A New Amsterdam

dutch crossing, Vol. 39 No. 2, July 2015, 150–159 A New Amsterdam Elizabeth Sutton University of Northern Iowa, US This essay examines Claes Jansz Visscher’s map of New Netherland in the context of concurrent printed maps of Amsterdam and the United Provinces, especially Holland. Maps of New Netherland and Visscher’s view of New Amsterdam reinforced Dutch commercial and colonial interests by likening the colonial outpost to its sister European city and trade emporium. The maps and prints published around 1650 reflect the WIC’s emphasis on trade and its desire to showcase New Amsterdam as a well-managed and commercially friendly colonial city. keywords New Netherland, New Amsterdam, West India Company, Claesz Jansz Visscher, maps Introduction This map of New Netherland was the first to present a profile view of the colonial establishment (Figure 1). The first settlers, Walloons who obtained passage on a West India Company (WIC) ship, settled Nutten Island (now Governor’s Island) in 1624. The city on Manhattan began with the construction of an earthen trading fort in 1626.1 This view, published by Claes Jansz Visscher from Amsterdam sometime between 1650 and 1652, presented the young colony as a stable and secure trading emporium, a place safe for investment and settlement. In a horizontal strip below, New Amsterdam is depicted in profile (Figure 2). The scene is framed by a Dutch fluyt on the far left, while three smaller boats float close to the picture plane. The land projects forward in a “V” at the centre of the composition. In this central position gallows and a fire-basket pole guard the small pier at the edge of the water. A pair of figures point to the gallows, and a group walks on the beach. At the far left edge of the settlement is a windmill with four sails. Next to it is the earthen fort, topped by a flagstaff, proudly marking ‘where the ships come to harbor’. Small figures busy themselves on the fort walls. Built in 1642, the double-gabled church partially obscures the governor’s house behind it (F). The jail (’t gevangen huys, E), sits between the church and the fort. On the right side of the composition, the Company warehouse is just beyond the gallows, marked by the letter ‘I’, and on the edge of town is the city’s inn, which became the town hall in 1653. Fields bathed in dappled © W. S. Maney & Son Ltd 2015 DOI 10.1179/0309656415Z.00000000075 A NEW AMSTERDAM 151 light extend to the horizon and edge of the composition. Timber dwellings line the beach, creating a neat row of red-roofed homes between the church and gallows. All in all, the scene shown here depicts a small but civilized settlement open to cultivation and trade. The land on the right stretches beyond the composition, begging to be tilled; the neat row of homes could easily extend along an implied line to the right; and the large ship on the left denotes maritime trade at the fort. Indeed, the features etched here emphasize New Amsterdam’s similarity to its mother-city and namesake, Amsterdam. This view, while well known to scholars, has not been considered in terms of its particular context of production, specifically, its publication by Visscher, and its relative uniqueness in terms of prior printed pictorial representation of New Netherland—or New Amsterdam—and significantly, its relationship to earlier pictorial views of Amsterdam.2 Indeed, the context of its production in the Netherlands is pertinent to understanding this map and view as part of an effort by WIC directors from Amsterdam to refresh the image of the small colony at New Amsterdam, and New Netherland generally. By depicting a small, but civilized settlement modeled on its namesake, Visscher was able to present a new Dutch emporium, a place that modeled itself on the civilized and mercantile society of Amsterdam. Visscher (and figure 1 Claes Janszoon Visscher/Pieter Schut, Belgii novi, c. 1651. New York State Library, Albany. Photograph: Amsterdam: Claes Janszoon Visscher. 152 ELIZABETH SUTTON figure 2 Detail, Claes Janszoon Visscher/Pieter Schut, Belgii novi, c. 1651. New York State Library, Albany. Photograph: Amsterdam: Claes Janszoon Visscher. later publishers using his model), used printed images of developed land and city to support the WIC, and especially, the governing directors of the Amsterdam chamber. Support was necessary because in 1649, Adriaen van der Donck, the former schout for Kiliaan Rensselaer at the patroonship Rensselaerswijk, brought a remonstrance to the States General. In the Remonstrance of New Netherland (Vertoogh van Nieuwe Nederland), Van der Donck presented his peers’ complaints against the governance of New Netherland, particularly the mismanagement by former director Willem Kieft, and what they perceived as the tyrannical leadership style of the