 planned admissions against a backlog of nearly 37,000 pre-approved applications. This bottleneck has led to significant strain on the immigration system, resulting in numerous families being separated for extended periods. The human impact of these delays has been profound, with many families experiencing prolonged separation, leading to feelings of frustration and betrayal among Quebec residents awaiting reunification. This situation contradicts the CAQ's stated goals of promoting integration and social cohesion within the province. Additionally, the rigid quotas set by the provincial government are viewed as limiting the federal government's ability to expedite family reunification processes, thereby exacerbating the backlog.^[58] Critics of the CAQ's family reunification policy argue that it represents a failure in both administrative efficiency and the party's capacity to uphold the fundamental values of Quebec society. There have been calls for urgent revisions to the province's immigration policies, emphasizing the need for better coordination with federal authorities and a more humane and responsive management of immigration applications. The CAQ's approach to family reunification is thus seen as detrimental not only to affected families but also to the broader societal goals of integration and community cohesion.^[58] According to data reported by the Journal de Montréal in July 2023, approximately 37,000 family sponsorship applications were pending, in stark contrast to the annual admission target of around 10,600 individuals.^[59]

The CAQ contends that the near half-century debate over sovereignty has hampered Quebec's economic and political progress. While the party does not support independence, it does identify as nationalist; it believes Quebec can thrive in Canada if the federal government is willing to grant more powers to the province.^[13][54] On 10 April 2014, Legault, previously a staunch sovereignist, stated that a CAQ government would never hold a referendum on leaving Canada: "[There] will never be a referendum for the life of the coalition even after 10 years, even after 20 years, so that's clear. And I was clear but people understood something else."^[60] François Legault added, "Once it is clear that there will never be a referendum with the Coalition Avenir Québec, the anglophones and allophones, who don't want a referendum, have to understand that we offer an alternative to the Liberals."^[61]

According to the party, Quebec is defined by "its historical heritage, the French language, its democratic ideals and the principles of the secularity of the State, and equality among men and women".^[54] The Party supported the Quebec ban on face covering but also argue the ban is not extensive enough.^[62] They propose to prohibit the wearing of religious symbols by personnel in a position of authority, including teachers.^[63] The party supports interculturalism to "integrate newcomers". This includes limiting immigration and promoting the use of French without creating new barriers.^[54] However, they want to exempt Quebec from the requirements of multiculturalism.^[64] In 2018, it proposed cutting the number of immigrants by 20 per cent, to 40,000 annually.^[65][39][66] However, it plans to bring back numbers up to 52,000 a year in 2022.^[67]

Legault has stated "aggressive[ly]" that a CAQ government would not repeal Bill 101.^[68] He has also stated that a CAQ government will demand greater power for Quebec.^[53] The party is critical of the system of equalization payments in Canada and plans to remove Quebec from receiving such payments.^[69] The party introduced an electoral reform bill in September 2019. It abandoned plans to hold a referendum on electoral reform in the 2022 general election^[70] claiming there was not enough time.^[71]

• 2012: C'est assez, faut que ça change ! (Enough, things have to change!)
• 2014: On se donne Legault (Let's give ourselves Legault) (Play on words with "go ahead")
• 2018: Maintenant. (Now.)^[72]
• 2022: Continuons. (Let's keep going.)^[73]

• Official website