current governor, Pieter Stuyvesant.3 Van der Donck was also concerned about asserting the boundaries of New Netherland to defend it against encroachment from the English. It is clear from letters written to Stuyvesant from the directors at Amsterdam that the success of the colony—and the Company—would be based on increasing the occupation and successful cultivation of its land, which required more colonists. Moreover, the wrangling of Willem II to take control of Amsterdam in 1650 suggested the conflict between the noble and merchant classes, which also played into the negotiations in the States General concerning the WIC’s Amsterdam chamber and the governance of New Netherland. While the particularities are too many to be discussed here, these and other events threatening the WIC’s control of the colony transpired not soon after the Company had only just had its charter renewed in 1647.4 Around 1650, the WIC was almost insolvent because of the resources necessary to maintain its control of northeast Brazil. However, pamphlets had long trumpeted the riches in sugar, dyewood, and minerals to be found in South America. New Netherland, on the other hand, had something of an image problem. Paralleling the WIC’s constantly changing policies towards New Netherland, there was no single image of it as a colony with particular resources that was presented to Dutch readers. Thus it is significant that Visscher updated the map of the area with the view at this time. He specifically drew the comparison between New Amsterdam and her mother city to benefit the WIC and himself. By publishing the folio-sized map with view, he A NEW AMSTERDAM 153 stood to make a profit from renewed interest in the colony, and he promoted the WIC in the midst of copious printed criticism by presenting an attractive location for potential investors and colonists. In this map, Visscher repurposed the visual language already used for European cities for New Amsterdam. Similar profiles had already been published in the Civitates Orbis Terrarum (1575) and the many maps of Dutch cities published during the Eighty-Years War. As Boudewijn Bakker has suggested, such views were propagandistic.5 The proliferation of city profiles and plans published in the seventeenth century reinforced a sense of group identity that could be both provincial and nationalistic. Published 40 years earlier than the view of New Amsterdam, the plan and profile of Amsterdam printed in Johannes Pontanus’ Rerum et urbis Amstelodamensium historia [History and Activities of the City of Amsterdam] from 1611 (Figure 3) is one version of many such city portraits. Modeled after the 1544 birds-eye view in woodcut by Cornelis Anthonisz, the engraving includes a profile view of Amsterdam from the IJ. The IJ was where ships came in to Amsterdam’s port, and as such, it was the dominant view of the city artists showcased in the seventeenth century. The printed maps of Amsterdam and Visscher’s map of New Amsterdam share three general pictorial emphases: first, they emphasize trade. Engravers figure 3 Jodocus Hondius, Amstelodamum Emporium. James Ford Bell Library, University of Minnesota, Minneapolis. In Johannes Pontanus, Rerum et urbis Amstelodamensium historia (Amsterdam: Jodocus Hondius, 1611). 154 ELIZABETH SUTTON purposefully included a multitude of ships in the port. In the map of Amsterdam, the St. Antoniespoort weigh house is clearly visible in both the profile and plan. On the left side of the map, it physically and visually bridges the open farmland with the condensed shops of the city. In the view of New Amsterdam, the Company warehouse (‘I’) is central. Second, the development of land is clearly represented. The plan of Amsterdam shows the extensive pastures and fields surrounding the city centre. In the etching an expanse of fields extends to the right edge of the profile and in the hills behind the settlement. Windmills punctuate both landscapes, symbolizing the transformation of natural resources into commodities. Indeed, the print tradition of the windmill has a rich and varied iconographic tradition, as Alison Kettering has shown.6 In the Dutch Republic windmills processed a variety of goods, from leather and hemp to paper and oil, and new scoop mills pumped water to make arable land from the sea. In both Amsterdam and New Amsterdam, the windmill ground grain harvested from the cultivated land. Third, the profiles of the major social institutions of government and religion—the Old and New Church and town hall in Amsterdam, and the fort, governor’s house, and church in New Amsterdam, underscored the civilized organization of the community. In the Western philosophical tradition, civilization implied societies that cultivated and organized natural resources and labour for the common good. Control and development of land was bound to notions of civility through links to ancient ideas about natural law, which were manifested in physical and pictorial organizing principles. As Anthony Pagden has noted, European colonizers understood cities as complex, necessitating complex institutions and tools for men to build them and keep them functioning.7 Thus, the windmill, fort, governor’s house, church, and gallows in the view of New Amsterdam would have been comforting sights to readers familiar with Amsterdam and images of it. These features reassured traders and merchants in both cities about the civility of the city, and the good governance of it—in both cases, largely by the merchant class. A gallows on the edge of each river reinforced the presence of law and enforcement of regulations, and windmills showcased the efficient processes by which resources were made into sellable products. Church spires on the horizon clearly indicated a pious foundation for the city and its inhabitants. However, as Martine Gosselink and others have pointed out, the printed view of New Amsterdam by Visscher belies details present in a sketch that was probably used as a basis for the etching.8 In the Remonstrance, the fort is described as so eroded that it was unable to support artillery. The windmill lacked two sails because the structure, according to the colonists, was unable to support the extra weight. In the sketch, the land is rocky, not rich and green as in the engraving; boulders dot the beach, rather than a lush expanse of fields and hills. The gallows is still prominent at the spit of the island, but instead of big merchant ships eagerly seeking the safe commercial harbours of New Amsterdam, only two tiny boats float listlessly in the water. No figures are to be seen. Van der Donck wrote the Remonstrance in July 1649, and sailed in August with two other delegates to present their case to the States General in October. The document A NEW AMSTERDAM 155 was published in 1650 by Michael Stael from The Hague without any illustrations. No doubt such a publication would have done well in a market where scandal and information from abroad was in high demand. The Remonstrance, while indicating the colonists’ complaints, began with a brief and positive description of the territory of New Netherland. This description Van der Donck expanded to become the Description of New Netherland, a manuscript he had finished around 1653, and that was finally published in 1655. Significantly, despite the earlier remonstrance, the WIC directors wanted Van der Donck to complete and publish his Description. In a 24 July 1653 letter from the directors at Amsterdam to Stuyvesant and the Council of New Netherland, they grant Van der Donck the ability to practice as an advocate in New Netherland, and to examine the documents and papers kept by the secretary there in order to be able to complete his already begun Description of New Netherland […] We have also deemed it advisable hereby to refer the aforesaid Van der Donck to your honors for the purpose of your honors allowing him such papers and documents as may be thought of service to him for the completion of his history. However, as this matter is not without difficulty and requires consideration, we also want to recommend that your honors take care herein that the Company’s own weapons are not turned upon itself, and that it is not drawn into new troubles and difficulties in the process.9 Certainly any publisher would have wanted to sell a map that could derive sales from its link to the scandal of the colonists’ remonstrance. The first engraving of a new map of New Netherland by Jan Janssonius was probably published early in 1650. Visscher, who had already made maps for the WIC of Brazil, subsequently updated Janssonius’s map with the view, sometime before his death in 1652.10 The only other printed maps of New Netherland known at the time were Willem Blaeu’s map of Novi Belgii from his Atlas Novus of 1635, and the map from which it was modeled, that in the second edition of Johannes de Laet’s Description of the West Indies [Beschryvinghe van WestIndien], published from Leiden in 1630. Notably, these were published during the time of new policy of the WIC, the Freedoms and Exemptions of 1629–30, which allowed for patroonships and was directed toward colonial expansion. De Laet had been a director and patroon in favour of these exemptions, and he had had access to WIC manuscripts since he was a director. His charts in the Nieuwe Wereldt were engraved by WIC cartographer Hessel Gerritszoon, with whom Visscher had collaborated on the earlier Brazilian propagandistic news maps. Blaeu’s map of New Netherland emphasizes the wealth in natural resources by including decorative beavers, turkey, deer, and trees. Visscher retained these pictorialized commodities in the map, and added the view. He thus provided a promising visual description of the colony in a complete pictorial “history” that included both topographical and geographical information. The addition of the view was significant because it showed the profile of the small city as a developed and civilized place, like Amsterdam, thus directly benefiting the WIC. Because Visscher had already been granted privileges by the WIC to publish new maps of Dutch Brazil, it seems likely that this map too, would have been published with the directors’ approval. An enticing description of New Netherland that would attract new colonists was also the goal of Van der Donck’s Description of New 156 ELIZABETH SUTTON Netherland. In the Description, Van der Donck lovingly describes the landscape, soil, flora, and fauna of New Netherland. First published by Evert Nieuwenhof in 1655,11 an updated 1656 edition included an adaptation of Visscher’s map by Nieuwenhof (Figure 4), the addition of which he particularly points out on the frontispiece. The map by Nieuwenhof underscored his praise of WIC land policy. In both editions, Nieuwenhof included a dedication to the directors of the Amsterdam Chamber of the WIC wherein he praises their management, and specifically emphasizes the profit to be had by the interested reader. Nieuwenhof wrote that he wants to ‘make known the beauties and advantages of the flourishing Colony […] which under [the WIC’s] wise and careful direction, is advancing in prosperity, all of which should be publically known, particularly in Amsterdam’ (emphasis added). Nieuwenhof goes on to praise the ‘care and vigilance’ [vlijte ende sorge] of the directors in seeking to ‘increase the power of the Colony by settlers therein […that] they may, with industry and economy, acquire property and gain wealth […]’.12 In the letter to the reader, Nieuwenhof continues his praise of both New Netherland and the Company, and notes, as a way of praising the directors, how the Description usefully provides the very liberal regulations by the WIC on land ownership: Besides the accurate description of the nature and qualities of the soil, it also contains the excellent regulations of their Worships (het loffelijke Reglement dat hare E. Ho. Ab hebben laten affigeren) […] to whom they have granted as much land as each shall be figure 4 Evert Nieuwenhof, Nova Belgica sive Nieuw Nederlandt. New York State Library, Albany. In Adriaen van der Donck, Description of New Netherland (Amsterdam: Evert Nieuwenhof, 1656). A NEW AMSTERDAM 157 able to improve for pasture or cultivation, under the same restrictions as are imposed on landholders at home. The understanding reader will learn from the articles comprised […] of the sincere desire of their Worships to make a liberal provision for those countries; and thus will be exhibited new proofs of their wisdom.13 When Visscher printed the map with view c. 1650, the WIC was dealing with the colonists’ complaints. Many letters from the directors at Amsterdam to Governor Stuyvesant dated from 1650–51 clearly articulate the directors’ keen interest in populating the colony, even though they also express their disappointment with having to deal with ‘evil-minded’ instigators.14 The Company had granted free trade to colonists since 1639 in order to attract settlers, realizing that production was the only way to make a profit, and production required people. In the provisional resolution for free trade approved by the States General, the WIC retained the right to levy duties on the furs traded and agricultural products shipped. They enforced this through toll and duty points strategically positioned on waterways, such as Fort Orange (present day Albany) and New Amsterdam on the Hudson, or North River. However, as the population in New Netherland grew, colonists living in New Amsterdam and especially Rensselaerswijk, increasingly battled with the Company over who and how much control each entity had over the bounty of the land. The directors were annoyed by those colonists who tried to defraud the Company by taking land grants, but who did not farm the plots, or those who tried to resell the plots; such real estate maneuvers defrauded them of the duties on which they relied from agricultural production (similar to the duties on furs). In letters 1654–56, the uncollected tithes from the land granted by the Company were a constant source of the directors’ angst. Similarly, the Amsterdam directors were furious that colonists from Rensselaerswijk tried to subvert the tolls and duties on the fur trade at Fort Orange. These problems corresponded with what had been patroonship-directors issues concerning governance.15 The printed propaganda of 1650–56 worked—to the point where the growth of New Amsterdam required a new survey. In 1655, a plan of New Amsterdam showed 120 houses and 1000 inhabitants in the city.16 By 1660, a new survey of New Amsterdam was requested by the city council, and their request was endorsed by the Company. Jacques Cortelyou, New Amsterdam’s landmeter from Utrecht, completed the new survey of the colony sometime around 1660. A copy of it in watercolor by Johannes Vingboons, known as the Castello plan, is the first known ground plan of the city. To my knowledge, the plan was not published for wide dissemination, and no seventeenth-century prints of it exist. The map and view of New Amsterdam by Claes Jansz Visscher presents a picture of Dutch commercial and colonial success by combining a familiar view with the pictorial representation of New Netherland’s natural resources from earlier maps. While it seems perfectly natural for a colonizer to model the colonial landscape on the fatherland, the policies of the WIC towards the land, land management, and the commodities to be derived from it were anything but unified over the 40 years of the colony. As we have seen, the geographical information and profile view were 158 ELIZABETH SUTTON compiled by Visscher to benefit from the interest in New Netherland instigated by Van der Donck, and to promote the investment and colonization goals of the WIC. Visscher presented an enticing view of New Amsterdam that likened the colonial settlement to Amsterdam pictorially, and thereby also associated its institutions with those of its mother city. At the same time, the features of the map emphasized Dutch territorial control and the bounty of natural resources, and the view presented a picture of New Amsterdam as a civilized trade emporium. Although the WIC had tenuous control of its affairs in New Netherland, these maps presented New Amsterdam as part of Dutch civilization, under the control of the WIC. Notes 1 2 3 4 5 Oliver A. Rink, Holland on the Hudson: An Economic and Social History of Dutch New York (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1986). Tony Campbell, ‘New Light on the JanssonVisscher Maps of New England’, Map Collector’s Circle, 24 (1965), 3–20; Tony Campbell, ‘Claes Jansz Visscher: A Hundred Maps Described’, Map Collector’s Circle, 46 (1968), 3–24; Joep de. Koning, ‘Dating the Visscher, or Prototype, View of New Amsterdam’, De Halve Maen, 72 (1999), 47–56; Joep de Koning, ‘Origins of the Visscher View, New Amsterdam, 1648’, Mercator’s World, 5 (2000), 2–10; Deborah Krohn and Peter N. Miller, Dutch New York between East and West (New York/New Haven: Bard Graduate Center/Yale University Press, 2009); Frans Blom, ‘Picturing New Netherland and New York: Dutch-Anglo Transfer of New World Information’, in The Dutch Trading Companies as Knowledge Networks, ed. by Siegfried Huigen (Boston: Brill, 2010), pp. 103–26; Jaap Jacobs, ‘“Another or Newly Discovered Netherland”-New Netherland, a Dutch Colony in North America’, in Grote atlas van de WIC: Oude WIC 1621–1674, ed. by Bea Brommer and Henk den Heijer (Voorburg: Asia Maior/Atlas Maior, 2011), pp. 32–38. Jacobs (2011). Jaap Jacobs, ‘Crimen Laesae Maiestatis or Abuse of Power? The 1647 Trial of Cornelis Melijn and Jochem Pietersz Kuijter’, in Opening Statements: Law, Jurisprudence, and the Legacy of Dutch New York, ed. by Albert Rosenblatt and Julia Rosenblatt (Ithaca: SUNY Press, 2013), pp. 82–103. Boudewijn Bakker, ‘Kaarten, boeken en prenten. De topografische traditie in de Noordelijke Nederlanden’ [‘Maps, Books and Prints. The Topographical Tradition in the Northern Netherlands’], in Opkomst en bloei van het Noordnederlandse stadsgezicht in de 17de eeuw [The Dutch Cityscape in the 17th Century and its Sources], ed. by Carry van Lakerveld (Amsterdam: Stadsdrukkerij/City Publisher, 1977), pp. 66–75; Boudewijn Bakker, ‘Het imago van de stad: 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 zelfportret als propaganda’, in Het aanzien van Amsterdam: Panorama’s, plattegronden en profielen uit de Gouden Eeuw, ed. by Boudewijn Bakker and Erik Schmitz (Amsterdam: Thoth Bussum, 2007), pp. 56–78. Alison McNeil Kettering, ‘Landscape with Sails: The Windmill in Netherlandish Prints’, Simiolus, 33 (2007/2008), 67–80. Anthony Pagden, The Fall of Natural Man (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), pp. 72–73. Martine Gosselink, New York/New Amsterdam (Den Haag: Nieuw Amsterdam Uitgeverij/Nationaal Archief, 2009); Krohn and Miller 2009; De Koning (2000); Zandvliet 1998. Charles T. Gehring, Correspondence 1647–1653, New Netherlands Documents Series (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 2000), pp. 220–21. See Michiel van Groesen, ‘Lessons Learned: The Second Dutch Conquest of Brazil and the Memory of the First’, Colonial Latin American Review, 20 (2011), 167–193 and ‘A Week to Remember: Dutch Publishers and the Competition for News from Brazil, 26 August–2 September 1624’, Quaerendo, 40 (2010), 26–49. The 1655 edition includes one engraving, that after an engraving first published in Joost Hartgers’ Beschryijvinghe van Virginia, Nieuw Nederlandt, Nieuw Engelandt, en d’eylanden Bermudes […] from Amsterdam in 1651. This engraving is an imagined view that combined the pictorial elements from Blaeu’s earlier 1635 Nova Belgii map into a landscape scene showing a bastioned fort (which did not then exist) and canoes. Thomas O’Donnell, A Description of New Netherlands (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1968), p. viii. Ibid., p. ix. Gehring (2000), pp. 91–96 (104–14). Jacobs (2013). I. N. Stokes, The Iconography of Manhattan Island, 1498–1909, vol. 1 (New York: Robert H. Dodd, 1915), pp. 57–58. A NEW AMSTERDAM 159 Bibliography Bakker, Boudewijn. ‘Kaarten, boeken en prenten. De topografische traditie in de Noordelijke Nederlanden’ [‘Maps, books and prints. The topographical tradition in the Northern Netherlands’], in Opkomst en bloei van het Noordnederlandse stadsgezicht in de 17de eeuw [The Dutch Cityscape in the 17th Century and its Sources], ed. by Carry van Lakerveld (Amsterdam: Stadsdrukkerij/City Publisher, 1977), pp. 66–75. ———— ‘Het imago van de stad: zelfportret als propaganda’, in Het aanzien van Amsterdam: Panorama’s, plattegronden en profielen uit de Gouden Eeuw, ed. by Boudewijn Bakker and Erik Schmitz (Amsterdam: Thoth Bussum, 2007), pp. 56–78. Blom, Frans, ‘Picturing New Netherland and New York: Dutch-Anglo Transfer of New World Information’, in The Dutch Trading Companies as Knowledge Networks, ed. by Siegfried Huigen (Boston: Brill, 2010), pp. 103–26. Campbell, Tony, ‘New Light on the Jansson-Visscher Maps of New England’, Map Collector’s Circle, 24 (1965), 3–20. ———— ‘Claes Jansz Visscher: A Hundred Maps Described’, Map Collector’s Circle, 46 (1968), 3–24. Gehring, Charles T., Correspondence 1647–1653, New Netherlands Documents Series (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 2000). Gosselink, Martine, New York/New Amsterdam (Den Haag: Nieuw Amsterdam Uitgeverij/Nationaal Archief, 2009). Jacobs, Jaap, ‘Crimen Laesae Maiestatis or Abuse of Power? The 1647 Trial of Cornelis Melijn and Jochem Pietersz Kuijter’, in Opening Statements: Law, Jurisprudence, and the Legacy of Dutch New York, ed. by Albert Rosenblatt and Julia Rosenblatt (Ithaca: SUNY Press, 2013), pp. 82–103. ———— ‘“Another or Newly Discovered Netherland”-New Netherland, a Dutch Colony in North America’, in Grote atlas van de WIC: Oude WIC 1621–1674, ed. by Bea Brommer and Henk den Heijer (Voorburg: Asia Maior/Atlas Maior, 2011), pp. 32–38. Kettering, Alison McNeil, ‘Landscape with Sails: The Windmill in Netherlandish Prints’, Simiolus, 33 (2007/08), 67–80. Koning, Joep de, ‘Origins of the Visscher View, New Amsterdam, 1648’, Mercator’s World, 5 (2000), 2–10. ———— ‘Dating the Visscher, or prototype, view of New Amsterdam’, De Halve Maen, 72 (1999), 47–56. Krohn, Deborah, and Peter N. Miller. Dutch New York between East and West (New York/New Haven: Bard Graduate Center/Yale University Press, 2009). O’Donnell, Thomas, A Description of New Netherlands (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1968). Pagden, Anthony, The Fall of Natural Man (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982). Rink, Oliver A. Holland on the Hudson: An Economic and Social History of Dutch New York (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1986). Sutton, Elizabeth, Capitalism and Cartography in the Dutch Golden Age (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2015). Stokes, I. N., The Iconography of Manhattan Island, 1498–1909, vol. 1 (New York: Robert H. Dodd, 1915). van Groesen, Michiel, ‘Lessons Learned: The Second Dutch Conquest of Brazil and the Memory of the First’, Colonial Latin American Review, 20 (2011), 167–193. van Groesen, Michiel, ‘A Week to Remember: Dutch Publishers and the Competition for News from Brazil, 26 August–2 September 1624’, Quaerendo, 40 (2010), 26–49. Zandvliet, Kees, Mapping for Money: Maps, Plans and Topographic Paintings and their Role in Dutch Overseas Expansion during the 16th and 17th Centuries (Amsterdam: Batavian Lion International, 1998). Notes on contributor Elizabeth Sutton is Associate Professor of art history at the University of Northern Iowa, specializing in issues of globalization and power in art and in art history. She has published Capitalism and Cartography in the Dutch Golden Age (Chicago, 2015) and Early Modern Dutch Prints of Africa (Aldershot, 2012). In addition to research on Dutch visual culture of the Atlantic world, her interests include student engagement in art history, methodology, and animals in art. Correspondence to: Elizabeth Sutton. Email: elizabeth.sutton@uni.edu